Newspapers / The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, … / Jan. 27, 1844, edition 1 / Page 1
Part of The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
TT8 H Id If hole .V,. 931, tarborongtt, Hdgccombe County, J L Saturday, January 27, 1 S44i I M. XX. M 4. T4 TAIEIBdDmdD9 The T.irfoaroiliyh Press, .rate the latter mode of production, consul Mv liEoiir.E Howard. Jr. j er that the com m imiv is much better off Is puSlisJip.l weekly at Tiv lltttm per year, wjtn tlV" hundred yards of cloth, than If pai l in advance nr. lvo Hollars and fifty with three hundred CV. at the expiration f th suhsoription year.' Now, in this view of the subject there Subscriber are at liberty to ,li,co,.tiu at a.,yis something so absorb, that we douht if a tune on ;i vi n-j notice thereof uil paying arrears. i , , . . . . ,CU1,,,,Li, A A.lvertise nenu notexeee,li;r a.are will he S.,nle ''VV,,,,al 'l lnd co.lld be Inserted at O it Dollar the first insertion, an. I -25 f01)'11' to yi-dd his ass.-nt to it, so revolting bents fr every continuance. Lo ijer ?el vertie- is it to the dictates of common sense; and inenu at that rue jer scpiye. Court Or.lers and yet, strange as it m ,v apt) ar, this is the vni.licial (lvertiements per cent. hi r!ur. Ad- J.trino n.r. ...u; .1 .u c . . . . u II, , s uoctrme upon which the famous tA;n,n- Vertiseinents mast he in trke.l the iiuuihHr .4 uief- ',, . ".n Unns require.!. Or they will he co .tinned unlil . C!n "V!",,.m ,(""ded. All that i. req ii- rjtherwise directed, a id ch irr ., accordingly. !,u' to glin proselylcs to the most silly and Letters aitlress-d to the I'Mitor must he post paid, or I hey may not he attended to, Frum Ihe Raleigh Independent . LINKS Written on f he night of the 31 December 13 13 Another year has swiftly pussM, On noiseless pinion by; Nut like the rn-diing, wintry blast, That rolls the billows high, Hnl like the fleecy cloud f morn That fidt s awav in air While gazing on it folds, 'tis gone, And leaves no impress therp; Or like the silent dews of eve, That fall on herb -and 1'owpr, Bui in the ii orning gently leave, The grass plat and the hnweri And leave no mark or trace behind, To llr.!l they had been there, Hut like the. swift, careering wind 'Tis gone we know not where: Or like the tear on childhood's cheek, That danced a little wliilej But ere the doating one could speak, 'Twas followed by a smile; And on the loved one's downy face, So sweetly bright and fair; No mark was lefi by which to trace, The tear drop had been there; Or like the virions of the night. That scape at opening day. Like spectres living from the light, On lightning wii.g awav; And leave no picture on the mind, Distinct in its outline; But mixed with dreams of kindred kind, Nought but the fragments shine: Or like the gently ebbing wnve, That breaks upon the strand, Whose limpid waters softly lave, The billow-beaten Stand, Then mingles with the tide again, And nevpr rises more, To rush acrdss the stormy main, And break upon the shore: Or like: the vapoury, gauzedike wreathe, That twines the nountain's brow. On which the morning zephyrs breathe Twas there but is not now. So vestige lingers round the rocks, That crown the sunlit height; The hoary, floating, airy locks, Have vanished into light Thus like the cloud, the dew, the tear. The vapoury wreathe, the dream, the ware, Has pass'd away another year. And borne us downward to the grave! How soon life's gilded, fleeting dream, Will be with us forever pass'd! How like the little winding stream. It finds the mighty sea at last! ftaleigh. NAMELESS. THE DOCTRINE OF COUNTER RE M RlCTIONS. . Amongst the advocates of the restrictive system, th' re 4re many who hold the opin ion, that the principles of free lraile are those upon which the policy of a state should be founded, provided, that all na tions vcie to adopt them; but who think them to he erroneous, in the actual condf tion of tie world will's so many countries have departed ffom them. This icw of the subject, which l as been widely propa gated, ivus done more to strengthen the pro hibitory puly, titan all then other argu meuts put tog liar Although ve have examined this doctrine upon a former ocea Mon, in our remarks upon Mr. Madison. letter.