5?2
?f JYo. 902.
Tarborough, ( Edgecombe County , Jf.C.) batiirdaij, Juitt 17, 1843
Vdl. XIX JVb
Tic Tarborough Press,
BY GEOROE HOWARD,
Is published weekly at Two Dollars and F!fW
Cents per year, if paid in advance or Th re
Dollars&l the expiration of the subscription year,
tor anj period less than a year, Tiotsat y-fu-t
Cfnts per month. Subscribers are at liberty to
discontinue at any time, on rivinT notice thereof
rind paying arrears those residing at a distance,
must invariably pay in advance, or Vive a respon-
iably pay
sible reference in this vicinity.
Advertisements not exceeding a square will be
inserted at OneDollar the first insertion, and 25
bents for every continuance. Longer advertise-, avoidably attendant upon such an Uilderta
mpiits in like nronortion. Court Orders and Jn- , lln,i . . . r
o.tvorticniiipntQ ntr ent. higher. Ad
ari;empnt must be marked the number ot in
sertions required, or theywill be continued until
dtherwise ordered and charged accordingly.
Letters addressed to the Kditor must be post
paid or they may not be -attended to
THE PRESIDENCY.
The Indiana State Sentinel contains Irt
tiers from Messrs. Calhoun, Johnson, Cas.
Buchanan, and Van Iiuren, in reply to
certain questions propounded to them by
the Indiana Democratic Convention, touch
ing the prominent political topics of tin
day, they areas follows.
REPLY OF MR VAN MJREN.
(continued. )
When the convention speak of a discri
minating tiriff for revenue, I understand
them as referring to discriminations below
the maximum rate of duties upon imported
articles, not designed to increase the pro
tection already afforded to domestic manu
factures, but to carry out views of policy
different in their character, and which may
properly be embraced in such a measure.
Of the constitutional power to make dis
criminations, I have no doubt. Equally
clear it s that the. practice of making them
has existed from the commencement of the
Government, & constitutes a feature in eve
ry principal tariff bill which is to be found
upon our statute-book. They are, indeed,
indispensable to the successful operation of
every revenue bill, whether the deign be
to guard against smuggling, on the one j
hand, where the nature of the article is
such as to afford facilities for that practice; . obnoxious to prejudice than others, is un
or, on the other, to prevent loss to the tie i-! doubtedly true. There is. nevertheless,
sury, by the imposition of duties higher nothing in its structure inconsistent with
than the value oflhe article will bear, and the general scope of our peculiar system of
thus prohibiting its introduction into the government, or any thing which is calcu
conntry. If it be at any time deemed ne-jlated to lead to bad results. Aliho' absolute
cessary or conducive to the safety of the : acquiescence in the decisions of the ma
country to encourigc the manufacture at jority is. in the language of Mr. Jtff rson,
home of the articles necessary to its de- a cardinal principle in republican govern
fence in war, nothing can be more proper ment, it is yet to be remembt red that it is
than to do so by a discrimination in favor to the will of the majority expressed ac-
of their domestic manufacture, inasmuch 'cording to the forms of the Constitution; Mniiori, or the public evils which experi
asthe object in view is to promote the safe- j that he refers; and lhat there is no channel 'ence has shown to be inseparable from its
ty of all at the expense ot all. IMserimi-
nnliz-.n liniTn n.nicl.mt I it l-iaori m win. in firrtr '
of articles imported for the use of philo- in the aggregate, may be taken. Such a
sophical or literary societies, for the en-' provision was deemed incompatible with a
couragement of the fine ai ts, or lor the use j full enjoyment by the States of the rights
of seminaries of learning, specimens in na- 0f sovereignty widt h they reserved to
tural history, animals imported to breed, : themselves, and with which it was neither
&c, &.c, &c, all founded on the same . the intention of the francrs of that iiistiu
principle, in respect to the universality of ment, nor of the people who adopted it, to
the benefits designed to be secured at the I interfere. The qualifications of the power
common expense. But, above all, is theiof the majority and the restrictions upon
power to make them of inestimable impor-lthe authority of the Federal Government,
tance, as the only means of relieving the
poorer classes from the unequal operation
of this mode of collecting the public reve
enues, and of partially realizing Mr; Jeffer
son's beautiful idea of a wise and frugal
Government one which "slrdl restrain
men from injuring one another, and shall
leave them otherwise free to regulate their
own pursuits ofindustry and improvement
and shall not take from the mouth of labor
the bread it has earned " The man of
wealth, when he pays a tax, in the form of
impost, which enures incidentally to the
advancement of a special interest in which
be is not concerned, is in a degree reconci
led by the reflection, that, if the amount
paid was not collected in this form, it
would be assessed upon him in another
by which the amount of his contribution,
in comparison with those of his 1. ss afli j
cnt neighbors, would be materially enhan
ced. But to the poor man, no such conso
lation is afforded. The system which ope
rates thus favorably to his more fortunate
neighbor, increases his taxes in an inverse
rafio to his ability to pay. Every addi
tional mouth that he has to feed, adds to
the contribution he is obliged to make
forthe suppoitof Government. It is only
by discriminations in favor of articles ne
cessary to his comfort, thu the injustice to
which he is exposed can be mitigated. It
!8 therefore a power, the constant and faith
ful exercise of which is in my judgment,
demanded by considerations of justice, hu
manity, and sound policy.
