Newspapers / The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, … / March 9, 1839, edition 1 / Page 1
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S iji ! Q j irtf JVY?; 080. Tits Ta Thorough Ircss, UY CSKORrfE ifOWAHD, T- miblislieJ weekly at Two Hollars and Fifh r . per year, it paitl m advance or, 77r-c )' 'Wat the expiration of the, subscription year; v ''Win period less than a year, Twent u-firc. .if month. Subscribers ars at liberty td ijrontiiiue at anytime, on giving notice thereof p.,yinr arrears those residing at a distance i f invariably pay " advance, or give a respon SilP reference in this vieiiuty. Vdvertisements not exceeding a square will be it One Dollar the first insertion, and 25 j.iry it II .11 ,,,1 fir every continuance, lionger aaverti.-se-Cux i like proportion. Court Orders and .fu- lilt'lit r.n advertisements per cent, higher. A V: pmrnts must be marked the number of it vrriiseme ',riinns required, or they will be continued until ,v;se ordered and charged accordingly. i .liters addressed to the 1'ditor must be post id or they may not be attended to. COFFII:jIM i.Vft, MS-: IIC 1 1 AN T TAILOR, "ffP.PKC TFULLY informs his friend k& ,tnd 1 1 io public ieii rally, thai he has itciMved bis Fall and Winter s Collating of supeifinc blue and black Cloth, I.ivi-ible green and brown do. Sniped and corned Cassimeres of various Calors, n.iln black anil figured Vesting, d) black and lino red Velvets, Plain and figured Valencia, do do iM-ireillrs, Plain black ar.d fancy Stock?, Umbrellas, ll o ; , Collars, Gloves, Suspenders, &c All of which be will sell low for Cash, or on a short credit to punctual customers. He trials by due attention to business and hi long experience therein, to giv due satisfaction to those who may favoi hirn with their orders. !lp aho will keep constantly on hand aaassortment of Heady made Clothing, Tarboro Nov. 5:h, IS3S. II. Johnston, F.GS leave to inform In? customers and the public, that he has Heceived his Fail Supply of GOODS, Of all the most Fashionable .Articles, Suitable for Gentlemen's wear. SUCH AS Siprifine Cloths, Cassimcres &. Ve5tiig5. i-avei tI'.Ui and Lion skin, fur overcoats, ('ftiblet for cloaks, S'K-ks. Collars, Bosom?, and black silk Cravats, S-i.'pendtrs, of superior quality. lie also his a fw Tine black btavvr Hals, Of the litest lashion. Gentlemen wish ,!?'o purchase Goods in his line, will h Vf'H lo call ami eximine before the)' ptir c,f, as be is detei mined io sell low lor C'vt, or on a short credit to punctual cuMorrtet s. Tarb;vn, Nov, 15th, 1S3S. the cheap Cash Store. JAIES WKDDELL, S now on band a large and general a-sorimenl of c'oceric8, Hardware, cutlery C'"w, (ihm mid Earthenware. Cot m Rising Hope, Twine, S-c S?c 1'ich he oITlt. cheap for Cash, country nirii e' r n a i,10rl cre,,il lo p'ieiu;i .NOV. 5!'ltH, Turner Sf Hughes9 s ALMANAC, FOIl 18:19, J or sale at this Office at I he Raleigh pi i f!oz V 10 CCn,s sinS,p 75 cen,s P' r ' b S3 50 for hall a gross and $G pet Nov 183b. VrinUng maily executed, AT THIS OFFICE, Tarhorousrh. - 7 ram the llahigh Standard. ADDRESS Of the Democratic Republican Mini' of the ireneraUissembly of North Car olina. TO THE FltEEMBX OF NoRTU CaboLIXA: (continued.) i iic governor liavinr seen f.. in pulfn opon ti.e democratic m.tv hosiiliiv t n, ttie tlemocratic i)ank tvs, .inu io nan nis re-e ection n- ,!,.,.;. sion of the people in iheir favor we aviil ourselves of the occisioii to repel the cn irge, and to place our friends in their true attitu le in regard lo the matter. That I hey deprecate lh;it bank mania which seeks to combine the moneyed power of he country, in the h inds of these corpora tions, with the view of controlling its busi ness operations, by furthering the views of the speculator, and of mingling in the poli tics of the (iay is a trulh we are free to admit. Hut that thera exist any wish on the part ot our political friends, to interfere with thce institutions in the legitini iie ex ercise of any of 1 heir rights' vc utterly deny. The President has fouud himself called upon io meet a similar charge, and to lieny any hostility of the kind, "either oil! cial or penonal." lie sa s "though al ways opposed to Iheir creation, in the form t exclusive privileges, and as a State ma gistrate, aiming by appropriate legislation, to secure the community against the conse quences of their occasional mismanage ment, I have yet ever wished to see them protected in the exercise of rights conferred by law, and have never doubled their uti lity, when properly niaingtd, in promo ting the interest of trade, and through that channel, the other interests of the commu nity.'' To this sentiment we leel prepa red to subscribe, and doubt not, the demo