-) it is a -object of sufficient impor tan 'e, to met it a repeated investigation, and we -hall present therefore the header With the following additional views. Logical h e protection, by high duties, imposed for ihe purpose of excluding for eign commodities in whole or in pari, is never resorted to, except where a foreign article can be impr-ed cheaper lhan a sim ilar, or a kindred one, can be made at ho me. A protective law. therefore, is a law declaring, that the productive power of the na'ion -hail be so applied, as to pro-j duce le-s of certain commodities, than it is capable of producing, if left to ihe exer cise ol i's faculties in a state of perfect free dom It is a law, in other vvurds which declares, that it is better for a nation to have few commodities, than to have many that it is better to buy dear than to buy cheap or, wn.it is the same thing, that it is better for individuals to procure ihe ne cessaries of life by a more laborious, lhan by a less laborious process. For, if a bale of cotton be put into the hold of a ship, and be there converted, by the process cancel commerce, into jiju arils ol cotton cloth, whilst a similar bale of cotton, put; into a tai lory, can ny the process called ; manufacture, be converted only into 200 yaids, it is very clear that those who advo injurious sche ne. seems to be to dres them up with pitriotic and high soun ling phrases, and th -n to connect them with the tortuues of some favorite. Phi- is the course that has b e:i pursued, in regard t" the 'Anerican system,' which has hence become, not so much aque-lion of retson, i as of p.iriv passion, and is therefore not so (easily overthrown, as other erroneous pro- j cts, which can be combated by addressing the understanding of their advocates. It a farmer were to be asked, whether it wa- most for his interest to buy a coat for ten dollars nf a manufacturer, or for five dollars of a merchant, he would hive no hesitation in de-ignatiug the latter; but when the same ques'ion is put in him upon a large scale, and when he is asked, whether it i-j nios' for the intenst of ihe whole people to buy th ir coats deai , or to bu them cheap, he appeais to be l S' in the magnitude of 'he que-tion. The terms ulouus ic indus try,' Mhegteat American system,' 'patriot ism,' 'paying foieigu tribute' dance before lis eyes like so many phantoms; and he so berly answers, that the nation would gaio, by enwting a law to co npel people to give t n dollars for iheir coats instead of five siich. reader, is the true state of this cae, and not only are such false views entertain d b the great body of the farmers in the middle States, but even, ami we are som to s iV i', by a get portion of our lawyers, phvsici ins, scholais, and other influential citizens, who. for the want of a disposition to investigate a -object, which would re quire thes'udy of a volume or two, suffer themselves to be deluded into a cour-e, which is adverse to their individual inter ests, as it is to those of ihe nation. The corn laws of (reat Britain stand as one of the most prominent examples of leg islative folly. By these laws, the impor tation of grain into Ureal Britain, for con sumption, isburlhened with duihs so ex travagant as to amount to a prohibition, ex cept in times of great scarcity. The con sequence is, that th population of Great Britain are compelled to pay dearer for their bread, lhan they would have to pay were the duty a moderate one. imposed merely for the purpo-es of tevenue. That this is an e il to the population of Great Britain, is too palpable not to be seen by the uneducated mind It is universally condemned by the people of the United States, not only as an inhuman measure, but also as an impolitic otic) inasmuch as Gieat Britain, by refusing to pu chase grain flohi foreign countries, deprive thdm lo an qual extent of ihe means of purchasing her man ufactures; and besides, if loud were cheaper in Great Bntd than it no-v is. her manu factures Would be cheaper, and hi r com maud over the markets of the world, in the same proportion extended. But, however great the folly of oth.r nations may be, we have no right lo intermeddle with litem. All (hat we have lo do, is to profit by their experience, and their want of wisdom ; and if we can perceive, that a restrictive law, which raises the price of bread, is injurious to the nation which enacts it, let us keep in mind, that one which raises the price of el-thing, is also injurious. What is lolly in Great Britain, would be folly if adopted by any other nation, and no less so it adop ted by ourselves. Ihe restrictive sstem in all its forms is an effort to diminish pro duciion. and coi seq iently the comforts of the people; and that branch of it which has a tendency to multiply naked IjjcUs, is no better than the one which has a tendency to multiply empty stomachs. But, say our reatnetionists, if Great Bri tain will not buy out flour, It is fof our in terest not to buy h r manufactures If that be the case, then it is very certain that we will not buy them. We understand what is for our interest as well as other people. But, where laws are called in at ihe urgen cy of interested parties, to force people to leave off purchasing British manufactures, it excites a) least a suspicion, that ii is not for our interest to leave off. The interest of the American nation, as one family, is to buy manufactures of Great Britain, so long as she can supply them cheaper th in we can make them, and is willing to take payment in any of our productions; and for precise. y the same reason lhat it would be tor the interest of Gieat Britain, to buy grain of foreign nations, if they would sell it cheaper