Whole JVb.415.
The "Worth-Carolina Free Press,"
BV GEORGE HOWARD,
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Communications.
FOR THE FREE TRESS.
Mr. Hoicard: I really tho't,
when "A Lightwood-knot-burn-cr"
drove "A Carolinian" from
the field of honorable and open
controversy, to the base means
of disgorging the malicious se
cretions of his irritated stoniach
on the pure and sacred pages
of private correspondence, that
1 should have heard nothing
more of that unfortunate refer
ence to "a virgin effort to clip
the wings of his aspiring geni
us." But alas! the veto, which
'A Voter' has put on little 'Q,V
recommendation, and the order
of the worshipful County Court,
to build a splendid and fire
proof Court House, so conso
nant with Q's ardent wishes for
ostentation, serves only as a
fresh memento of his former
presumption, and the withering
blast of female Nullification to
all his fancied joys. I again
disavow any intention of such
application of the words at the
time I used them, ami moreover
I wish to be fairly understood,
as having no intention to stand
between him and any little
greatness he may possibly ac
quire in official promotion, or
popular applause; and earnestly
hope, that in future, his "morbid
sensibilities" will not be altoge
ther so acute, as to apprehend a
post mortem examination of his
mortified ambition, when I may
chance to take a pen to assert
my rights: or utter such terrible
yells, as if he expected another
tremendous "lightiling stroke"
of Nullification, when I endea
vor to convince an "old doi"
that he has gone astray.
But, Mr. Editor, this pop-gun
of Q,' alias 'A Carolinian,'
happens not to have any thing
but wadding this time; tis true,
there is a little national black
sand, somewhat like mustard
seed shot (small argument) in
the "indirect representation,"
as he calls it, which we have in
the 'Squirchood; and 1 presume,
that if this very ingenious gen
tleman of the Bar had been
among the Nullifiers of England
previous to the passage of the
Reform bill, he might have pro
ved to them beyond the shadow
of a doubt, that they had an in
direct representation in the
House of Lords, and might
have turned out the opposersof
the bill and put in advocates.
Thanks to my worthy 'Q'-uizer
for the light which he has given
me for if we have an indirect
representation among their
Worships, we certainly have the
same among their Honors, (for
both belong to the Judiciary de
Tavborough, (Edgecombe County, A". C.) Tuesday, J,
revenue or appropriations, (ex
cept by indirect taxation,) can
be gotten up by our indirect re
presentatives in the Senate of
the United States, or among the
Judiciary officers of this State,
I request that the people will
nave an appropriation immedi
ately made by the Judges of
this State to rebuild the Capital
at Raleigh, and it will be done;
unless their Honors, like our
Worships, refuse to be "palsied
by the will of their constituents."
Verily 1 thought before I saw
the new light of this blazing
star of Nashville, that direct
taxation and appropriation were
reciprocated by direct represen
tation only; and that even in
England all subsidies must
come from the House of Com
mons, and in the United States,
"all bills for raising revenue
shall originate in the House of
Representatives;" both the di
rect representatives of the peo
ple; and that no others in this
State but our direct representa
tives had the legitimate right,
according to the 16th section in
our Bill of Rights, to lax us or
appropriate our money without
our consent: But since I have
learned from 'Q,' that others in
the Judiciary, can do as much,
and bind us in a contract, (to
which we have never freely con
sented,) so securely, that our
Legislature itself can give us
no redress: 1 would beg leave
to enquire, where is the neces
sity of our direct representa
tives any longer legislating for
usl If my memory is not trea
cherous, that venerable states
man Lord Chatham said in the
British Parliament "As an En
glishman I recognize to the A
mcricans their supreme unalter
able right of property" "Pro
perly," said he, "is private, in
dividual, absolute the touch
of another annihilates it." And
shall an Englishman, as a disin
terested foreigner, contend more
zealously for our rights than
our brother citizen '(!!' "'Tis
strange, 'tis passing strange!"
Whether Q,' in Ins allusion
to "Daniel, a second Daniel,"
meant to intimate that 1, in a
former controversy with him, on
ecclesiastical affairs, had as
clearly discovered the tracks of
a certain despotic priesthood,
as Daniel did those of mighty
Bell, I cannot say; neither will
I assert that he wished to be un
derstood, that as Daniel was
cast into the lion's den for ma
king petition to another God
than the Babylonian king, even
so misht 1 soon be confined in
a deposit for felons and rebels,
newly fitted up, a little more
convenient than a lion's den to
Nashville. But this much 1
will say, that if such should be
my unfortunate lot, even thro'
the grated window, 1 will ex
pound to him "Mene, Mene
Tckel Upharsin," which the
hand is now inscribing on the
wall of this Nashville monarch's
palace".