I am satisfied wiihthe veto power as it
exists by the Constitution, and opp-'Sed to
any modification which shall materially
change the principle up on which it res's
To frame an organic law for the estab
lishment of one General G ivernment for
thirteen independent sovereignties already
,rf ' .. r
P?wf.. "tJ sat, factory provisions for the
in existence, ami accustomed to the use ol
rtuiiiiAMiiii oi new states, to be thereafter
carved out of the national domain, was a
work of great difficulty. To obstacles tin-
king under circumstances the most favora
ble, wee, in ourcise, to be added embar
rassments of the gnvest chacter. These
conisted, among oihers, of diversities of
climate, ami consequently of staple pro
ductions in the facilities for the proseeu
tons of loreigti commerce, anil other busi
ness pursuits, which belong to different
portions of thecountry; and. to no incon
siderable extent, also to differences in their
origin, ami in the political preferences of
the inh ihitants of the respective States
preferences rendered inveterate by the se
verities of a bloody and protracted civil
war.
The success with which this great work
was notwithstanding accomplished by iis
immortal authors, has surpassed even their
own most sanguine expectations, and elic
ited the admiration and applause of the
friends of freedom throughout the world
It has give1? stability to republican princi.
pies, multiplied .and stiengthened the
proofs of the capacity of man for well" gov
ernment, and disappointed the hopes of
the enemies of free institutions. No in
stance of a written constitution is to be
found, which has undergone so little
change since it came from the hands of its
framers. or which possesses in so eminent
a degree the confi lence, the respect, and,
I may add, the reverence of those who ate
subject to its operation It is from ihe
general prevalence of such feelings on the
part of our citizens, that the Constitution
derives much, not to say most, of its eriici
ciency; and it is by doirig all in rjur power
to increase and strengthen them, that we
can alone hope to make its existence per
petual. Although successful beyond ex
ample, no one pretends that it is perfect.
Perfection is an attribute which does not
belong to the works of man. Defect must,
therefore, be corrected as they show them
selves in the practical working of the sys
tern. His to such (and it might, perhaps
be safely added, to such only) that the hand
of reform can be usefully applied. That
the provbion of the Constitution under
consideration can be more ertsily rendered
provided by our constitution through which
iUn ennen nl' ihp nf nillp (li t hf 1 T II i t f ft t'llpw
which pervade the Constitution, aredoubt-
Ies to be traced to this source
The right of the President to. suspend
the operation of an act of Congress, by
withholding his assent from it, and, in the
absence of the requisite majority, to defeat
it for the time beingj is, therefore, in har
mony with the spirit and d s gn of the en
lire system. I say, for the time being; he
cause all experience has shown that objec
tions to a public measure on the part of any
branch of the Government, are, in the end,
always made to yield to the settled and
well ascertained wishes of the people in
whatever mode they may be elicited; the
effect of the interference of the Executive
being to secure a fuller and mote perfect
reconsideration of the whole subject by the
people. Nor was this power bestowed up
on the Executive without adequate consid
eration, and a full view of the beneficial ef
fects it was capable of producing in the ad
ministration of a Government in which
such various, momentous, and not unfre
quently contrary, interests were to be in
trusted. The President is the only effi
cient officer and, with the single exception
of the Vice President, the only one in the
Federal Government, in the election ol
whom all the States, and the electors ol
each State, take part All others are com
paratively local, as well in respect to th
constituencies by whom they are chosen,
as to their immediate responsibilities. The
President is the only efficient representa
tive in the Federal system, between whom
and the1 whole Confederacy there exists
hat common sympathy which arises from
the relation of elector and representative,
and the obligation it imnoses It is in
it imposes. It is to
him, therefore, more than to any other
function iry of the Federal (Government,
that the people ot all the States look, and was elicited in itstavor.
