TT8
H
Id
If hole .V,. 931,
tarborongtt, Hdgccombe County, J L Saturday, January 27, 1 S44i
I M. XX. M 4.
T4
TAIEIBdDmdD9
The T.irfoaroiliyh Press, .rate the latter mode of production, consul
Mv liEoiir.E Howard. Jr. j er that the com m imiv is much better off
Is puSlisJip.l weekly at Tiv lltttm per year, wjtn tlV" hundred yards of cloth, than
If pai l in advance nr. lvo Hollars and fifty with three hundred
CV. at the expiration f th suhsoription year.' Now, in this view of the subject there
Subscriber are at liberty to ,li,co,.tiu at a.,yis something so absorb, that we douht if a
tune on ;i vi n-j notice thereof uil paying arrears. i , , . . . . ,CU1,,,,Li, A
A.lvertise nenu notexeee,li;r a.are will he S.,nle ''VV,,,,al 'l lnd co.lld be
Inserted at O it Dollar the first insertion, an. I -25 f01)'11' to yi-dd his ass.-nt to it, so revolting
bents fr every continuance. Lo ijer ?el vertie- is it to the dictates of common sense; and
inenu at that rue jer scpiye. Court Or.lers and yet, strange as it m ,v apt) ar, this is the
vni.licial (lvertiements per cent. hi r!ur. Ad- J.trino n.r. ...u; .1 .u c
. . . . u II, , s uoctrme upon which the famous tA;n,n-
Vertiseinents mast he in trke.l the iiuuihHr .4 uief- ',, . ".n
Unns require.!. Or they will he co .tinned unlil . C!n "V!",,.m ,(""ded. All that i. req ii-
rjtherwise directed, a id ch irr ., accordingly. !,u' to glin proselylcs to the most silly and
Letters aitlress-d to the I'Mitor must he post
paid, or I hey may not he attended to,
Frum Ihe Raleigh Independent .
LINKS
Written on f he night of the 31 December 13 13
Another year has swiftly pussM,
On noiseless pinion by;
Nut like the rn-diing, wintry blast,
That rolls the billows high,
Hnl like the fleecy cloud f morn
That fidt s awav in air
While gazing on it folds, 'tis gone,
And leaves no impress therp;
Or like the silent dews of eve,
That fall on herb -and 1'owpr,
Bui in the ii orning gently leave,
The grass plat and the hnweri
And leave no mark or trace behind,
To llr.!l they had been there,
Hut like the. swift, careering wind
'Tis gone we know not where:
Or like the tear on childhood's cheek,
That danced a little wliilej
But ere the doating one could speak,
'Twas followed by a smile;
And on the loved one's downy face,
So sweetly bright and fair;
No mark was lefi by which to trace,
The tear drop had been there;
Or like the virions of the night.
That scape at opening day.
Like spectres living from the light,
On lightning wii.g awav;
And leave no picture on the mind,
Distinct in its outline;
But mixed with dreams of kindred kind,
Nought but the fragments shine:
Or like the gently ebbing wnve,
That breaks upon the strand,
Whose limpid waters softly lave,
The billow-beaten Stand,
Then mingles with the tide again,
And nevpr rises more,
To rush acrdss the stormy main,
And break upon the shore:
Or like: the vapoury, gauzedike wreathe,
That twines the nountain's brow.
On which the morning zephyrs breathe
Twas there but is not now.
So vestige lingers round the rocks,
That crown the sunlit height;
The hoary, floating, airy locks,
Have vanished into light
Thus like the cloud, the dew, the tear.
The vapoury wreathe, the dream, the ware,
Has pass'd away another year.
And borne us downward to the grave!
How soon life's gilded, fleeting dream,
Will be with us forever pass'd!
How like the little winding stream.
It finds the mighty sea at last!
ftaleigh. NAMELESS.
THE DOCTRINE OF COUNTER RE
M RlCTIONS. .