'Q,' is not correct in suppos
ing me to be a descendant of
the hero of Salamanca; I never
heard of such a hero nor am 1
the hero of La Mancha fighting
useful "windmills" and harm-!
less "sheep;" but whether I be
knight or 'squire, I am sane;
enough to know that I am war- j
rincr aeainst an old acquaintance
who is a very expert dodger.
As to what 'Q.' says about
"parsimony," I assure him the
cap does not fit me, for I expect
to pay as much as himself to
wards building this fire-proof
vuun nouse, ana it a majority
of the people say build it, I will
not murmur. By a little "par
simony" on my own pride, I
have heretofore made out to pay
my taxes in due time, and have
not disposed of any of my taxa
ble estate to evade taxation; but
1 ever expect to complain, when
I am forced to pay an exorbi
tant and useless tax, and unlaw
ful usury too on that tax; espe
cially when 1 have no thousands
to farm those taxes lo myself
with. This much to Q.'
In conclusion I will say, that
I am no more ashamed of my
name or arguments, than Madi
son, Hamilton, Jay and oth
ers, when they concealed their
names; if they thought, their
high authority might influence
men, more than their simple ar
guments, even so my obscurity
might detract from the weight
and merit of mine: And if Mr.
Boddie, or any other member of
the Bench, can find, in the first
communication of 'A Voter,' a
single word in the least disres
pectful or untrue, and will point
it out, I will freely withdraw it
and anolouisc for it. Some of
Mr. Boddie's votes in the Le
gislature I have disapproved,
but for those I would never
have discarded him, because he
might be right and I wrong, just
as soon as I be riiht and he
wrong; but to cede a riiiht,
guaranteed to me by the Con
stitution, I cannot.
1 will ask the whole Court, in
the honest integrity of their
hearts, to say if my true and
direct representative has any
right to tax me longert lian one
year, (viz: from one election to
the next!) and if he, the repre
sentative, has not that power
vested in him, for a longer time,
how can he confer it on the Jus
tices or
any others for more
3 year It is but eva -
than one
sion, to say, this power was con
ferred by statute before you
were born. The British statutes
of 1722-41, and the like, have
all certainly been set aside by
our Declaration in the Bill of
Rights at the 16th section, and
the 44th section of our Consti
tution declares the Bill of
Rights to be a part of the Con
stitution, and that it "ought ne
ver to be violated under any
pretence whatever." The du
ration of the power of the rep
resentatives, since the adoption
of that Constitution, has been
uniformly the same, and if the
present representatives cannot
grant the power now, it could
never have been legally done.
If A rents to B a piece of land
for one year only, can B, by vir
tue of that lease, confer on C a
life estate in the land; or a title
better than the one he possess
ed! you know he cannot. Nei
iher'do I believe that your good
sense, on a moment's reflection,
will permit one of your wor
ships to say, that you legiti
mately possess more power, or
can hold the right to tax and ap
propriate for a longer time, than
the Legislature: for if you as a
Court possess any, you must
have derived it from that source.
The rill can never be greater
than the fountain, unless aug
gHSi 14, 1832.
mented by tributary streams,
and there are none here. But
mark the confusion and mis
chief, that may possibly arise
from too hastily blending a le
gislative power in the Judiciary
department. With us the whole
body of the people are at once
sovereign and subject, and all
laws and rides tantamount to
laws, should be enacted by the
people or their representatives,
and by them alone. To the
people as subjects the law is a
rule of conduct; to the people in
a legislative capacity by their
representatives, the Constitution
alone is a rule of conduct; but
the people in a sovereign and
conventional capacity have no
other rule of conduct but intel
ligence of head and charity of
heart, l'ublic virtue is the ani
mating and sustaining principle
of our institutions; and that is
nothing but a perfect despot
ism, where the mere will of a
few nobles, judges or justices,
becomes the laic of the land,
and the people, their children,
and iheir property exist only in
subservience to their passions,
caprices and crimes. The con
stitutional law, not the mere
wish of men, ought to rule.
A VOTER.
FOR THE FREE PRESS.
The Vice Presidency Mr. Van
Bur en and the Tariff.
Mr. Editor: Having politely
tendered the use of a part of
your newspaper, for the discus
sion of the politics of the day, 1
avail myself of your liberality,
and a few leisure moments, to
express a few sentiments on the
occasion, which I design to do
as briefly as practicable.
