i:.v
H'ioZe JNU 047.
ZVie Tarbo rough Press,
BV GEORGE HOWARD,
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Manarks of Jr. Strange.
Remarks of the Hon. Robert Strange on
the Bill, making appropriations for ilie
prevention and suppression of Indian
hostilities, for 183S, and for the payment
of arrearages in 1837.
MR. STRANGE said lie was unwilling
to prolong the debate, but, from the course
it had taken, he did not feel satisfied to re
miin silent. Gentlemen on the other side
had nut announced any purpose to vote
against the bill, but, as they said, were de
sirous to call public attention to the ruin
ous am umt which had been, and was about
ube, expended in the Florida war; and he
nas, en his part, desirous to call public at
tention to the course taken in this debate.
Why did gentlemen wish to call public at
temion to the large amount expended in the
Florida war? Was it with the expectation
it would thereby be ascertained that the
amount was greater than necessary? Will
any portion of the public be more compe
tent than the gentlemen themselves to dis
cover and point out this excess, if it exist?
Tiiey do not, they cannot, think so. And
have they pointed out any single item, and
shawn it to be excessive? Not one. Their
design, then, is obvious enough. They
are aware of the startling effect upon the
public mind of the expenditure of large
sums. They know that the people are na
turally and justly jealous upon this sub
ject; and they hope, by merely throwing
before them this large amount, accompa
nied with their own expressions of doubt
and suspicion unaccompanied by specifi
cation or calculation- may excite prejudi
ces against the Administration, and espe
cially if those inuendues and doubts are si
lently listened to by its friends. So well
convinced was the Senator from Massachu
setts Mr. Webster of the necessity of the
appropriation proposed, that he does not
attempt an argument against it. He had
to much sagacity to place himself in the
attitude of direct opposition to it. But
true to the princ iple (almost instinctive) of
the Opposition, of never yielding a heartv
approval to any thing coming from the
Administration, he could not forbear giv
'ng the bill a side blow as it passes, al
though his own vote must ultimately be
given in its favor, But he dare go nofur
tliei than adopt this masterly stroke of Op
position tactics, of merely remarking upon
the largeness of the sum, and the impor
tance of public attention being directed to
it. The warm imagination of the Senator
horn South Carolina, Mr. Preston, how
ever, perceives a great many other circum
stances which may be thrown in, greatly
10 tuicken the cloud ot prejudice against
tlie Administration, and, with less caution
tljan the Senator from Massachusetts, fully
discloses the impulse under which they act.
ith his characteristic ardor he brings be
tore us mere pictures of the fancy, and for
e's ns to contemplate them as living reali
Hes, deeply afflicting, the question under
consideration. He presents to us Oseola
as a noble aboriginal chief, doing battle
s;i some glorious cause, and suddenly
transferred, bv the basest treaeherw to n
i . s J 1
ceert jsland, where he is left to perish of
-wivaiion. But, sir, the whole picture is
neof fancy, and finds no original in his
toric truth. Oseola was not a noble f av
age bailing Tor rights, but a miserable
f all breed, a traitor, and violator of every
l'"g held sacred among all races of men,
whether civilized or savage. His heart
was warmed in equal proportions by the
"oud of the white men and the red. His
l!es were as strong bv nature in ilmcp
v'lom he butchered and assassinated, as to
'iose whom he leadon to murder and sdo
fla'lou. His quarrel was unjust, and he
prosecuted it in violation of every princi
DIP r f l,A i it
y- imuur ami Humanity, we see,
then, sir, in whose behalf this effort has
fceen made to excite our indignation. And
gainst whom is it sought to direct it?
Against the brave and the patriotic of our
own land against those who have staked
and reputation in the cause of our
Tarborough,
country.- No one line i ...
L!i.r i, . "vtfr,eiiuer
, "v,ti u ireacnery or un
C " la b '"''"'ell oards eve,, this
J. Vu u"P"cipied savage; and if
, ;P f" , 6UlUy f Mel ihem an
swer ,t ... the proper place, at the proper
me, and in the proper manner. But this
1 neither that time, place nor manner.