Amongst the advocates of the restrictive
system, th' re 4re many who hold the opin
ion, that the principles of free lraile are
those upon which the policy of a state
should be founded, provided, that all na
tions vcie to adopt them; but who think
them to he erroneous, in the actual condf
tion of tie world will's so many countries
have departed ffom them. This icw of
the subject, which l as been widely propa
gated, ivus done more to strengthen the pro
hibitory puly, titan all then other argu
meuts put tog liar Although ve have
examined this doctrine upon a former ocea
Mon, in our remarks upon Mr. Madison.
letter.-) it is a -object of sufficient impor
tan 'e, to met it a repeated investigation,
and we -hall present therefore the header
With the following additional views.
Logical h e protection, by high duties,
imposed for ihe purpose of excluding for
eign commodities in whole or in pari, is
never resorted to, except where a foreign
article can be impr-ed cheaper lhan a sim
ilar, or a kindred one, can be made at
ho me. A protective law. therefore, is a
law declaring, that the productive power
of the na'ion -hail be so applied, as to pro-j
duce le-s of certain commodities, than it is
capable of producing, if left to ihe exer
cise ol i's faculties in a state of perfect free
dom It is a law, in other vvurds which
declares, that it is better for a nation to
have few commodities, than to have many
that it is better to buy dear than to buy
cheap or, wn.it is the same thing, that it
is better for individuals to procure ihe ne
cessaries of life by a more laborious, lhan
by a less laborious process. For, if a bale
of cotton be put into the hold of a ship,
and be there converted, by the process
cancel commerce, into jiju arils ol cotton
cloth, whilst a similar bale of cotton, put;
into a tai lory, can ny the process called ;
manufacture, be converted only into 200
yaids, it is very clear that those who advo
injurious sche ne. seems to be to dres
them up with pitriotic and high soun ling
phrases, and th -n to connect them with the
tortuues of some favorite. Phi- is the
course that has b e:i pursued, in regard t"
the 'Anerican system,' which has hence
become, not so much aque-lion of retson,
i as of p.iriv passion, and is therefore not so
(easily overthrown, as other erroneous pro-
j cts, which can be combated by addressing
the understanding of their advocates. It
a farmer were to be asked, whether it wa-
most for his interest to buy a coat for ten
dollars nf a manufacturer, or for five dollars
of a merchant, he would hive no hesitation
in de-ignatiug the latter; but when the
same ques'ion is put in him upon a large
scale, and when he is asked, whether it i-j
nios' for the intenst of ihe whole people to
buy th ir coats deai , or to bu them cheap,
he appeais to be l S' in the magnitude of
'he que-tion. The terms ulouus ic indus
try,' Mhegteat American system,' 'patriot
ism,' 'paying foieigu tribute' dance before
lis eyes like so many phantoms; and he so
berly answers, that the nation would gaio,
by enwting a law to co npel people to give
t n dollars for iheir coats instead of five
siich. reader, is the true state of this cae,
and not only are such false views entertain
d b the great body of the farmers in the
middle States, but even, ami we are som
to s iV i', by a get portion of our lawyers,
phvsici ins, scholais, and other influential
citizens, who. for the want of a disposition
to investigate a -object, which would re
quire thes'udy of a volume or two, suffer
themselves to be deluded into a cour-e,
which is adverse to their individual inter
ests, as it is to those of ihe nation.
The corn laws of (reat Britain stand as
one of the most prominent examples of leg
islative folly. By these laws, the impor
tation of grain into Ureal Britain, for con
sumption, isburlhened with duihs so ex
travagant as to amount to a prohibition, ex
cept in times of great scarcity. The con
sequence is, that th population of Great
Britain are compelled to pay dearer for
their bread, lhan they would have to pay
were the duty a moderate one. imposed
merely for the purpo-es of tevenue. That
this is an e il to the population of Great
Britain, is too palpable not to be seen by
the uneducated mind It is universally
condemned by the people of the United
States, not only as an inhuman measure, but
also as an impolitic otic) inasmuch as Gieat
Britain, by refusing to pu chase grain flohi
foreign countries, deprive thdm lo an qual
extent of ihe means of purchasing her man
ufactures; and besides, if loud were cheaper
in Great Bntd than it no-v is. her manu
factures Would be cheaper, and hi r com
maud over the markets of the world, in the
same proportion extended. But, however
great the folly of oth.r nations may be, we
have no right lo intermeddle with litem.