cratic parly will hold themselves bound lo sustain the banks, so long as tney shall act mm ... g.wu ia.m, m pieaeivio uiul principle jpubnc lands have been soul, and pledged which should exist between them and the! to the payment of the public debt, thereby citizen "the conferring ol mutual bene discharging the obligation of each Stale to tits. This charge of hostility is repelled ! contribute lo the support of government by the tact stated by the Governor himself j 'The sale of these lands, ha; c not until with- that during the term of the suspension of j in the past five years, more than reimbur spccie payments "demands were scioomjsed the public treasury, for sums expend made and of very inconsiderable amounts." j ed, in the extinguishment of Indian titles In addition to ibis, we have it from good! the purchase ol Louisiana and Florida, and authority, that within six months next af-j the expenses attending their survey and r..:.u : .u... . .. . Lei uic lesunipuuM, mu uniuun i u.i specie in each of our principal banks had not been reduced ten thousand dollars. But if the Governor means to charge upon the demo cratic party hostility ta a .National Dank, as evidence of a general hostility to all banks we plead guilty to the charge, and 'There has been granted by Congress from avow ihe most uncompromising opposition : time to time, large quantities, under com to such an institution, now and forever, reacts made with ihe new Stales, in freeing The establishment ot the first bank of the United States, was in opposition to the opi nion of those who afterwards became dis tinguished as the republican party. The renewal of its charter was opposed by the same party, and rejected by the casting vote of the Vrice President, George Cliu tciT, republican and patriot of the revolu tion. The establishment of the second bank, grew out of the embarrassments of j the limes, and proved itseii one ol the most Uaniioroos quicksands which the re publican paity has ever had to encounter. The renewal of its charter after a partj war of unparalleled seventy, was defeated through the moral iirmnessof Andrew Jack son, and the confidence of the people in his integrity and patriotism. 'That the federal or "whig" prIy desire the rc-es i a bail ment of a simiiar institution, with a stilt greater capital, is beyond douht. This is ihe true issue, now pending oetween the two great political parties an United States 15unk,or the sepaiation of the gov ernment from all bankd. The great leader of the "whig" parly has openly avowcu it and his followers, whilst they affect to talk of State institutions, uniformly declare preference for au United Stales Dank. Whatever doubts may have existed in the minds of some, as to the right of Congress to establish such an institution, resting as it does on a constructive, and not an express grant of power; or whatever some may have thought, as to the necessity of some institution ot the kind, to aid ihj govern ment in its financial transactions; it is now obvious, the question involves considera tions of a different character. 'The disclo sures connected with the transactions of the late bank of the United States; its un disguised favoritism in its management; its resort to means in the purchaseof opinions in its favor; its heavy loans to members of Congress more than a million and a half lo205 members and that too pending its application for the renewal of its charter increasing the zeal of its partizans chang ing enemies into friends, or neutralizing those who had been open against it; its de nunciation and resistance to those who had been elected by the people to administer the government; and its direct attempt through the press and otherwise, to control the politics of the country; added to the f 101 I'umui,, is. j aaiuvaay, lUiirch 9 1839 . - - I A . . . the sh amof .nvcMgaien, ana m ""'"VI ill tvilll.ll ll BCL lllw publjc will at defiance in closing its con cernsare f;icts too well established and too astounding,"not to excite the just fears of every citizen, anxious for the preaerva tipn of the free institutions of his country. u the lreem'jn of North Carolina, with their sound sense and economical habits with these facts still fresh in their memo ries, arc called on to decide between such another institution and an Independent Ireisury we fear not the result. That such is the true question, we honestly be lieve, an i such our opponents would readi ly admit, did ihey not fear your decision. Mark what we say Those who are loud est wit i ilioir denunciations of an Indepen dent Treasury on their lips, are the most decided for an United Stales Uank, at their hearts. Under this belief, we freely sub mit io you, to say Whether the character of our government, and the liberties of the country, aromosr likely to be placed in pe ril, by the establishment of another Federal iJauk, or the separation of the government from all banks, by means of au Indepen dent Treasury. 