Let it be conceded that all that has been
said by the Senator from South Carolina
is, in sober seriousness, nothing but sub
stantial truth, and borrows none of its tints
rom the pencil of imagination does it fol
low mat we shall fold
our arms, and suffer
our country to be
overrun, and
our cm-
xens Dutciered by the compatriots of
Oseola? What has the fate of Oseola to
do with the question, whether we will
tamely submit to savage aggression
wbether we will give up a portion of our
country to the most ruthless of foes? As
little to the purpose, it seemed to him, was
another subject adverted to by the Senator
from South Carolina, and which had given
rise to a long and animated discussion be
tween him and the Senator from Georgia
Mr Lumpkin These topics could only
have been introduced for the reason be
fore stated, of rousing and nourishing in
the public mind prejudices against the Ad
ministration. In the bill under considera
tion, there is an additional appropriation
proposed on account of the Cherokee treaty.-
Now no one, 1 believe, is opposed to
this appropriation, but it is made the pre
text for inflicting upon the Administration
a severe castigation for some supposed im
proprieties in relation to the execution of
this treaty. A message sent to the Senate
and House of Representatives, a few days
ago, upon that subject furnishes the main,
perhaps the only, subject of complaint.
Now, as this subject had been introduced,
he felt bound to contribute his mite towards
placing the Administration
upon what he
conceived to be the
proper ground, and
the more so
as
he might have conduced.
111 some slight degree, to the present mis
apprehension. Let us inquire, then, in
the first place, what are the complaints
against itie administration growing out of
ins message. J hey are,
First. A design to procrastinate the exe
cution of the treaty.
Secondly. Holding out to the Chero
kees false hopes of procrastination, and
thereby producing ruinous mischiefs.
Thirdly. Indirectly condemning the
treaty, and censuring those who voted for
it.
Now the statement of these charges, and
the proof of them, are two very different
things; but such is the frailty of the human
mind, that it is as much prone, according
to the circumstances in winch it maybe
placed, to believe things without proof, as
to reject those which rest upon the strong-
csi icMuiHuiy. diji 11 sureiy ueiiooves a
grave legislative body not to send forih,
with the currency which its sanction gives,
imputations against the Executive not only
without being proven, but the whole testi
mony is directly the other way. Now,
sir, said Mr. S I venture to say, in sending
the message, (of which I, among others,
complained, hearing it in the imperfect
manner which we always do such things
from the Clerk's desk,) the Executive not
only did nothing wrong, but could not with
propriety have acted otherwise, under all
the circumstances. This is the opinion to
which he had come after that deliberate
perusal of which, having it in a printed
form, had afforded him an opportunity, it
is true a treaty was made with the Indians
in 1835, which they were bound to fulfil,
and of which the Government might have
enforced the fulfilment. But in the verv
fact of entering into treaty with them, we
had treated the Indians as a quasi inde
pendent power, upon whom vve could not
act individually, but collectively. If then,
they did not choose to execute the treaty,
we had no mode of enforcing it but by
making war upon them. A high respon
sibility rests upon every Government in
its dealings with independent powers,
which there is no eluding. The eyes of
ii . .