All (hat we have lo do, is to profit by their
experience, and their want of wisdom ; and
if we can perceive, that a restrictive law,
which raises the price of bread, is injurious
to the nation which enacts it, let us keep
in mind, that one which raises the price of
el-thing, is also injurious. What is lolly
in Great Britain, would be folly if adopted
by any other nation, and no less so it adop
ted by ourselves. Ihe restrictive sstem
in all its forms is an effort to diminish pro
duciion. and coi seq iently the comforts of
the people; and that branch of it which has
a tendency to multiply naked IjjcUs, is no
better than the one which has a tendency
to multiply empty stomachs.
But, say our reatnetionists, if Great Bri
tain will not buy out flour, It is fof our in
terest not to buy h r manufactures If that
be the case, then it is very certain that we
will not buy them. We understand what
is for our interest as well as other people.
But, where laws are called in at ihe urgen
cy of interested parties, to force people to
leave off purchasing British manufactures,
it excites a) least a suspicion, that ii is not
for our interest to leave off. The interest
of the American nation, as one family, is
to buy manufactures of Great Britain, so
long as she can supply them cheaper th in
we can make them, and is willing to take
payment in any of our productions; and for
precise. y the same reason lhat it would be
tor the interest of Gieat Britain, to buy
grain of foreign nations, if they would sell
it cheaper lhan she could raise it, so long as
ihey would take payment in any of tier
manufactures. Oi late years, Great Brit-
am has done no act, signifying that sh
will not take payment ol us in products ol
some kind or other, lor as many of hei
manufactures as we are willing to buy. I
is true she exercises the riht of choosing
the article which suit her bdt. But this
is precisely the Same right which we our
selves exercise in our purchases from her.
A'e should think it strange, if the owneis
of the coal mines in England, should rep
feent it to parliament as a grievance, that
the New Vorkers would buy no more of
their coal, since they get supplies from the
Schuylkill and Lehigh coal mines or ii
the farmers of Ireland should wish to pro
hibit, our flaxseed, beduse we will only
take pota'oes from them in times of get
scarcity, as at this moment or if the man
ufactures of Scotland, should advocate the
exclusion of American productions, be
cause it suited our convenience lo purchase
chiefly of the manufacturers of Manchester
and Birmingham. There is no doubt that
the res rictive laws of each nation, limit
the interchange of commodities which
would take place did they not exist, and it
's very clear, that it is not the policy of ei
iher to push them any further. As to the
question of which was the first offender, it
is not material to inquire. The legislative
acts of neither, in ihe first instance, were
intentionally hostile. Corn laws prohibi
ting the importation of foreign grain, Un-
uer certain circumstances, h ive existed in
Great Britain, for a great number of year's
They were not levelled at us, but designed
to ex'ort money from the Consumers of
bread, in order to promote ihe interests of
i tie landholders, and the tenants who had
entered into long leases when grain was at
a high price. We therefore, have no
right to complain of the existence of. those
laws, any more than we have of the laws of
I'eru and Mexico, which shut out our flour
and cotton fabrics from their markets.
