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WhoteJVo. 951.
Tarborough, Eilgccombe County, J'v. Saturday, .Hay as, 1 844,
Vol.XX.J.Ql.,
The Tarborougll Press,
Br George Howard, Jr.
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COR THE TARBOIto' PRESS.
TO MARY.
I have observed your gentle ways,
I've seen what passes there.
And all my study was to please,
And you, my only care.
I do esteem you, for above
All others of your sex;
Possessed of every power to please,
Without a will to vex.
And while your beauties I admire,
Your virtues I adore;
I glow with friendship and esteem,
And love you more and more.
Now, if these signs denote a heart
To friendship fee'ing true,
Grant me the mighty boon I ask,
To be esteemed by you. 13
THE PRINTER'S MISSION.
BY FREDERICK WING COLE.
To hold and trim the torch of Truth
And wave it o'er the darkened earth;
To sway the yearning hart of youth
And give the earnest thought its birth;
Abroad upon thy way to fling,
From off thy never-resting wing,
Upon the crowds that blindly grope
In blank despair, a spray of hope,
This is thy mission to thy kind,
Thou mighty Mercury of Mind.
What though thy torch be often fed
From fanes where falsehood sits enshri
ned! And poison mingles with the bread
Thou givest to the hungered mind;
What though the press prolific teems
With idle trash and skeptic dreams;
Give open field, and humbly wait
'Till thou shah see their final fame,
Truth needs to aid her giant blows,
No vantage ground above her foes.
The patient scribe struck long ago
Upon his slowly yielding race,
And iron custom felt the blow,
And after years its mark could trace,
Think not that thou shall leave behind
Upon the Protean public mind
The image that thy choice would make
A shape unknown to thee 't will take
But strike! thy arm shall help to mould
This mental mass no longer cold.
Who sent thee forth? Thou herald ray
Of dawning brightness, which so soon
Has taught us that was far from day
Which boasting Athens thought was
noon!
Was it from Faustus' brain alone
Thou had'st thy being? Hast thou grown
In skill so wise, in strength so great,
To sport with fools or sway the state?
I see thy brightening path it tends
From higher source to noble ends.
Thou art the child of Him who brings
From man's device His own decree;
A minister of holy things
His providence will make of thee.
The Gospel Angel, far and wide
O'er earth will find thee at his side.
And, while he sends in cadence clear
His message to the heedless ear,
Thine is the mission from on high
To hold it to the steadfast eye.
Then speed the Press! It is the heart
From which the mental nulse is fed:
Then speed the Press! Its throbbing dart
Where all would else be cold and dead.
It gives a form to mortal strife
And struggles of the inner life,
Where errors meet and clash and fall,
And truth shouts triumph o'er them all.
Its' weary work is all designed
one great mind-controlling Mind.
From the Washington Republican.
' The following characteristic letter of the
Hon.Dixon H. Lewia, wan in reply iO a com
munjeation from a gentleman in Texa.
Washington Cxtt, Feb. 14, 1844.
My Dear Sir: am indebted to you
for two letters since the meeting of Con
gress -the last containing a copy of the ex
pressionof the individual opinion of the
members of the Texan Congress in favor
pf annexation, I have so far not written to
you because there has been here as vet. no
denouncement of the questionwe. who
have felt anxiously on the subject, having
been hoping a movement from your Con
gress, which would present a practical is
sue, from which the mere politicians could
not escape, or some action on the part of
the Executive who we all know, has his
heart deeply in the result. The strong in
terest boih of Clay and Van Buren, as their
close friends suppose-is not to meddle
with a question, the strength of which has
never been tested lest its explosive pow
er might blow them both sky high. Bet
ter friends of Texas than either of them can
easily be found, and hence they have a
common interest in staving off the issue,
though if it isjorced on them, I have no
doubt either of them could be driven into a
support of the -measure. In this state of
the game, we have felt the difficulty of mo
ving on the abstract question in the ab
sence of any tangible issue presented ei
ther by the official action of the Texan Con
gress or through the diplomatic, intercourse
of the two Governments. Such a move
might be stifled by the cry of bring got up
for party purposes, sinister to the advance
ment of both Clay and Van Buren. Still
the public mind is gradually bringing up
the question in spite of politicians and
without some reasonable ground to hope for
some definite movement such as I bt fore
indicated before Congress adjourns, the na
ked issue, of annexation, cannot longer be
delayed. It no one more suitable, I will
move it mysen lor l nui never cease to
remember with pride, that I was the first
man who ever in Congress expressed him
self in fvor of Texan independence, and
Waddy Thompson often reminds me that
he and I were the hist men who passed
through the tellers when the vote was giv
en for recognition by our Government
Whenever the game is fairlv up and the
chase opened, I have no fears of the result
of annexation. Popular sympathy, when
'a. i : i i .
ever ii is uriconiairuiiaicii oy anoution or
Biitish influence, will sweep with a whirl
wind's rage the calculating politicians who
dare oppose it. I have no doubt it would
prove even stronger than Clay and Van Bu
ren both united. To the North it is a ques
lion of interest, to the West one of feeling;
while to the down-trodden, tarin-ridden,
and abolition be-devilled South, it is a ques
tion oi existence. Let the issue of annexa
tion be once rendered doubtful, and in
stinct of self-preservation would convince
them that their hopes of safety were stron
ger on the other side of the Sabine than of
the Delaware. I send you by to-day's mail
a pamphlet copy of Walker's admirable es
say in favor of annexation.