lhan she could raise it, so long as ihey would take payment in any of tier manufactures. Oi late years, Great Brit- am has done no act, signifying that sh will not take payment ol us in products ol some kind or other, lor as many of hei manufactures as we are willing to buy. I is true she exercises the riht of choosing the article which suit her bdt. But this is precisely the Same right which we our selves exercise in our purchases from her. A'e should think it strange, if the owneis of the coal mines in England, should rep feent it to parliament as a grievance, that the New Vorkers would buy no more of their coal, since they get supplies from the Schuylkill and Lehigh coal mines or ii the farmers of Ireland should wish to pro hibit, our flaxseed, beduse we will only take pota'oes from them in times of get scarcity, as at this moment or if the man ufactures of Scotland, should advocate the exclusion of American productions, be cause it suited our convenience lo purchase chiefly of the manufacturers of Manchester and Birmingham. There is no doubt that the res rictive laws of each nation, limit the interchange of commodities which would take place did they not exist, and it 's very clear, that it is not the policy of ei iher to push them any further. As to the question of which was the first offender, it is not material to inquire. The legislative acts of neither, in ihe first instance, were intentionally hostile. Corn laws prohibi ting the importation of foreign grain, Un- uer certain circumstances, h ive existed in Great Britain, for a great number of year's They were not levelled at us, but designed to ex'ort money from the Consumers of bread, in order to promote ihe interests of i tie landholders, and the tenants who had entered into long leases when grain was at a high price. We therefore, have no right to complain of the existence of. those laws, any more than we have of the laws of I'eru and Mexico, which shut out our flour and cotton fabrics from their markets. And we should certainly not act wisely, weie we, in retaliation for their measures taught i hem by the advocates of the 'Amer ican system,' to prohibit the importation of their specie, copper, cocoa, and other commodities, which they are willing to give us in exchange for others of our pro ducts. From this view of the subject, it will be seen, that every step which is taken in a war of restriction, does equal injury to both parties, for every refusal to buy of foreign nations is an annihilation of the power to tell, precisely to the same amount. To suppose, then, that a nation can gain by a counter restriction, is alto gether fallacious. The restrictive system is nothing but imitating the folly. It ninr nations out of ten, are silly enough to be lieve, that the fewer commodities they pro duce, the better, and in consequence Of that belief, restrict the industry of their people, it would he for the interest of the remaining one lo keep herself unshackled. and to buy of ihem all, as much as they would he willing to exchange for her pro ductions. This truth is constantly display ed in the transactions of pnvate life. If a farm r had nine neighbors, employed in va rious trades, who should take it into their heads to raise a considerable part of their own butter, eggs, poultry, vegetables, and fruit, but were still willing to buy of him grain to the full extent of what he was wil ling to buy of them, such as hats, shoes. and clothes, would il be for the interest of the farmer to become his own hatler, shoe maker, and tailor, and thereby cut off tiie onlv market which he had for his grain? W ould it noi be better for him, to continue to buy, so long as he could get more hats', shoes, and clothes, for his grain than he could make at home? If the time, indeed, should ever arrive, when the hatter, shoe maker, and tailor, would lake nothing for their fabrics, which he could offer in pay ment, then his trade with them would ceae of it-elf, without the necessity of any com pulsory law. This case is precisely paral lel to that of our relations wiih Great Britain- She says to the United States. l will lake products from you to the extent of our purchases of my manufactures. I will, however, exercise the right of choos ing amongst your assortment of articles, that which suits me best, in the same man ner, lhat you exercise the right of buying from me the manufactures which suit you best' Now, in all this, there is nothing unfair. We Certainly have no right to de signate the articles which we shall takej and we would be very silly, if, because si & will not buy from us products which she does not want, We should fe fuse to sell her those which she does want. And yet, this is what we have done. Our tariff laws are nothing more nor less, than declarations to England, that we will not sell her our cot ton; for a nation which says ! will net buy,' says at the same time, I will not sell.' (Raouet ) Mr. Cry's Popularity. The Federalists