2 0t!?(5
Whole JVo, 41 6.
The iYori-Carolina Free Press,"
BY GEORGE HOWARD,
Is published weekly, at Two Dollars
and Fifty Cents per year, if paid in ad
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Editor must be post paid, or they may
not be attended to.
CiJinmunications.
TOR TlfE FREE TRES.
.lust popt in, hope 1 don't in
tru tie just come back to to!!
you Fm not dead yet. Now 1
would'nt intrude a question lor
the world, but still, Mr. Editor,
I should like to know who this
dogmatical fellow is, (lis impos
sible to remember one half his
name,) who popt into your pa
per last week and intruded so
confoundedly into matters and
things which he says, as I said
before, was no business of mine,
and now I say is no business of
his! Indeed no one intrudes
now-a-days, but poor Paul Pry.
But hark'cc, wot ye not that my
name has lately been selected
by a lady of distinction, as a
suitable cognomen for a literary
newspaper! I'd have ye to
it now, Mr. Philo, (I can't bear
to write all your name,) that 1
am a man of consequence. In
tc.oil my mamma used to tell me
I'd bo a great man some of these
days, and as for intrusion, that j
was one of the nine things I
was never to be guilty of.
But jesting apart, now be
tween you and me, Mr. Editor,
1 would be glad to get a small
hint who this, impudent fellow
is, who pops in, and never even
ays 1 hope I don't intrude!
Who is this poverty champion,
who "comes the noisy herald of
a gossip town, news from all
corners lumbering at the dan
dy's back!" lie may be for
sooth, a would-be London cock
ney, a Broadway dandy, or a
conceited nabob. No intru
sion, Mr. Editor, but should I
be able, after taking my usual
tour all round the town, to see
who's got letters from the Post
Office, who wears shirt collars,
who rubs enuff, who takes a
small drop of n morning, who's
courting and who's discarded,
ct cetera, cetera (see ye not 1
am a scholar too!) that this
gentleman really belongs to any
class of these reverend seignors,
why to be fashionable, (as it is
no intrusion to say I'm a fash
ionable man,) I will for one
time, "quail before him that
thrift may follow fawning.
But to the point (I hope I
don't intrude) between vou :
and me, Mr. Editor, is not this
the reign of terror? Talk about
politics much as you please, ca
vil about candidates for popu
lar favor much as you will
prate about the learned maxim,
"Principia non homines" "Sa
lus populi, suprcma lex," etc.
still I say, give me any govern
ment, give me any tyranny, give
me any scourge, not excepting
the diabolic exotic chaotic dam
notic scourge of India, rather
than give me the reign of brain
less wealth, or penny less dandy
ism. Now, between you and
me, Sir, could not poor modest
Paul Pry do aii act of philan
throphy without incurring the
maledictions of some masked
Junius, (stat nominis umbra)
Yes, Sir, Junius, for I wijl do
him the justice to say he is a Ju
nius, considering where he lives
but he is nevertheless a down
right intruder a kind of pop
per in and popper out, and "no
man krioweth whence he com
eth, nor whither he goelh."
Alas! my Lord, you are too severe,
Upon so slight a thing;
And since I dare not speak for fear,
Oli, give me leave to sing.
An humble chip you find in mc,
That fale I've oft deplored;
Vet think not I can angry be
Willi such a noble Lord.
PAUL PRY.
for Tin: vnr.E press.
The Tariff.
The following articles arc
nearly all those which enter in
to the consumption of the Sou
thern planter, except the dearer
articles of luxury purchased by
the rich. It will be perceived,
therefore, that the modification
of the Tariff as made at the last
session, will result in much be
nefit to the country, although
we have not obtained all v. e
asked for.
Cotton bagging, present rate
5 cents per yard new tariff, 3L
Coffee, free.
Sugar, reduced from 3 cents
perlb. to 2i.
Woollens, not exceeding 33a
ctt. per square yard, from 45 :
54 per cent, ad valorem to 5 per
cent.; almost equal to duty
tree, and this is the article most
ly used by the poorer class of
people and the South.
Bar iron, hammered, reduced
from 100 to 90 per cent.
Blankets, from 33 to 25 per
cent.
Worsted stuff goods, inclu
ding flannels, from 27 to 10 per
cent.
Salt, as reduced in 1831, 10
per cent.
Cottons, white and printed,
valued at .35 cents per square
yard, reduced from 43 to 25
per cent.
Whole amount of revenue
! from the present Tariff, $21,-
714,770 new Tarifl, as modi
fied, S13,9G3,550 reduction,
87,746,219. X.