The great and important sub
jects, which at present agitate
the public mind in this section
of the country, resolve them
selves into the Vice 1 residency,
m -t XT ottdpiv ,
uir. v DULiiiL umi iue
Tariff;
. , n.r v
; and truly Mr Van Lurcn
us a formidable front, to
jiig oncm -wlcn flanked b
i . M , i n-w: r'
prescn
me cuiuuiuiuu xjiiiiitijui u con
vention and the "accursed Ta
riff" ominous harbingers of
continued oppression to the far
ming interest of this country,
and the Southern country in ge
neral and for the better under
standing of the subject of the
Tariff and Mr. Van Duron's
connection therewith, I would
remind the friends of Southern
rights, and Southern principles,
that sometime in July, 1827, a
Tariff" meeting was gotten up in
Albany, the seat of government
of the State of New York, at
which meeting, the Hon. Mar
tin Van Buren delivered his
sentiments in full, and advoca
ted with "thundering eloquence"
the protective system, in the
following pathetic strain:
"Every American, whether his do
micil was in the east or the west, in
the north or the south, wished them
(i. e. domestic manufactures) success,
they were closely connected with the
welfare and prosperity of the coun
try. " "In regard to it (the
question of protection) there is in this
State,' with the exception of the por
tion of the inhabitants of our chiei
city, and others of more limited ex
tent, no diversity of opinion. "
Mr. Van Buren then went on
in a strain of eloquence, the
impetuosity of which rivalled
the cataract of Niagara, and
contrasted "the' flourishing ci
ties and villages which crowded
Vol fiiixo. si.
the banks of the Hudson, from
its source to its connection with
the ocean," with the squalid
appearance of ihe tax-ridden
South, thereby boasting with
loud and clamorous eloquence,
of the glorious prosperity of his
"empire State." Mr. Van Bu
ren said: "If there be a citizen
who doubted it, let him travel,
let him pass through the South
ern States." But it seems, that
however squalid and unpros
perous are the landscapes of
Southern scenery, yet they have
attractions, irresistible attrac
tions, when the Great Magician
wishes to ascend the steeple of
his ambition. Let us hear what
he had to say relative to the
"wool growing interest," an in
terest in which he participated
largely:
"He had at present invested more
than S20,000 in sheep and farms, de
voted and which he meant lo devote,
to lhat business."
To save the duty on his wool
ly investment, he gave his vote
in the affirmative, on the propo
sition to advance the duties up
on woollen goods. It is gene
rally admitted that the most ob
noxious and oppressive parts of
the present abominable Tariff,
"are the minimums established
by it." In order to bring mat
ters correctly to view, I will
place some of his votes in their
proper light, for the purpose of
establishing the fact, that he is
one of the principal authors of
the Tariff, and consequently an
enemy to the South. "On the
question to agree to the fourth
amendment in the following
words," "Section 2, line 19, af
ter 'yard' strike out the words
'there shall be levied, collected
and paid twenty cents on every
square yard" and insert, "shall
be deemed to have cost fifty
cents the square yard, and bo
charged thereon a duty of forty
. i ( . i i
per centum ad valorem until the
.i- t man t
iniriieui oi juiil, ioy, ana
from lml tj a rf of f
fiy( ccl)tum ntiJ VilhmJ
per
This question being put to the
Senate, was determined affirm
atively yeas 24, nays 22 Mr.
Van Buren voting, according to
custom, for the increase of duty.
Several other questions of a si
milar character were proposed,
on which Mr. Van Buren voted
in the affirmative, thereby aid
ing to destroy the South by un
exampled burthens, and causing
the Tariff States to flourish, in
all the pomp and pride of Asia
tic magnificence. If Mr. Van
Buren has ever contributed, by
any actor vote, to the preserva
tion and protection of the rights
and interests of the people of
the Southern States, I have
been unable to ferret them out.
We find him in opposition to
the election of James Madison,
a statesman distinguished for
sound democratic principles,
and voting for De Witt Clinton,
with the undeniable view of
making himself popular in the
"empire State" and when he
became the ascendant, he had
Mr. Clinton removed, by his sa
tellites in the Legislature, as
one of the Canal Commission
ers; this act of intrigue and
consummate imbecility, caused
a re-action in Mr. Clinton's fa
vor, and he was consequently
restored to their confidence.
So much for the Baltimore Con
vention candidate for the ro-
partment:) and if anv bill fori