3. The Public Lands. This is a subject not. free from difficulty, and one upon which men may, and honestly do dilfer, without any regard to their politics. The wjsle Lxnds within the United States, was one of the most difficult matters for ar rangement, that existed at the formation of our government. It was only by agreeing io waive it, and leave the matter open for future settlement, that the articles of con federation were acceded to, by the old thir teen United Slates. The principle, as ori ginally established, was that the waste lands of the West should be the common property of the United States. These lands were ceded by the States, and be came vested in the United Slates, on the express condition that they should be held and disposed of for the common benefit of each Stale, according to their respective proportions in the "general charge and expenditure. Under ibis rnmnnpt th,. ' . ., sale. 1 lie whole quantity ceded to the United States and Territories, are estima ted within a fraction of three hundred and twenty million of acres. Of this quantity upwards of seventy-seven million were sold lit) to the 30th of Sentember last. the public lands from taxation, as well as :or common schools, roads and canals, and other objects. 'These giants have been claimed, not only in lieu of taxes, but as contributing lo enhance the value of the residue. 'The grants for roads and canals have usually been every alternate section, thereby greatly enhancing ihe value of the balance. But so far as to granting the pub iic domain to ihe new States for any pur poses, much less as a mere gratuity, how ever great their claims as pioneers and first seitiers of a new country, we think Con gress has been sufficiently liberal, and ought to stop. As to the 230 million of acics, which still remain how, and in vhai maimer that shall be disposed of, in volves questions of the gravest import. For the old Stales to receive the lands, and undertake themselves to bring them into market, waiving any question as to the terms of ccfcsion, would not only break up the system which has been in operation for forty 3'ears, but would introduce endless confusion and litigation, and possibly end in revolution. It is no doubt better, that the public lands should remain with Con gress. But whether there should be a di vision of the "proceeds arising from their sale" as the resolution of the Legislature affirms, is a matter not free from difficulty. If, as the Secretary of the Treasury suppo ses '-by the gradual reduction in the ta riff, which is in progress under the existing laws, the receipts from customs, which now average lG'Or 17 million, will, by 1842, be so far diminished, as not to ex ceed 10 or 12 million" it certainly would be a good reason for Southern men for not taking away the proceeds of the public lands, if by so doing, an increase of the tariff was thereby rendered indispensable. Dut might not some of the present authori zed drafts on the public treasury' be lopped off, without detriment to the public ser vice? One thing seems now to be admit ted, had Mr. Clay's bill for the division of the proceeds of the public lands passed in to a law, and which was vetoed by Gen. Jackson, there would have been no depo site of the 23 million amongst the States, and besides seriously embarrassing the na tional treasury'. It show? the danger of making this a party question, against which oqr tnenusriavc all along protested no on tins score, wc strongly objected to! haying this subject connected with those! pouiical resolutions, histoid of having the matter placed on ground that might "have obtained an united vote. One thing we think m inifcsl, that it becomes Congress to arrange the matter of the public lands, and that at the earliest period. Every new Congress is but increasing the difficulty, and preventing justice being done to the old States, in ihe increasing strength of the new. It might be politic "to apply the pro ceedsof the sales to the extinguishment of the amount deposited with the States, thereby discharging a debt which now ex ists, and which at the same time would re move the objection of embarrassing the treasury. We certainly are unwilling to see the public domain grained away other wise, than as shall inure to the joint advan tage of all the Slates, whose common pro perty it is. 4. The Ernendlli! re.9 of flit nrpvfln .Administration. We unite with the! supporters of this resolution in protesting against the "wasteful extravagance audi profligate expenditure of the public