FOR THE FREE TRESS.
"The Vice Presidency Mr.
Va n 13 u re n and the Ta riff."
Mr. Howard: Such is the
text, upon which your corres
pondent "Lowndes," has fur
nished so ample a commentary;
and I congratulate him, that his
mammoth offspring has at
length seen the light, after so
tedious and protracted a con-
fiuemcnt. 1 will-not disturb the
equanimity which "Lowndes
evidently enjoys. It is natural
to those who arc well pleased
with themselves and their ef
forts. I leave him to the luxu
ry of its indulgence. Mine
shall be the more ingenuous
purpose, of presenting to you
what 1 believe to be the true
character of Mr. VAN BUREN,
and faithfully to exhibit the high
claims he has upon the democ
racy of this country. W i 1 1 i
that democracy Mr. Van Burcn
through his whole life has been
identified. With it he has been
associated in its depressions
iind its triumphs, and from it
alone does he expect to meet
justice or impartiality.
The first political act of Mr.
Van Buren, of which I recol
lect to have seen an account,
was Ins support of Morgan
Lewis as Governor of New
York in 1804, in opposition to
Aaron liurr. His course in
ihis election was dictated bv the
fact, that Burr was supported by
the party opposed to the admin
istration of Mr. Jefferson; and
the manly and efficient services
he rendered on that occasion,
originated some of those bitter
antipathies, that have pursued
him through his whole subse
quent life. During the long
period of embarrassment and
difficulty that preceded the war,
he labored ably and successful
ly to awaken in the Legislature
and people of New York a spirit
of indignation and resistance.
And although circumstances,
entirely local in their character,
imposed upon him the necessity
of supporting Dewilt Clinton in
preference to Mr. Madison, he
did not cease to aid every mea
sure of the government, to bring
the war to a speedy and suc
cessful result. In thus prefer
ring Mr. Clinton, he compromi
sed no principle. They both
belonged to the "war party,"
and INI r. Madison was no farther
objectionable than that the hos
tile measures, then being pursu
ed towards Gre it Britain, were
hot prosecuted with sufficient
vigor and energy. And now
that the distance of time that
has intervened enables us pro
perly to contemplate the sub
ject, there are few who doubt
that a more efficient Executive
would have sooner terminated
that struggle, and obviated
some at least of those disasters
that befel us. No man can be
lieve that had Gen. Jackson at
that day been President of the
United States, Hampton would
have witnessed suoli atrocities,
or thnt the very seal of "empire"
would have been invaded, our
proud Capitol destroyed and
our national library, like the
famed one of Alexandria, made
to light the barbarities of our
Gothic invaders.
In 1811, the question of the
re-charter of the old United
States Bank came up, and we
find Mr. Van Buren co-operating
with George Clinton to de
feat that measure. Subsequent
ly a proposition was made to
establish a bank in the "empire
State," with a capital of $6,000,
000. This was supposed by
the republicans of New York to
be intended as a substitute for
the Nationul Bank, which Con
gress had recently refused to
re-charter, and, through the
agency of Mr. Van Buren and
the party with whom he was as
sociated, it was lost.
Up to the year 1816, Mr.Van
Buren and Mr. Clinton had
been politically associated.
During that and the succeeding
year, events occurred which re
sulted in their separation, and
from that period they may have
been regarded as political rivals.
Mr. Clinton, as Governor, ef
fected the removal of Mr. Van
Buren from the office of Attor
ney General, which he had held
gusl 21, 1833.
with distinguished ability, and
soon after he was elected byi
the Legislature to the Senate of
the United States.
The opinion of Mr. Van Bu
ren in regard to the relation
that properly exists between our
Fed eral and State governments,
are to be found in u speech de
livered by him in the Senate of
the United States in 1328. This
speech was quoted in the com
munication to which "Lowndes"
has directed your attention, and
in addition, I will append its
conclusion.
"The time, he trusted, was not far
distant, when the interpolations which
had been attempted upon the Consti
tution, with the wretched sophisms
by which they were supported, will
be subjects of severe reprehension,
and when a great portion of the tal
ents that have been employed in
weaving the net will need all its own
ingenuity to escape its meshes. The
full experiment in peace and in war,
which we have now had of the re
spective operations and efficiency of
therederal and Stale governments,
ought to satisfy every inquirer after
truth of the fallacy ol opinions once
so extensively entertained. Those
who thought so ought to abandon
them, and all, who are wise enough
to be honest, will do so."