appear to build their hopes of the election of Mr. Clay more up on their wishes than their real strength. They might perhaps learn a useful lesson, md probabh avoid much mortification in future if they would casl off their prodigi ous magnifiers and look at things as they really are? What chance" has Mr. Clay ol heing elected President in 1844? None, in our opinion. But we will examine how he has stood before the American people hretdforej and see how lhe3' haVe gstirtia-l ted his character. Thai is the most praCti cal way of arriving ai just conclusion's. Mr. Clay has been a candidate for the Presidency for more than 520 year.j elthgr rctfutlr f)r irregitl f. and. what has been the result We will look back and see. In IS24, Mr. Clay was a candidate for the Presidency, and had m oly ardent friends, particularly in the west. There were four' candi'lates voted for by the peo pie, and Mr. Clay was the lowest on the list, and w..s excluded from ihe House of Representatives, on which body the elec tion devolved, there being no choice by the pe ple. Itl 182S, he was so identified with Joh" Q Ad ams. having bargained himself into the office of Secretary of State, that a con demnation of one was necessarily the con demnation of the other, and Adams and Clay were sent into retiracy by the Demo cracy of the nation. In KS32, Mr. Clay was aain brought before ihe people by a national convention, as the anti-Jackson candidate, and received 0'i'y 33 electoral votes out of 20 1 1 The popuh"- vote against him Was near a ha"lf million! Even the enemies of the Jack son administration, in New York, Pennsyl v nta and Vermont lelusing to vote for him In 1836, notwithstanding great exertions wore uset his friends could not get him fairly On the track Owing lo his known uii popularity; and he was pas-ed by as unavail able by his parly. In 1840 he was not suffered to dome 0 the track. The Harnsbtirg Conxfcn'ioh which met in December. 'tfB. did not con siiler him as available as old Tip, dnd the) were certainly Fight; In the spring ol 141, Mr. Clay waS again brought forward as the Federal candidate for the Presidency in 44, by large and en thusiastic me ti tigs throughout the Country. and ive need barely mention that the Fed eral ttaflv hits scarce ly tun ed a victoiy since? Fifteen Stales that voted for Har aisott in '40 have sine given laigv Demo cratic majorities. Even in Kentucky, the 'Banner State' of whiggery in the days of Harfisoti) there has been a drawn battle, the Democrats having elected half the Congressmen from that State. Now, with these truths before him, will any One say that the friends of Mr. Clay do not predicate their hopes of success more upon their wishes than the actual strength of their candidate. We think such are Ihe fads. We know that the federal isis calculate largely on division in the Democratic ranks, but in this they are b und to be disappointed I he nondi.tie of the Democratic Nationd Convention will receive the cordial support of ihe Democra cy, and we Conscientiously believe, be elec ted by a"n overwhelming majority. Mr. Clav has .seen his best days, and his doc trines, are if possible, moe unpopular now thjtn they have ever been. The das of hurrtbdggery are passing by fast, ard Mr. Clay and his odious doctrines' will stidh be forgotten by the American people, at least we hope so, and conclude that we have Said chough on this subject at this lime Hamiltbn O.) Ttligraph. Celebration of the Sfh Jan. al jipolto Halls Washington City We give beloW the letter received by the Committee of Invitation, from Gen. An drew JaCksoni Hermitage, Dec 28. 184.1 Gentlemen: Your favor of the 19th, iri behalf of the Democratic Senatorsand mem bers of Congress, held in the hall of the House of Representatives on the evening of the 18th inst.j Inviting me to particip-te with them in the Celebration of the victory of New Orleans, ha been received. I sincerel regret that the feeble state of my health Will not allovv me to he present With you on this occasion! but, though ab sent, I shall participate with you in the just remembrance of the patriotic exertions of my brdve Compatriots in arms, ho re- poised ihe British force an the plains of New Orleans a force amounting to thrice their own number, dud disciplined in the service of hanhlought battles on the Conti nent of Europe. MelhinkS I now hear the glorious response to my order alonjt the line, when this force, displaying ten thousand bayonets commenced their attack upon us 1 directed rtiV ald de-Camp Major Rped, to pass along our lines, and say. thai New Orleans must here be defen ded, and our wives and daughters shielded fiom pollution, or we must cheerfully fall in the ditch before us. This order wS conveyed throughout the litlei, and it was received with three cheers, which had not ceased to ring upon the ear when the batth began. History records the result. It is due to the brave men who so nobly perform d their duty, that thty