mon ey" as creating not only "a demand for heavy taxation" but as tending '-to the corruption of public morals and the de gradation of the national character." But we deny, most emphatically, lhat "the present administration" is justly liable to this charge. Where is the proof? Not surely the mere resolve of a clamorous op position, who have never yet been charge able with either economy or reform. Are we referred to the amount paid out from the public treasury within the past two or tin 'ee years, as exceeding, several millions that of any previous years, since the war. ! This may be true, and si ill not establish the charge; The appropriations made by Congress for the year 1830", exceed' the es timates from the departments 14 and a half million of dollars for the year 1337 near 10 million, and for the year 183S near 20 millions. In this excess is lo be found in the first year, upwards of 800 thousand dol lars for pensions for suppressing hostili ties, and oilier matters connected with the Indians, near ten millions. And in the last year is to be found expended for "Mili tary services, including fortifications In dian affairs Pensions arming the militia Florida war removal of the Cherokees and Creeks improving rivers and harbors constructing roads and building armories and arsenals Nineteen million.four hun dred thousand dollars." These items, as is well known, are made under appro priations by Congress, and the greater part of them are of an extra character. 'They may have been in part necessary, by the Florida war, the removal ol the Cherokee Indians by which we get a new country and by the threatened disturbance on the Northern frontier. But certainly no can did man will charge the auminiMaation with extravagance, because Congress have! made improper appropriations, or such as j were necessary from the situation of the j country. If the supporters of ihis charge,; will shew that the Pension list has been ' increased, rivers and haroors improved or roads constructed, under the advice of the President, or hia immediate friends, then we admit, there would be some ground for the charge. But they know, as weil as we do, that these appropriations are forced through Congress, by the vote of the oppo sition, with the aid of some lew supporters of the administration, whose section of the country is to be benefited by them. Be sides, in this last heavy expenditure, is more than five million received under' French and Neapolitan treaties, and which i the government paid over io such of our I citizens as were entitled lo receive it. Not' only the President, but the Secretary of the j Treasury, in their last communications to Congress, advise "the limning appropria tions to the wants of the public service, ren dered necessary at present by the prospec-j tiveand rapid reduction ol the tarili; which ! the vigilant jealousy, evidently excited! among the ptople by the occurrences of the last lew years, assures us that they expect from their representatives, and will sus tain them in the exercise of the most rigid economy." Such is the language of the man to Congress, on whom ihe supporters of this resolution, charge with the profli gate expenditure of the public money." We may well call upon our opponents lo cast the beam out of iheir own eyes, and then they shall see more clearly, how to cast out lite mote of their brothers. We veniuie to assert the ordinary ex penses of the present administration, have not exceeded those of previous years. That they greatly exceed the expences of Ihe early administration of the govern ment, is what every man of ordinary intel ligence must have expected. The grants ol pensions to the remnants of the revolu tion, their widows and others, exceed the yearly cost of the government for the first len years of its existence. We now have the expense of a Judiciary for 2G instead of 13 Stares; an army to guard an inland fron tier of 5,000 miles, embracing a million and a half of square miles beyond our ori- rinri tfM-ritnrv? n navy to protect a sea- w I--- !"ga? To. AT Vo. 10. coast of 3,000 miles; with a commerce of two millions of tonnage, instead of half a million; with the imports and nvnofta nf 300 million in value, instead of 43 million; with 16, instead of 4 millions of people, whose wants must necessarily increase the expenditure of establishments so greatly enlarged. Thus . exhibiting a nation in creasing in years ami Wants, but with means amply sufficient to supply all of its demands, without any oppression of its people. Such are some of the facts and views, which we have felt it due to the oc casion to lay before you, in answer lo the resolutions of censure and of opinion, whieh our opponents have occupied so much of their time