Here allusion was had to the
"interpolations" which had been
made upon the text of the Con
stitution, and to the unwarrant
able exercise of power by the
General Government which
rightfully belonged to the States.
We now approach Mr. Van
Burcn's opinions in relation to
the Tariff, and upon this part
of the subject the whole force
oi "Lowndes invective seems
to have been exhausted. And
here I would recommend to
i' Lowndes" to read Mr. Van
Buren's "speech at Albany,"
before he again attempts to
draw inferences so perfectly un
authorized by the. facts. Upon
this "speech" I too rely, and
from it will endeavor to show
that Mr. Van Buren's views up
on this subject were large, com
prehensive and statesmanlike.
lle hoped he should be excused
if he did not occupy their time in pro
fessions of friendship for the domes
tic manufactures of the country.
They had no enemies among our own
citizens; it was only when the ques
tion was presented, whether that inte
rest, like others, should be left to its
own exertions or fostered by legisla
tive aid, thai a difference in sentiment
arises.
"It was far from his intention to
excite any prejudices against the ma
nufacturers. He felt none himself
and had no desire to cause any in
others. Hut if he should be driven
to make his election, he should have
no hesitation in preferring the farmers
of America as the objects of his admi
ration and respect over any other
class of men."
"In maintaining temperately the
great interests contended for, reason,
policy, and justice admonish us to re
member that the manufacturers and
wool growers are not the only classes
of the community entitled to the pro
tection of a good government. Of
the great community in which we
live, how small is their number com
pared with those who pay taxes im
posed by way of protecting duties
without receiving any immediate ad
vantages from them. If the manu
facturers of this country should suffer
themselves to be marshalled into a po
litical band to be attached as a body
to this or that party or to follow the
fortunes of this or that individual
and thus expose themselvesrto the im
putation of rendering personal fealty
in return for high dividends, they
would expose their dearest interests
to ultimate and certain destruction. "
Such are the evidences upon
which "Lowndes" would sus
Foi. VIII 52,
tain his broad allegation, that
"in supporting Van Buren we
support taxation and restric
tion" with what success 1 must
leave others to determine.
"Lowndes" complains thnt
"Civis has said that those who
were most active in getting up
Barbour meetings in this State
were the partizans of Mr. Cal
houn, or the adherents of the
fallen house of Quincy." How
far I may have been justified in
making the assertion, a refer
ence to the proceedings of these
eelings will best shew. I
have not said, nor will I, that
among the friends of Mr. Bar
bour there arc not manv fast
friends of the President. Mv
remark, as is obvious, had refe
rence entirely to the "leaders,
and until its correctness is ques
tioned, it were needless to spe
cify the proof.
1 will close this communica
tion by replying to the interro
gatory proposed by "Lowndes.
"Un the Missouri question
where was Mr. Van Buren!"
"Lowndes" does not directly
affirm that Mr, Van Buren sided
against the South on this sub
ject, but adopts the more artful
course ot leaving it to inference
and inuendo. The truth is,
that Mr. Van Buren had no
more to do with the Missouri
question than he had with the
settlement of the balance of
power in Europe.
So far then from regarding the
cause of Mr. Van Buren as iden
tified with "taxation and restric
tion," I regard it as the cause of
Jackson of the Constitution
of the Union. His election,
which I regard as morally cer
tain, will furnish another strik
ing and impressive illustration
of that wholesome truth, that
virtuous integrity, though it may
experience occasional depres
sions, will ultimately receive
from an impartial and enligh
tened people a triumphant vin
dication. Nor are the effects
of this vindication to be disre
garded. It will prove an endu
ring incentive to honest and
honorable ambition, and to the
factious and designing will hold
out this salutary admonition,
"that when truth and justice are
violated to effect the ruin of an
adversary, the very stratagems
practised to accomplish this
end, are likely to become the
means of his advancement."
CIVIS.
FOR THE FREE PRESS.
Mr. Howard: If this were
not the era of strange events,
and we had not already ceased
to be surprized at any thing, I
should certainly be considerably
astonished at the communica
tion in your last paper under the
signature of "Lowndes," in re
gard to the Vice Presidency.
The communication alluded
to, seems to be a labored effort
to prove that Mr. Van Buren is
not only an advocate for the
Tariff, but that to his exertions
is principally to be attributed
the passage of the Tariff of
1828. But has "Lowndes" had
even the magnanimity to tell us
under what circumstances ho
did sol Suppose that, situated
as Mr. Van Buren was, he had
not done so -suppose he had
directly violated the express in
structions of his constituents