should be renu mber ed at each anniversary of the day which 'hey rendered so memorable. Such le membrance may keep bright for other times an example thai will teach our pos terity what to do in a similar case May it foiever keep alive that spirit of holy pa triotism which fJMers dedth to the djs fTiemherment of our Cnion. and r gards every sacrifice as de-irable vvhich is made to rep I fbf'ign invasion!! For the kind terms ih whl-h you have b en plea-e f 'ti rCcur to my st ices on lhat trying occasion i beg vChi. gentlemen; ti receive nv thanks, and my besl wishes for your welfare. I aili, Very truly, your friend, ANDRBW ja kson. The reading of thy letter from the old Chief of the Hermitage was neeived wnh three timeS ihree, given in a spirit of war mest enthu-iasm. The Rail Road Pi1. Mr. Francis E. Rive, of Petersburg. Va , ex-member of Congress purchased a claim of J526.O00 against the Portsmouth Rdl Road. Una ble to effe. t a satisfactory arangeimnl with theRtil Road company for the payment of the claim. Mr. Rives, with about a doz Cu white nifcn and fifty negroe-, procteded to tear up that part of the Road which lies in Nor h Carolina, and to destroy the bridge oier the Roanoke. He had suc ceeded in tearing Up about two miles of 'he Road, when a strong force, chiefly of volunteer mechanics, headed by Major (iwnn. President of the Road, arrived on the s .ot from Portsmouth, arrested Rives and his assistants, destr oyed the car s belong ing io the rival Petersburg Road with which Rives was carrx ing off the iron rails; and in an hour and three quarters had the road repaired; exeept the bridge Mr. Rives) in custody of the Sheriff of Northampton, went lo R deigh and applied to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Coutt for a wrli of hablas Corpus. The case was argued before Ihe Judges, who bound Mr. Rives, in the sum of 3,000, to appear at Northampton Court. It is said that the Petersburg company agreed to pay Mr. Rives his claim, if he would destroy the Portsmouth Road. I hrs, however, 31 r. R. denies. Strong feeling has been excited against the Peters burg, and in favor of the Portsmouth Road. Washington Whig. Flour The New York Express sa3s: 'By a sta'e enl rhadeup with Care and Ac curacy, it appears that the stock of flout in this mar kef is thn e hundred and ninety one thousand barrels, dnd if all the scatteiing lots were collected, the sum total would reach four hundred thousand. At the clo sing of the fiver last ear, the supply was one bundled and filly thousand. Thus, it appears, that ti e excess this year is two bundled arid fifty thousand barrels." (Cotton Speculations The sales of cot lOn in the New York market during the I hast week were about 32,500 bales. The j Express says: During the1 last two weeks the sales h ive b en as lafge as the number of bales ; In imtfket. Softie lots have been sold eight ! times find hdVe hul been rhflved. and every i seller has made a profit. NeaHv thd whole boSinrss has been On speculation ' The New Orleans COuher or 2d inst. avs: v'e haVe heard it stated that 'he neph CW or agent of ihe hnti-e of the Rothschild, noW in this city, has orders to purchase all the cotton id our market. If this be true, as we have every reason to believe it is, so gigrfntic a Speculation CanHot fail of proving highly beneficial tothe holders of that arti cle. (JThe Ngwb-rniah speaks of New behi a the largest town in the State. This Is a -light mistake. According to the Cen sus of l.40, the pophlation of Wilmington was 4.744, that of Newherrl 3,690. . Thd population of Wilmington at the present lime Is doubtless sdhle hundreds over 6 000. By the same Census the popula flon of Fayelieville Was 4.2Sd, of Raleigh 2,244. Wilmington Chronicle. it- Pree Migrbea A Correspondent itl Abbeville District furnishes us With thd following striking proof of the happy and Contented sltUalluh of Our Slave popu lation, when compared wifh that of ihe Free Negroes The wri'Cr is a gentleman of high standing in society, and we have no hesitation in vouching for the Correctness of his statements. 'Not long since I was Informed by ares pectable citizefi of Georgia who Is one of the Executors to the Will of a deceased gen tleman recently Of that State thai the gen fleman provided io his Will, lhat immedi afelyrff" r his death, the large number of Ne groes he owned should be comfortably situ ated in the S afn of Ohio, which requisition my informant said. Was fully compiled with; and now that ihe N groeS hate remained in Ohio about two years, all the while dissat-i-fied, they have applied to the Executors to send for them, stating their willingness to serve ihem the remainder of their life, averring that they had rather be Geor gia Slave-, than Ohio Free Negrota. This statement may be relied upon as cor rect" Greenville S. C ) Aloun,
The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 27, 1844, edition 1
1
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75