me worio arc upon tnem, anu mere are
two sets of public opinions, against neither
of which can they w ith safety or propriety
act. Their acts must not only be based
upon principles of abstract justice, but they
must be such as will be recognised as being
applicable to the particular case by public
opinion at home, and public opinion
aoroaut now, sir, in our dealings as a
nation with aboriginal tribes, we are forced
to look back upon the past history of our
intercourse with them. We must not for
get that they were the early possessors of
every foot of soil we now occupy, and that
in establishing their possession, our forefa
thers were forced to make might the stand
ard of right. A change of circumstances
has produced great changes in the con
duct of their successors; but a heavy debt
to humanity has been transmitted bv them
(Edgecombe County, JY C.) Saturday, July 21,
to us, which we
can never hone to nav;
out it lmooses
r - - r
upon US the otil IfTJll I Mil ii
iduiiesung in our dealings with the In
dians not only the most rigid justice, bui
the most enlarged liberality; not only ab
stinence from unprovoked outrage, but
great forbearance under even aggravated
wrongs. Such is public opinion, both at
home and abroad. In this state of things,
a treaty has been made with the Cherokee
Indians, which so far as I am informed and
believe, is quite as formal and obligatory
as treaties with savages can usually be
made; but yet its validity is doubted by
great numbers of both nations; and a very
large portion of the weaker power com
plains that it has been overreached; that if
the treaty must be enforced, humanity de
mands that they shall be allowed more
time in relinquishing tbe homes of their fa
thers, and that such additional pecuniary
provision should be made, as that, all pri
vate claims being paid off, and the expense
of removal discharged, the sum originally
contemplated, to wit, five millions of dol
lars, should be left to them, to recommence
their national existence iu their new home
beyond the Mississippi. Under all these
circumstances, how did it behoove the Go
vernment to treat these applications? Sup
pose me secretary at War had stopped
his ears, and turned his back upon their
complaints; or having listened to them,
suppose he had stoically told them, "here
is the bond this is the treaty it must be
literally fulfilled. What is your distress
to the people of the United States? You
haye made your bargain, and you must
abide by it. Uuin may overtake you in
dividually and collectively; butyour Great
F ather, as you have been wont to call him,
cares not for it; it touches not the hearts
of your white brethren. Literal execu
tion of the treaty or extermination is alter
native. What would have been the ver
dict of public opinion? A tumultuous
roar of disapproval would have resounded
through all lands; and the welkin might
have rung with the shout of triumph which
the Opposition would have sent up."
lis weak, ruthless, tyrannical Govern
ment, it would have been said, would have
been too cowardly to have made war upon
the strong; but see how it crushes the weak
into the dust! Behold how needlessly the
blood of our own citizens has been shed,
and the most civilized of the savage tribes
annihilated, that its purposes may be ac
complished!" A response, then, was ne
cessary, and that response must be dictated
by kindness and humanity, and it must
meet distinctly the several suggestions ol
the suppliants. The first is, as to time.
And upon that point, the reply is, this Go
vernment possesses no power to act. We
have not the language of the suppliants be
r - 1 .1 . . 1 . -
nut; us, uui mere is no uouot mey repre-
ent, in the most glowing colors, the mise
ries impending over them it their flight
must be sudden; and tins picture was pre
sented in all the seeming sincerity of anti
cipated distress. To such an appeal, how
could a feelinc man return the cold re-
ponse, "I have no power to help you,"
without throwing in some word of consola
tion, withoutpointing to the only remain
ing hope, however faint and distant
might be? If, said the Secretary, you can
not remove within less than two veais. I
mow me generous nearis wun wnom you
have to deal; and if the ruinous consequen
ces which you depict are likely to follow
from an earlier removal, ! know they will
relieve you. And could not any citizen
in this country have ventured to give the
same assurance: mignt tie not with conh
dence have said, There is no State in this
Union which will not suffer some temporary
inconvenience to its citizens, rather than
thousands of fellow-creatures shall be in
volved in irredeemable distress and ruin?
But the Secretary believed in his con
science, as every otner man who knows
any thing upon the subject believes, that
the story was an artful appeal, intended for
effect; and that there would be no necessity
for this exercise of liberality on the part of
the States concerned. But he was not at
liberty to say so
A tale of sorrow falls
upon a benevolent mind, and whether true
or false, its first effect is touching, and the
answer is according; and it is left to expe
rience and reason to test its truth.
Upon the point of a further provision in
money, the answer of the Secretary finds
an echo in every bosom, and has met the
concurrence of the appropriate committees
in
the two Houses of Congress; This
branch of the subject must necessarily be
laid before Congress, and the question is,
whether he ought to have kept back from
it what he had said in relation to removal?
If he had done so, we can well imagine,
what charges of fraud, cowardice, duplici
ty would have been brought against him.
He did right in laying the whole document
before Congress, and would have done
wrong had he suppressed any part of it. He
1838
gave no assurance tjiat time for removal
would be allowed, and disclaimed all
thority to do so. He promised to recom
mend further appropriations of money; he
has made that recommendation. It has
received the sanction of both committees
and of one House of Congress, and will
doubtless receive that of the other.