have a right to look for ah impartial atten-1 The necessary limits to a communica
tion to the interests of every section of our lion of this character render it impossible
greatly extended Union. To enable him to do justice to the various other aspects
to perform his important duties, a portion ;in which this power m iy be usefully em
of the powers necessary td good govern-' p'oved in the adminisira'iftn of the Gov
ment is, by the Constitution, vested in the .'ernment Asa shield uhich may, in the
Executive department. The veto consti- exercise of a sound discretion, be thrown
tutes an important, and, in my opinion, a over a weaker department of the Govern
very useful part of those powers. It is a j ment, or over the interests of a less power
part, also, which can seldom, if ever, be,ful section of the Union, when they are,
employed by the incumbent of the presi-j in the opinion of the Executive, unjustly
dential chair to promote personal objects, j invaded, it may become of the greatest im
1'his consideration cannot be too highly ap-1 portance. Political power, as it respects
preciated It is the liability of public different portions of the republic, i9 con
trusts to be thus abused, that has been the.stantly changing hands; and no particular
canker of every public service. The oc-j
casion would be a rare one, indeed, upon
'vhicu the President could, by the exer
cise of the veto power, minister to his pri
vate gratification, or to that of his friends,
or even to the advancement of his political
interes's, except by means the most hon
orable, and through a channel in an emi
nent degree free from exception. By re
fusing his assent to a bill which has pased
both Mouses, he is sure to excite at the
outset the formidable opposition of those
influential bodies, to offend the particular
interests which expect to be advanced by
the measure, and to expose himself to the
emporary odium of running counter to
what is properly regarded as presumptive
evidence of the will of the people. No
public man will be apt to place himself in
i position so trying, unless he is influenced
by an irresistible conviction of right, and a
firm confidence in the ultimate rectitude of
that public opinion by which alone he can
hope to be sustained. Our political system
does not. therefore, clothe any of the agents
it employs with authority which is more
likely to be exerted from pure motives, and
to patriotic ends. We have, in these con
siderations, the best of human securities
that this negative power will be but seldom
exercised, and never when there is not good
reason to believe that the legislature has,
for the moment, through inadvertence, er
ror of opinion, or other causes, placed itself
in opposition to the interests and wishes of
the people. This inference is fully sus
tained by experience. The administration
of the elder Adams, of Mr. Jefferson, and
of that over which 1 had the honor to pre
side, did not, I believe, produce a single
veto. The whole number since the estab
lishment of the Government is very small;
and those who make war upon the princi
pie; may be safely challenged to produce a
single instance in which the presidential
veto failed to be sustained by the people.
The most important, by far, of the occa
sions upon which it has been interposed,
were in regard to a national bank, and to
internal improvements by the General Go
vernment To repeat iny own convictions
of the d.injjerous character of such an insti
existence, wouiu dc supernuous.
Resistance, through the instrumentality
of the veto, to the system devised for ma
king internal improvements in the States,
under the authority and at the expense of
ihe Federal Government, was commenced
by Mr. Madison on the occasion of his veto
to the bonus bill continued by Mr. Mon
roe on ihat of his veto to the bill for the
collection of tolls on the Cumberland road;
and the whole scheme, with the exception
of limited appropriations for the improve
ment of certain harbors, and the removal
of temporary obstructions in certain rivers,
was finally overthrown under that of Gen
eral Jackson, by his celebrated Maysville
veto, and other acts of a kindred character.
It would, with the mass of facts we have
before us, all tending to the same conclu
sion, be but a poor compliment to the intel
ligence of the people to enlarge upon the
benefits which the country has derived from
the overthrow of this mischievous and dan
gerous policy. From the greater tenden
cy of legislation by Congress, upon such
subjects, to what is called log-rolling, than
ihot tt (ho Stat pc it Ic nnifp porta in Ihrit thl
two hundred millions of debt incurred by
the latter for these and similar purposes,
would have been vastly enhanced if such
objects had been undertaken by the Fede
ral Government, indeed, there can be but
little, if any doubt, in the mind of any
calm and intelligent observer, that, but for
the Maysville veto, and the subsequent ad
herence to its principles and policy the
General Government would at this mo
ment have been saddled with a debt of
some three or four hundred millions, with
out having even as much to show for it as
have the embarrassed States. When our
oresent condiiion, in these respects, is con-
rasted with what it would have been un
lfr rhft grinding operation of such a debt,
and the corrupting and destructive opera -
ion of a national bank, we may form some
idea of the advantages which the country
has derived from the exercise of the Presi-
dentia! veto. The best effects have also.
