Newspapers / The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, … / Aug. 7, 1832, edition 1 / Page 2
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If our power over means is so I of Representatives, to recom nbsolutc ih at tlio Supremo Court mend a suspension of further v 1 1 1 not call in question the constitutionality of an act of Congress, the subject of which is "not prohibited, and is really calculated to effect any of the objects entrusted to the Gov ernment," although, as in the case before me, it takes away powers expressly granted to Congress, and rights scrupu lously reserved to the States, it becomes us to proceed in our legislation with ihe utmost cau tion. Though not directly, our own powers and the rights of the States may be indirectly legislated away in the use of means to execute substantive powers. We may not enact that Congress shall not have the power of exclusive legislation over the District of Columbia, but we may pledge the faith of the United States that, as a means of executing other 'pow ers, it shall not be exercised for twenty years or forever. We may not pass an act prohibiting the States to tax the banking business carried on within their limits, but we may, as a means of executing our powers over other objects, place that busi ness in the hands of our agents, and then declare it exempt from State taxation in their hands. Thus may our own powers and the rights of the States, which we cannot directly curtail or in vade, be frittered away and ex tinguished in the use of means employed by us to execute oth er powers. That a Bank of the United Stales, competent to all the duties which may be requi red by the Government, might be so organized as not to in fringe on our own delegated powers, or the reserved rights of the States, I do not entertain a doubt. Had the Executive been called upon to furnish the project of such an institution, the duty would have been cheer fully performed. In the ab sence of such a call, it was ob viously proper that he should confine himself to pointing out those prominent features in the act presented, which, in his opi nion, make it incompatible with the Constitution and sound po-! licy. A general discussion will now take place, eliciting new' light and settling important j principles; and a new Congress, elected in the midst of such dis cussion, and furnishing an equal representation of the people, according to the last census, will bear to the Capital the ver dict of public opinion, and I doubt not bring this important question to a satisfactory result. Under such circumstances, the Bank comes forward and asks a renewal of its charter for a term of fifteen years, upon conditions which not only ope rate as a gratuity to the stock hold crs of many millions of dol lars, but will sanction any abu ses, and legalize any encroach ments. Suspicions are entertained and charges are made of gross uuuau uuu viuiaiion ot its char ter. An investigation unwil Imgly conceded, and so restric ted in time as necessarily to make it incomplete an unsatis factory, discloses enough to ex cite suspicion and alarm. In the practices of the nrinri pal Bank partially unveiled, in the absence of important wit nesses,andinnumerousclmrfTRS confidently made, and ns vol wholly uninvestigated, there was enough to induce a mainriiv n the committee of investigation v,uiiiuuuee wnicn was select ed from the most able nnrl t.nr, arable members of the House action upon the bill, and a pro secution of the enquiry. As the charter had yet four years to run, and as a renewal now was not necessary to the suc cessful prosecution of its busi ness, it was to have been ex pected thai the Bank itself, con scious of its purity and proud of its character, would have with drawn its application for the present, and demanded the se verest scrutiny into all its trans actions. In their declining to do so there seems to be an ad ditional reason why the func tionaries of the government should proceed with less haste and more caution in the renewal of their monopoly. The Bank is professedly es tablished as an agent of the Executive branches of the gov ernment and its constitutionali ty is maintained on that ground. Neither upon the propriety of present action nor upon the provisions of this act was the Executive consulted. It has had no opportunity to say that it neither needs nor wants an agent clothed with such power and favored by such exemptions. There it, nothing in its legiti mate functions which make it necessary or proper. Whatev er interest or influence, whether public or private, has given birth to this act, it cannot be found either in the wishes or ne cessities of the Executive De partment, by which present ac tion is deemed premature, and the powers conferred upon its agent not only unnecessary, but dangerous to the government and country. It is to be regretted that the rich and powerful too often bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes? Distinctions in soeiety will alwnys'exist un der every just government. E quality of talents, of education, or of wealth, cannot be produ ced by human institutions. In the full enjoyment of the gifts of heaven, and the fruits of supe rior industry, economy and vir tue, every man is equally enti tled to nroteetmn hv law Hut wlnn the laws undertake to add to these natural and just advan tages, artificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities and ex clusive privileges, to make the rich richer, and the potent more jowertul, the humble members of society, the farmers, mecha nics, and laborers, who have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to them selves, have a right to complain 01 me injustice ot their govern ment. There are no necessary evils in government. Its evils exist only in its abuses. If it would confine itself to equal protec Hon, and, as heaven does its rains, shower its favors alike on the high and the low. the rich and the poor, it would then be an unqualified blessinir. In the act before me, there seems to be a wide and unnecessary de parture from these just prmci pies. Nor is our government to be maintained, or our Union preserved by invasions of tin rights and powers of the severa States. In thus attempting to make our General Government strong, we make it weak. It true strength consists in leavin individuals and States, as much as possible, to themselves in making itself felt, not in its power but in its beneficence, not in its control but in its protec tion, not in binding the States more closely to the centre, but leaving each to move unobstruc ted in its proper orbit. Experience should teach us wisdom. Most of the difficul ties our Government now en counters, and most of the dan gers which impend over our U nion, have sprung from an abandonment of the legitimate objects of government by our national legislation, and the adoption of such principles as are embodied in this act. Ma ny of our rich men have not been content with equal protec tion and equal benefits; but have besought us to make them rich er by act of Congress. By at tempting to gratify their desires, we have in the results of our egislation, arrayed section a- cr ainst section, interest against interest, and man against man, in a fearful commotion which threatens to shake the founda tions of our Union. It is time to pause in our career, to review our principles, and it possible, revive that devoted patriotism and spirit of compromise, which istinguish the sages of the re olution, and the fathers of our union. It we cannot at once, in justice to interests vested under improvident legislation, make our government what it ought to be, we can at least take stand against all new grants of monopolies, and exclusive privileges against anv prostitu tion of our government, to the advancement of the few, at the expense of the many, and in fa- or ot compromise and gradual reform in our code of laws and system of political economy. I have now done my duty to my country. if sustained by my fellow citizens, I shall be grateful and happy; if not, I shall find in the motives which impel me, ample grounds for contentment and peace. In the difficulties which surround us, and the dangers which threaten our institution, there s cause for neither dismay nor alarm. For relief and deliver ance, kt us firmly rely on that kind Providence, which I am sure, watches with peculiar care over the destinies of our repub- ic, and on the intelligence and wisdom of our countrymen. Through His abundant good ness and their patriotic devo tion, our liberty and Union will be preserved. ANDREW JACKSON. Washington, July 10, 1832. Communications FOR THE FREE TRESS. Fire-proof Court Houses. Mr. Editor: In your last num- ber I read with astonishment a niece over the signature of "A Voter," addressed to the "Free men of Nash county, relative to the building of an elegant fire-proof Court House. I de sign to take no part in this la bored essay of a voter, as re gards that part which embraces the conduct of Mr. Boddie and Mr. Arrington, but I design to notice the prevailing bearing of his address. He goes on to state what every body at all "conversant with the history of our Revolution knows, viz: that the British taxed the colo nies without allowing them to be represented this act of Bri tish injustice, is by no means in point, when compared to the power of the Justices of the County Courts of this State, to levy a tax for the purpose of se curing the records of the Court: I think it will be conceded that every individual in any countv is more or less interested in the preservation of the papers which are deposited in the offices of the Clerks of the County and Superior Courts. The British Parliament in levying a tax on the colonics, intended to benefit themselves and to cripple the increasing power of the colo nies. It is not so with the "men in office for life" that is, the magistrates of the county; they levy a tax for the express pur pose of securing to every indi vidual a safe and convenient re pository for such papers as grow out of the transactions of county business, records of va rious kinds, &c. I hope the day is far distant, when any individual or county shall quietly sink into profound apathy, indifferent about what tidies place, either publicly or privately. How would it look in this republic, to see our chur ches, our hospitals, our State Capitols, our Court Houses, our public and private institutions of all kinds, a parcel of old crank-sided buildings, neither fit to live or die in inhabited by rats, fleas, and regiments of spiders the abode of the screech owl, the cat and other vagabond intruders? I say let us have county pride, sufficient at least to protect us from the cobwebs which generally infest our Court Houses. If the good people of any county wish to be found in the ranks of econo mists, let them cheerfully con tribute their quotas for the pur pose of erecting good substan tial fire-proof Court Houses. Any act which contributes to the safety and preservation of county documents and papers, is economy. There are two kinds of economy, viz: 1st, ne cessary and prudent economy 2d, miserly and unnecessary economy. The first consist in a proper disbursement of lime and money, so as to have every thing snug and safe; and even elegant if you please. Look at, creation, view the landscapes of nature, see what beautiful dra pery diversify this habitable iobc. 