But the Senator from South Carolina,
with a warmth and indignation which
seemed to him to be entirely out of place,
says this message is a condemnation of the
treaty, and a censure upon those who rati
fled it. No such condemnation or censure
could, he thought be found any where but
in the imagination of the Senator himself
The message proposes no annulment of
the treaty; but on the contrary, insists upon
its fulfilment; and for reasons thereiu sta
ted, proposes a donation of a further sum
for the preservation of peace, and insuring
the fulfilment of the very treaty of which
condemnation is imputed. He regretted
having dwell so long upon this topic, but
having hastily misconceived the drift of the
message, and haying become convinced of
his error, this explanation was due. But
none of these things hav e aught to do with
the subject. All agree the further appro
priation for the Cherokees to be right.' And
wun respect to the appropriation for the
V lorida war, the matter was as simple as
could be, and it was mainly to disencumber
the subject of foreign and exciting mat
ters, which had been improperly complica
led with it, that he had risen. Is any ont
here prepared to give up the war, and sur
render the peninsula of Florida to the In
dians and negroes now in possession of it?
11 there be anv one. he mav. of ronrcp
consistently vote against the appropriation.
mi 9 J W ww
out he, tor one, was not so disposed. He
would never consent to see this Govprn-
meut withdraw its protection from any por
tion of its citizens. Gentlemen had said
that Florida had cost much more to defend
it than it had to acquire it. Be it so.
There was a time when the cry rang through
this nation, "Millions for defence not a
cent for tribute." He hoped that would
always be the cry; and he, for one, would
never consent to yield to force one foot of
our soil; though it might take millions to
defend it. The object of the appropria
tion, then, is legitimate, is indispensable?
Is the appropriation proposed too large?
e raise committees in both Houses upon
the respective subjects of legislation, that
they may give to them their particular at
tention, and advise the whole body as to
the result of their investigations. This
subject has been under the consideration of
the Committee of Ways and Means in the
other House, and the Committee of Fi
nance in this, and the sum proposed has
met their approbation. If gentlemen thiol
themselves more competent to decide, bet
ter informed upon the subject. let them
hovv themselves so, aud it will be well.
Let them show us by figures (for they are
bound to figure as well as we) that a less
sum will answer, and they will deserve
well of their country. But no attempt is
made to show the sum too large; and he
would feel himself safe in following the
guidance of the appropriate committees.
But gentlemen ask for a new datum.
They ask us to count the number of the
Seminoles, and then, I suppose, to ascer
tain now much it will take per head to get
rid of them, and thus find the proper
amount of appropriation. "Hie labor,
hoc opus est." This is the very difficulty.
Let the gentlemen count the flight of birds
passing above them. To count the sava
ges vve must catch them; and if caught, the
necessity for counting would be over.
They tell us further, that the war has
been more expensive than it should have
been, because at its commencement it was
considered a very trivial affair; that the foe
was contemptible and his conquest easy.
This is probably the very secret of the difli
culty. Had we not underrated the strength
of our adversary, and put forth more
force at once, we should probably have
finished the war much sooner. England
committed a similar mistake in her first as
saults upon these colonies, and both Eng
land and ourselves were guilty of a like
fault in the last war; and if gentlemen
wish a prolongation of any war, they can
adopt no plan more effectual than stinting
or delaying the supplies of each successive
i. irii- 1 1 1 .1
vear. 11 is reproacuiuiiv asuea wnv me
system which brought one ofliccr to public-
examination, who did not terminate the
war, has not beer, followed up, and his sue
cessor brought to examination also? With
out come lartiier into the subtect, an an
swer may be found in the result of that
very examination. It resulted in the con
viction that the foe was more formidable
than had been supposed; that he had a pes
tiferous climate warring on his side, and
was surrounded by natural defences and
entrenchments impregnable to civilized
man. But. sir, I institute no invidious
vol. xirxo. 29-
Comparisons among the brave officers of
au-jour urmy. 1 cannot, however foibear re
marking that, the officer against whom 1
suppose this inquiry to be more personally
levelled, has succeeded in capturing about
twothousand savages. Others have doubt
less done well; but whether as well, 1 will
not undertake 10 decide.