followed Its exercie in respect to its in flu-
ence upon public opinion. Although that
nolicv has rimv hut Tvw. if anv. advocates.
policy has now but lew, it anv
no one can have forgotten how deeply the
I public mind, in many parts of the country,
party can count wit h safely upon its perpe
tual exemption from the effects of such al-
ternations. When the hederal Constitu-
tion was adonted. Massachusetts and Vir
ginia were decidedly the most powerful
States in Ihe confederacy. New York
was classed among, anil partook of the fee
lings which were common to, the small
Stales; and the territory which now con
stitutes the Western States was, for the
most part, ihe abode of savages. Although
still strong in the virtue, spirit, enterprise,
intelligence, and patriotism of their citi
zens, and respectable in all things, it is
well known that those venerable State
have already, in numerical stiength, fallen
behind some of their contemporaries; and
the great West, if not already, is destined
soon to become, ihe seat of Federal power
No portion of the Union can, therefore.
hsu me with certainty that it may not, in
the course of lime and events, become use
ful, if not necessary' to invoke the exercis
of this salutary power for the protection ol
its rights and interests.
I he control of the President over th3
dispensation of Federal patronage, presents
a subject far more deserving of the watch
ful vigilance of the people, charged by the
Constitution with the execution of the laws,
it was altogether proper to confer upon
him an important share in the selection of
the agents through whose instrumentality
that great duty is to be performed. The
power which he possesses in this respect
is also wisely restricted by the checks up
on it which are placed in other branches of
the Government, v.z: in theSenate, by an
absolute veto upon the most important of
his selections; and in each branch ol the
Legislature, by an equally absolute nega
tive upon the appropi iations necessary to
i heir compensation. It is, nevertheless
true, lhat las control over ihe distribution
of public patronage is, in its tendency, ad
verse to a pure administration of the im
portant trusts which the people have com
milted to dieir agents. Experience has
shown that there is a temptation in the pos
session of this power, to its abuse, which
cannot be effectually guarded agatnst
humau laws, and against the influence of
which even honest and patiiutic men not
unfrequently find it difficult to guard them
selves. With all the restraints impued
upon its exercise, it may still be wielded
bv the Executive lo influence widely the
UUVC iu imiuciicc vv iuciy i nc
associates in the public service, i
action of his
to secure and perpetuate his own authori
ty, for the aggr andizement of his personal
adherents, and to depress those who, though
!hey may possess the strongest claim upon j
Ihe public confidence, have not the gOod j
lortune to tand in that relation to the ap
nointinif nower. Ii would be more hono-
rable to human nature, if we could natter
ourselves with the belief that Such have
not been, or the hope that such will not in
future bej the results of its exercise. But
experience unfortunately teaches us a diff
erent lesson; and from the fallible nature
!of man we are scarcely allowed lo hope
lhat it ever will be otherwise. To en
courage an honest observance of sound
political principles by the dispensation of
patronage, is, I fear, an advantage seldom,
if ever, realized under any Government.
Its tendencies, there is too much to appre
hend, have been in general far otherwise,
j For this evil, (and a grave one it is,) there
IS hilt One eil.ClUai temCdV. I1CII
we
cannot dispense with the officers we must
distribute as widely as possible, the pow
er ofappointing them. To make this rem
edy more effectual, it is always wise to re
serve the selection of public officers, as far
as practicable and convenient, to people
themselves. It is not an e iSy matter to
keep individual ac.ioti in public affairs
wholly free from the influence in some
form, of persona! interest. That of the
mass of ihe people is, on the contrary, al
most invariably disinterested, and seldom,
if ever, fails to come right in the end. At
much power over appointment as is deem
ed really necessary to enable the Executivi
to nerform his resoonsible duties, should
be left to him. Of all beyond that, and
' which can be as well exercised by the peo
rJ thpmplves. or otherwise he should.
by constitutional means, be divested
The possession of the excess is decidedl)
Averse to the healthful acltdrl of the
'parlment. No" right-minded man, occU-
uviner the nresidential chair, after he has
J n i , . ., ...
h id an opportunity to judge by experience
of it eftvcK will desire td possess it.