And we should certainly not act wisely,
weie we, in retaliation for their measures
taught i hem by the advocates of the 'Amer
ican system,' to prohibit the importation
of their specie, copper, cocoa, and other
commodities, which they are willing to
give us in exchange for others of our pro
ducts. From this view of the subject, it will be
seen, that every step which is taken in a
war of restriction, does equal injury to
both parties, for every refusal to buy of
foreign nations is an annihilation of the
power to tell, precisely to the same
amount. To suppose, then, that a nation
can gain by a counter restriction, is alto
gether fallacious. The restrictive system
is nothing but imitating the folly. It ninr
nations out of ten, are silly enough to be
lieve, that the fewer commodities they pro
duce, the better, and in consequence Of
that belief, restrict the industry of their
people, it would he for the interest of the
remaining one lo keep herself unshackled.
and to buy of ihem all, as much as they
would he willing to exchange for her pro
ductions. This truth is constantly display
ed in the transactions of pnvate life. If a
farm r had nine neighbors, employed in va
rious trades, who should take it into their
heads to raise a considerable part of their
own butter, eggs, poultry, vegetables, and
fruit, but were still willing to buy of him
grain to the full extent of what he was wil
ling to buy of them, such as hats, shoes.
and clothes, would il be for the interest of
the farmer to become his own hatler, shoe
maker, and tailor, and thereby cut off tiie
onlv market which he had for his grain?
W ould it noi be better for him, to continue
to buy, so long as he could get more hats',
shoes, and clothes, for his grain than he
could make at home? If the time, indeed,
should ever arrive, when the hatter, shoe
maker, and tailor, would lake nothing for
their fabrics, which he could offer in pay
ment, then his trade with them would ceae
of it-elf, without the necessity of any com
pulsory law. This case is precisely paral
lel to that of our relations wiih Great Britain-
She says to the United States. l will
lake products from you to the extent of
our purchases of my manufactures. I
will, however, exercise the right of choos
ing amongst your assortment of articles,
that which suits me best, in the same man
ner, lhat you exercise the right of buying
from me the manufactures which suit you
best' Now, in all this, there is nothing
unfair. We Certainly have no right to de
signate the articles which we shall takej
and we would be very silly, if, because si &
will not buy from us products which she
does not want, We should fe fuse to sell her
those which she does want. And yet, this
is what we have done. Our tariff laws are
nothing more nor less, than declarations to
England, that we will not sell her our cot
ton; for a nation which says ! will net
buy,' says at the same time, I will not
sell.' (Raouet )
Mr. Cry's Popularity.
The Federalists appear to build their
hopes of the election of Mr. Clay more up
on their wishes than their real strength.
They might perhaps learn a useful lesson,
md probabh avoid much mortification in
future if they would casl off their prodigi
ous magnifiers and look at things as they
really are? What chance" has Mr. Clay ol
heing elected President in 1844? None,
in our opinion. But we will examine how
he has stood before the American people
hretdforej and see how lhe3' haVe gstirtia-l
ted his character. Thai is the most praCti
cal way of arriving ai just conclusion's.
Mr. Clay has been a candidate for the
Presidency for more than 520 year.j elthgr
rctfutlr f)r irregitl f. and. what has been
the result We will look back and see.
In IS24, Mr. Clay was a candidate for
the Presidency, and had m oly ardent
friends, particularly in the west. There
were four' candi'lates voted for by the peo
pie, and Mr. Clay was the lowest on the
list, and w..s excluded from ihe House of
Representatives, on which body the elec
tion devolved, there being no choice by the
pe ple.
Itl 182S, he was so identified with Joh"
Q Ad ams. having bargained himself into
the office of Secretary of State, that a con
demnation of one was necessarily the con
demnation of the other, and Adams and
Clay were sent into retiracy by the Demo
cracy of the nation.
In KS32, Mr. Clay was aain brought
before ihe people by a national convention,
as the anti-Jackson candidate, and received
0'i'y 33 electoral votes out of 20 1 1 The
popuh"- vote against him Was near a ha"lf
million! Even the enemies of the Jack
son administration, in New York, Pennsyl
v nta and Vermont lelusing to vote for
him
In 1836, notwithstanding great exertions
wore uset his friends could not get him
fairly On the track Owing lo his known uii
popularity; and he was pas-ed by as unavail
able by his parly.