'I his is not i he work ol man, it is the work of Him, who when he spake this splendid world into existence, combined elegance with solidity, simplici ty with unrivalled brilliancy of prospect. His works are strict ly economical miserly and un necessary economy is the act of putting a dollar in the dun geons of a chest, or in the black hole of a bank, where they rust out a miserable existence and seldom ever allowed to see the light of day, much less to pay a friendly visit to distressed citi zens. I say let all misers open their vaults and dungeons and let out their prisoners, they would be of great benefit to the public at this crisis they would help to keep up county pride, and to sustain economy in its pure and unadulterated mean ing. Without personal pride, county pride and State pride, we should resolve ourselves and our country into feminine weak ness, and become a prey to the worst of all human passions the passion to put in durance, without trial by jury, the unfor tunate "root of all evil." The Campbells are coming. FOR THE FREE PRESS. To Paul Pry. Jesting apart Mr. Prv. von are, Sir, a pragmatical fellow7 T n ... i am torcetl to tell you so, (hone i uon i oneno you.; And, Sir, this is not all, you seem to de light in preying upon the feel ings of the unfortunate. Ynn.sir' have taken the liberty (very im properly) to indulge your mirth exciting genius rather too freely u uie expense Ot Hie U. fc?. mail coach and its "squalid attri butes," which runs from Plv. mouth to this place once a week "the herald of a noisy world with news from nil quarters lumbering at its back." 1 must confess, Sir, that it is a "squalid" looking establishment, and car ries with it the appearance of extreme "poverty," not to say "neglect." The little palfrey I know that draws the uncouth machine is a mere skeleton with a tail of course, but it is a tail which seems to have lately been under the operation of a barber. The vehicle is ilJe semblance of a would-be sonic, thing 1 have seen, but cannot for the life of me recollect what it is at the present juncture. The driver, poor fellow, seems to be the sad victim of affliction which you know he cannot help and therefore it is extremely un wise in you to make him, with the "squalid attributes," an ob ject of sport and ridicule hjg misfortune you know is the work of the Almighty, and you know not how soon you uiav be afflicted in like manner and possibly worse. 1 do not be lieve, however, that this estab lishment, notwithstanding its "terrible comminglemeru of squalid attributes," is in the least degree afflicted with the Asiatic spasmodic sphynxmnc diabolic, or any otherYind of scourge, save that of parsimo nious economy, from the cir cumstance of the regularity and despatch which it observes in its arrivals and departures. It arrives in due time and departs in like manner as regular as a tea-pot, bringing and carrying "news from all quarters," far more uniformly I think than those huge and splendidly thun dering vehicles, drawn by four pampered steeds, which roll so majestically along from Norfolk to Fayetteville, and from Fay. eltcville to Norfolk, &c. Un der these circumstances, there fore, 1 think the establishment is perfectly excusable not on ly excusable, but praiseworthy, and does not at all merit that contemptuous tribute of ridicule which it has received at your hands. It matters not with you, Sir, (since you have con tested that it is no business of yours,) whether the mail is conveyed in a go-cart or a wheelbarrow, drawn by a goat and driven by a baboon or mon key, so it arrives in due time withyour public documents, &c. safe and sound. I say public documents, because I flatter my self with a hope that you are a public man at any rate I think you ought to be your profound erudition and unprecedented tact in scribbling for the press, and the like, abundantly quali fying you. I think for something rather above the vulgar. If, on the contrary, you fill no station in public affairs, I think it a great oversight in our Chief Magistrate. It is a pity that such splendid talents as yours should be lost to the country if I don't think so I wish I may be shot, as Davy Crockett said. Philo Plymouth Mail Coach and Driver. P. S. Mind your business, Mr. Pry It is uncivil, Sir oh, fie! Thus to sport with other folks, And make them subjects of yourjokes. Therefore, Mr. Pry, begone, And gnaw your individual bone. P. P. M. C. D. tt?The Fredericksburg Va. Arena states that Miss Sophia Carter, of Prince William coun ty, who died a few days since, has left a legacy worth about $20,000, to the Female Charity School of Fredericksburg.
The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Aug. 7, 1832, edition 1
2
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