in maturing and pass ing through the Legislature. We might real me defence of our course here, but that we feel called upon to re-assert and vindi cate the great Right of Instruction which our opponents have sought, by their reso lutions, to impeach and destroy. This right of instruction, is not an engine to be employed in the strifes of a party warfare alone, but it is the channel through which the voice of freemen is to be heard, and by which the grasping aspirations of the poli tical aspirant can be controlled, and bro't into submission lo the public will. It is a right which connects itself immediately and directly with the great principle of re presentative government, and should never be surrendered. It is a right which had been long asserted by the most illustrious statesmen of lhat country, from which We sprung, the only one, which, at the period of the settlement of America, possessed any thing iike rational freedom. It was then held as necessary to control the popu lar branch of the British Constitution, and for his refusal to respect which, a Btjkkb was rejected from the service of his consti tuents. It was known to exist, and was practically asserted in the first formation of our own government. It was a right, re cognized by a Jefferson and a A1acont, names which will ever be held dear by ev ery friend to the rights of the people. It is a privilege, not only secured in the Bill of Rights prefixed to our Constitution, but the very term is there employed as a com mand to the representatives of the people. It not only enables the people to make known their wishes, but to enforce them, by a positive command. To this end our State is divided into Counties, and these again allotted into Congressional Districts, Here the people can assemble and instruct. But the States, as sovereign communities, are alone represented as such, in the Uni ted States Senate, by their Senators. These are not only elected by the Legisla tures of the several States, but it is through that channel for all practical purposes, that they arc to be reached by the people. The mode of asserting this right, as well as the terms employed to carry it into effect, have been long understood and practiced in this State. Before the last session of the Le gislature, the usual language resorted to, was "lhat our Senators be instructed and our Representatives requested." To the people properly belong the duty of ad dressing their Representatives in Con gress, as well as their members to the State Legislature. But it is through the Legis lature that the public will is brought to bear upon our Senators. It is admitted that ench member of the Legislature, before voting for resolutions of instruction, should be well satisfied he represents truly the sentiments of his constituents. But how ever that may be, it is a matter between him and them, with which the Senator has nothing lo do. Hence the necessity, whenever the Legislature shall undertake to exercise the right of instruction, of doing so, in plain, express, and unequivocal terms. It should not be the language of opinion, but of command. This is neces sary, not only in assertion of the right, but as avoiding any room for doubt or equivo cation, on the part ol the Senator. It i alike unbecoming and undignified, for a 1c is gisrauve noay to enter into an altercation, with any of their public servants. To avoid this, whenever thev undertake to address them., the object should be direct tne end palpabie, and the command posi tive. If the Legislature shall content themselves with a simple expression of an opinion, the Senator may sav ! resnect your opinion for what it is worth; but, as you have not assumed tne responsibility of instructing me, in what I am to do, I feel authorized to examine into the truth of the matter, to look into the political complex ion of your body, and see how far you tru ly reflect the wishes of a majority of our common constituents." Hence the im portance in making up the record, of using those terms which have been sanctioned by time, and practiced by those who have gone before us. That many of our politi cal friends think the simple expression of an opinion, by the constituent, is obligatory on the representative, is no reason why the Legislature, when ihey resort to the exer cise of the right, should not do it in a way to be respected by all. It is right and prop er, that it should be so, otherwise one par ty gains an advantage to-day, which thejf are unwilling to surrender to-morrow Is 1 1 HI 1 i. I' l i i Pi v. V t-l V
The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, N.C.)
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March 9, 1839, edition 1
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