In 1840 he was not suffered to dome 0
the track. The Harnsbtirg Conxfcn'ioh
which met in December. 'tfB. did not con
siiler him as available as old Tip, dnd the)
were certainly Fight;
In the spring ol 141, Mr. Clay waS again
brought forward as the Federal candidate
for the Presidency in 44, by large and en
thusiastic me ti tigs throughout the Country.
and ive need barely mention that the Fed
eral ttaflv hits scarce ly tun ed a victoiy
since? Fifteen Stales that voted for Har
aisott in '40 have sine given laigv Demo
cratic majorities. Even in Kentucky,
the 'Banner State' of whiggery in the
days of Harfisoti) there has been a drawn
battle, the Democrats having elected half
the Congressmen from that State.
Now, with these truths before him, will
any One say that the friends of Mr.
Clay do not predicate their hopes of success
more upon their wishes than the actual
strength of their candidate. We think such
are Ihe fads. We know that the federal
isis calculate largely on division in the
Democratic ranks, but in this they are
b und to be disappointed I he nondi.tie
of the Democratic Nationd Convention will
receive the cordial support of ihe Democra
cy, and we Conscientiously believe, be elec
ted by a"n overwhelming majority. Mr.
Clav has .seen his best days, and his doc
trines, are if possible, moe unpopular now
thjtn they have ever been. The das of
hurrtbdggery are passing by fast, ard Mr.
Clay and his odious doctrines' will stidh be
forgotten by the American people, at least
we hope so, and conclude that we have Said
chough on this subject at this lime
Hamiltbn O.) Ttligraph.
Celebration of the Sfh Jan. al jipolto
Halls Washington City
We give beloW the letter received by the
Committee of Invitation, from Gen. An
drew JaCksoni
Hermitage, Dec 28. 184.1
Gentlemen: Your favor of the 19th, iri
behalf of the Democratic Senatorsand mem
bers of Congress, held in the hall of the
House of Representatives on the evening
of the 18th inst.j Inviting me to particip-te
with them in the Celebration of the victory
of New Orleans, ha been received.
I sincerel regret that the feeble state of
my health Will not allovv me to he present
With you on this occasion! but, though ab
sent, I shall participate with you in the
just remembrance of the patriotic exertions
of my brdve Compatriots in arms, ho re-
poised ihe British force an the plains of
New Orleans a force amounting to thrice
their own number, dud disciplined in the
service of hanhlought battles on the Conti
nent of Europe. MelhinkS I now hear
the glorious response to my order alonjt
the line, when this force, displaying ten
thousand bayonets commenced their attack
upon us 1 directed rtiV ald de-Camp
Major Rped, to pass along our lines, and
say. thai New Orleans must here be defen
ded, and our wives and daughters shielded
fiom pollution, or we must cheerfully fall
in the ditch before us. This order wS
conveyed throughout the litlei, and it was
received with three cheers, which had not
ceased to ring upon the ear when the batth
began.
History records the result. It is due to
the brave men who so nobly perform d
their duty, that thty should be renu mber
ed at each anniversary of the day which
'hey rendered so memorable. Such le
membrance may keep bright for other
times an example thai will teach our pos
terity what to do in a similar case May
it foiever keep alive that spirit of holy pa
triotism which fJMers dedth to the djs
fTiemherment of our Cnion. and r gards
every sacrifice as de-irable vvhich is made
to rep I fbf'ign invasion!!
For the kind terms ih whl-h you have
b en plea-e f 'ti rCcur to my st ices on
lhat trying occasion i beg vChi. gentlemen;
ti receive nv thanks, and my besl wishes
for your welfare.
I aili, Very truly, your friend,
ANDRBW ja kson.
The reading of thy letter from the old
Chief of the Hermitage was neeived wnh
three timeS ihree, given in a spirit of war
mest enthu-iasm.
The Rail Road Pi1. Mr. Francis E.