From ibis prolific source proceed hios.t of
the temptations which draw i fie drtinitious
politician from his duty to riiil coristituents:
While the veto is generally applied td
questions exclusively of public concern
a id is exercised under a persona! responsi
bility which will not he incurred except
w.th great reluctance, and inosks in whicli
there is a strong reliance upon the public
judgement for support, this power is pecu
liarly adapted to the sinister purposes of
ambitious arid selfish aspirants. It is,
therefore, by diminishing this executive
povver, and not that of Ihe veto which is
least liable to abuse, arid ha$ been thus far
uniformly exercised for the public advant
age thai our statesmen Can render the
most essential, a"nd, I doubt nbtj the most
rceptahle service td ihe cause of the peo
ple. To accomplish this great aind salutary
object, presents a proper field for the patri-
exertions of all who think it wise, as I
do, to keep a jealous e5'e upon executive
authority, and particularly tipoh its admin
istration of the public patronage. Placed
at the head of the committee dpdn appoint
ments m ihe convention for the amend
ment of the constitution' of rii own State,
I took sin active, and, 1 hope, not an inef
fectual part, to carry out this principle, as
far as. with the lights which experience
then afforded I thought we cbiild safely
go. As those lights rilultipliedj I united
m giving it a still wider range; and I ani
vell .satisfied that a periodical review of the
subject, by the Legislature' and people
with views to its still greater extension
would he eminently useful, as well in the
admin;s;iration of the Federal a" s of thd
Stale Governments.
To your last interrogatoryt t unhesita
tingly answer, Yes. The Democracy of
the Union will not fail (as I am sure they
ought not) to adopt every proper precaui
tion to secure, through the instrUmentali'jr
of the convention thejr prdjjosei to hold, ari
honest and full expression1 of iHe vHshes and
opinions of a majority of irieir political as
sociates. Bearing in mind the? disreputa
ble scenes of 1840; conscious of the effects'
which those scenes necessarily had in sha
king the confidence of matikihd In the fit
ness of the American pebple for free insti
tutions; arid actuated by i patriotic zeal td
wipe off, now arid forever, every Injurious
impression which was thus rnade' upoh the
character of either, they will not, 1 am
certain permit their noble efforts in 8Q,
good a cause tb be stained by a dingle act of
indirection or unfairness. So believing, 1
hold it to be impossible that a Selection cari
proceed from such a source which I could1
not cheerfully support; or a nominee bd
selected, in whose hundsthe interests of tho
cod n try would not be entirely safe.
My name and pretensions, however sub
ordinate in importance, shall never be at
bvl'oe disposal or any person wnaiever, iur;
the purpose ol treating distfabtioh or divt-.
sioh in the Democratic parly. Every at
tempt to use them for such a purpose, when
ever and wherever made shall be arretted
by an interference on my part, alike prdiriit.
and decisive. 1 regard the PresKlertcy as
o i j
highest and mOst honorable' of political
distinctions; yet it U only as the undoubt
ed and free-will offering of the Democracy
of the nation, that I cotild accept it; be-
i is in lhat aspect ohly thai I could
h'-pe 'O render the discharge of its high du
ties ertner oseiui 10 me couniryjor nonor
abie to myself:
1 am, gentlemen,
With sentiments of high regard,
Your obedient servant,
M. VAN BUUEN
To the Hon. Ethan A. Brown; chairman;
and John Law, Nathaniel West, .lohd
Pet tit, Jesse D Bright, and A. C. PepJ
per, esquires, rhembers of the committee.
Gold The Ashville Messenger stales
'that the Gold mines lately discovered in
Haywood Snd Macon counties, are proba
bly he richest irt the State. They yield
from 3 to 3 dollars per day to the hand.
Nag's tteHd.Thk Rlizabetn ttty NortH
State of the 27ih ult. says: Major Gwynri
and Captain. Graham returned from Nag'i
Head on Monday last. We "understand,
they will report very favorably aboiit open
ing an Inlet, arid lhat thfey estimate the
cost at. half a million less than the former5
estimate of Major Gwyfin. Their report, ,
we suppose, will be presented to the next
GongreSs.
f
The Mexican Indemnity. -From Mexi
co we learn lhat Santa Anna has paid the
first instalment of the debt dtie id citizen
.f the United States, amounting, to $70,
100, and ihe United State brig Dolphin 4
to bring it over. She was to hare left Ve
a Cruz on the 18th May. The sum waah
btaind by a forced loan from a number of
rich capitalists ol Mexico. Nat. Inh . y
1 1
H
'f i
.1,
I'T