.Believing then, that the objects of these
appropriations are just and proper, and
their amounts do not exceed the dictates
of prudence, the question seems to me to
be answered whether the bills should be
ordered to a third reading.
The Bill passed by a large majority.
by request
From the Raleigh Register,
SNUFF DIPPING.
Messrs. Editors I have lately heard,
with surprise, that a lew, even genteel, la
dies iu tiiis State are addicted to the low,
vulgar and filthy practu e of using Sniiff as
a stimulant by chewing it. I cannot well
describe how the intelligence shocked my
feelings. Imagine a young and beautiful
creature, drunk with this abominable nar
cotic, her mouth all bedaubed with the
dirty stuff, and her eyes iuflamed w ith the
xciteinent. Methinks, she would resem
ble one Of the Furies much more nearly
than one of the Graces. I thank God I
have never seen such a sight. I fear I
never could feel any respect afterwards for
lady, whom I had seen at this disgusting
work.
I have been led to inquire into some of
'he consequences of this odious custom. It
changes the ivory whiteness of the teeth to
the colour of old bone, and it soon changes
(he fairest complexion into a dingy yellow
like smoked leather. But these are the
least objectionable among the consequen
ces, i tie intellect is impaired, the voice
affected, and the constitution worn out.
At parlies, ladies cannot keep up their
vivacity, without retiring occasionally to
"take a dip." They must be stimulated
into an artificial cheerfulness or they will
be languid and inanimate. Alas! that la
dies of refinement and taste, in every thing
else, should thus abandon the delicacy of
their sex.
The practice sometimes makes it neces
sary for a lady to take her Mint Julep re
gularly every morning. This is bad
enough, if it never goes any farther; but it
must often go much farther. It may end
in an old age of absolute drunkenness.
The picture is too revolting to contemplate
without a shudder.
But why need we enumerate consequen
ces, when the practice itself is more dire
than any of its .effects? Ladies cannot
know w hat men think of this custom. All
view it with aversion, but they are afraid
to give utterance to their thoughts. Gen
tlemen who have heard of it from their in
fancy, do not view it with such horror and
disgust. But there is no man of refined
iSti; none; none who has lived in good so
ciety, who has grown up before he heard
of n, that does not agree with me in every
sentiment 1 have uttered. Many very
many would consider this practice as a suffi
cient objection to marrying any woman on
earth.
Will young ladies continue a habit
which subjects them to such reflections by
nine-tenths aye, ninety-nine hundreths of
the gentlemenin the Uuited Slates! 1 hope
not, but that they will rather leave it to
to their chamber maids, where it probably
had its origin.
Messrs. Editors, if my name be discov
ered, I may draw down on my devoted
head, the anger and hatred of many; but,
if these few words of admonition shall deter
one gentle female, 1 could die, thanking
God that I had not lived in vain!
HOMO.
Louisburg, June 10, 1838.
Famous Wines. The late sale by Mr.
Thomas and Son, of wines belonging to
the late Mr. T. Butler, was very numer
ously attended, and the prices paid vyere
enormous. Amone other transactions-
were the following: Fifteen demijohns
sold at S155 each; one at S150; seven at
Sl37;five at SH7,50;ten at SllO; seven
teen at S105; thirteen at 5102,50; four at
101 and various other wines for lesser
1 1 . ,
sums, une nunarca anu seventy oemi-
johns were sold, the whole amount of
which is upwards ot M 5,000.
We have made a hurried estimate of the
value of some of these wines, and find that
the price, as paid at auction, is at least half
a dollar per wine glass of the usual size.
1'hil. Uaz.
fJWe understand that a murder was
committed in the county of Chesterfield,
on the lstinst.bv Isham Maile, upon the
U)ody of his cousin, Archer Made. Wc
have not heard the particulars. 1 uere a
reward of $20 offered for his apprehension.
Pet. Int.