Rive, of Petersburg. Va , ex-member of
Congress purchased a claim of J526.O00
against the Portsmouth Rdl Road. Una
ble to effe. t a satisfactory arangeimnl with
theRtil Road company for the payment
of the claim. Mr. Rives, with about a doz
Cu white nifcn and fifty negroe-, procteded
to tear up that part of the Road which lies
in Nor h Carolina, and to destroy the
bridge oier the Roanoke. He had suc
ceeded in tearing Up about two miles of
'he Road, when a strong force, chiefly of
volunteer mechanics, headed by Major
(iwnn. President of the Road, arrived on
the s .ot from Portsmouth, arrested Rives
and his assistants, destr oyed the car s belong
ing io the rival Petersburg Road with
which Rives was carrx ing off the iron rails;
and in an hour and three quarters had the
road repaired; exeept the bridge
Mr. Rives) in custody of the Sheriff of
Northampton, went lo R deigh and applied
to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Coutt
for a wrli of hablas Corpus. The case was
argued before Ihe Judges, who bound Mr.
Rives, in the sum of 3,000, to appear at
Northampton Court.
It is said that the Petersburg company
agreed to pay Mr. Rives his claim, if he
would destroy the Portsmouth Road.
I hrs, however, 31 r. R. denies. Strong
feeling has been excited against the Peters
burg, and in favor of the Portsmouth Road.
Washington Whig.
Flour The New York Express sa3s:
'By a sta'e enl rhadeup with Care and Ac
curacy, it appears that the stock of flout in
this mar kef is thn e hundred and ninety one
thousand barrels, dnd if all the scatteiing
lots were collected, the sum total would
reach four hundred thousand. At the clo
sing of the fiver last ear, the supply was
one bundled and filly thousand. Thus, it
appears, that ti e excess this year is two
bundled arid fifty thousand barrels."
(Cotton Speculations The sales of cot
lOn in the New York market during the
I hast week were about 32,500 bales. The
j Express says:
During the1 last two weeks the sales
h ive b en as lafge as the number of bales
; In imtfket. Softie lots have been sold eight
! times find hdVe hul been rhflved. and every
i seller has made a profit. NeaHv thd
whole boSinrss has been On speculation '
The New Orleans COuher or 2d inst.
avs:
v'e haVe heard it stated that 'he neph
CW or agent of ihe hnti-e of the Rothschild,
noW in this city, has orders to purchase all
the cotton id our market. If this be true,
as we have every reason to believe it is, so
gigrfntic a Speculation CanHot fail of proving
highly beneficial tothe holders of that arti
cle. (JThe Ngwb-rniah speaks of New
behi a the largest town in the State. This
Is a -light mistake. According to the Cen
sus of l.40, the pophlation of Wilmington
was 4.744, that of Newherrl 3,690. . Thd
population of Wilmington at the present
lime Is doubtless sdhle hundreds over
6 000. By the same Census the popula
flon of Fayelieville Was 4.2Sd, of Raleigh
2,244. Wilmington Chronicle.
it-
Pree Migrbea A Correspondent itl
Abbeville District furnishes us With thd
following striking proof of the happy and
Contented sltUalluh of Our Slave popu
lation, when compared wifh that of ihe
Free Negroes The wri'Cr is a gentleman
of high standing in society, and we have no
hesitation in vouching for the Correctness
of his statements.
'Not long since I was Informed by ares
pectable citizefi of Georgia who Is one of
the Executors to the Will of a deceased gen
tleman recently Of that State thai the gen
fleman provided io his Will, lhat immedi
afelyrff" r his death, the large number of Ne
groes he owned should be comfortably situ
ated in the S afn of Ohio, which requisition
my informant said. Was fully compiled with;
and now that ihe N groeS hate remained in
Ohio about two years, all the while dissat-i-fied,
they have applied to the Executors
to send for them, stating their willingness
to serve ihem the remainder of their life,
averring that they had rather be Geor
gia Slave-, than Ohio Free Negrota.
This statement may be relied upon as cor
rect" Greenville S. C ) Aloun,