I have to day given to Lewis Coryell, of
Pennsylvania, a warm hearted friend to
lexas, a letter of introduction to you which
I hope you will receive. He will tell you
exactly how matters stand here on that ques
tion. Why do not the people of 'I exas
meet together and agitate the question of
American over British annexation, and
scourge their public functionaries into an
acquiescence wiiu their views Lvery
thing of thjt kind would do good. Ex
cuse this hasty letter, which you are at
liberty to use in any manner which will
promote the cause. I go for annexation
heart and soul, and as one I feel that 1 am
not willing forcibly to be kept severed
from you, by the influence of those whose
sympathies are more in favor of our slaves
than the whites of the South or Texas.
Your friend,
DIXON H. LEWIS.
Hon. J. Rugeltt.
From the Washington Spectator.
COM. STEWART'S POLITICAL
OPINIONS.
TO THE EDITOR OF THB SPECTATOR.
Sir: You will oblige a number of your
readers by the publication of the annexed
Letter of Commodore Stewart, declara
tive of his political principles.
Philadelphia, May 22, 1841.
Gentlemen: 1 have had the honor to
receive vour communication as a commit
tee of the "Old Ironsides Club of the City
and County of Philadelphia," accompani
ed by their resolutions passed at their sta
ted meeting held on the 15th inst.
In your communication you remark,
that "the association being composed of a
laree number of the Democratic citizens of
the City and county oi r niiaueipma, enier
taihihg the fullest confidence in my patriot
ism and mental endowments, as well as my
honest and consistent attachment to the
pure fundamental principles of the Demo
cratic faith, as promulgated by that great
disciple of liberty, 1 nomas jeiierson, ana
perpel!"ted by Andrew jacKson, nave
placed my pame Deiore me uoiuu .
candidate for the Chief Magistracy of a free
and a great people," and you ask whether
1 will "allow them, in conjunction with
my Democratic fellow citizens throughout
the Union, to present my name to the peo-
pie for their adoption through a Democratic
iuuuai uuvcmiuu, auu luiiiici, mi
yuu are insirucieu io ooiam my views oi
. . IA I I'll
the great Democratic principles which have
distingu ished the party of the people since
the days of 'the great Apostle of Democra
cy,' in order that the people of the Union
may be satisfied that 1 am, as I ever have
been, the firm, consistent and devoted
friend of equal laws, equal rights, political,
civil, and religious liberty."
For this distinguished preference of my
fellow-citizens of the city and county of
my nativity, I beg leave to return, through
you, their committee, my sincere and
grateful thanks, and to express to them a
hope that before the period shall arrive for
the assembling of a Democratic National
Convention, our fellow-ciliiens may be
enabled to present a name mora worthy
of this high distinction, which may so
readily be found in the great and patiiotic
Democratic family of our Union.
That the resolutions of the club which
you represent may be fully complied with,
I have no hesitation frankly to state, tint
should our fellow-citizens deem it proper
to present my name in the manner thev
propose, though I neither seek nor desire
it, I have no right to withhold it. For al
though I am filled with the most profound
sense of my own deficiencies for the exalt
ed station which has been adorned by
names so illustrious, I also conceive that it
is not the part of patriotism to shun any
duty which may be required by my fellow
citizens. The circumscribed position of a naval
commander affords but few occasions for
the development of his political principles
or sentiments. Born in the city of Phila
drlphia during the height of the arduous
struggle for independence, contemporane
ously with so many glorious events, I
could not but, with the first dawnings of
life, inhale those principles of republican
ism, which are so well calculated to confer
the largest share of happiness on the great
est number of those who live under their
auspices. I early imbibed an ardent at
tachment to the doctiines taught by the
Sage of Monticello, which has been con
firmed by the experience of each succeed
ing year; and, from my first exercise of
the elective franchise, down to the present
hour, I have unwaveringly contributed my
humble aid to promote and maintain the
ascendancy of the Democratic party, its
principles and candidates.
In the Constitution of the United States
will be found every essential rule for the
guidance of those who may be designated
by the people to carry out its principles,
for their protection and welfare. A care
ful, nay, even a strict construction of that
instrument is indispensable to our well
being: such a construction as would effec
tually exclude every other, not palpably
necessary and proper, to effect the execu
tion of its various articles. If this funda
mental principle be deviated from, each
part of the Constitution ma)' be successive-
! ly invaded, until the intent of its framers
will gradually disappear, and every origin
al landmark be forever obscured in the
dark and bewildering mazes of a latiludin
ous construction.
The people, in confiding to the General
Government the purse and the sword, be
lieved that they were placing them in the
most safe and efficient hands. This sur
render of the whole means of public de
fence makes the superintendence of it, in
all its branches, a primary duty in the na
tional functionaries. Although the imme
diate control over this subiect has been
wisely lodged in Legislative hands, yet the
influence of the Executive in recommend
ing defensive measures, in the first instance,
and his control over them, under the sanc
tion of laws, afterwards, render him highly
responsible for maintaining the rights, in
terests, and honor of the country. Under
this responsibility, it well becomes a Chief
Magistrate to keep in view the efficiency
of the national defences, for we are admon
ished by high authority, that "to be unpre
pared to punish insult, is to court it;" and
and that "in defensive preparations are to
be found the best means of preserving
peace."
In a government of checks and balances,
the accumulation of power in the hands of
any one man, or set of men, should be nar
rowly watched, as dangerous to liberty.
In the influence of Executive patronage
may be found a fruitful source of alarm,
and its dispensation cannot be guarded with
too jealous an eye, lest merit and capacity
be proscribed, the bitternes of party spirit
encouraged, and successful efforts be made
to control the fresnjom of opinion, or of the
press, or to corrupt the people, that place
may be retained or power augmented.
Economy forms one of the prominent
virtues and duties of a republican govern
ment. It does not consist, however, in
withholding from faithful public services a
just compensation! neither does it consist
in according with parsimonious hands the
means of promoting the public defence.
But it consists in closing every unnecessary
drain on the public treasury; and also, for
(the same purpose, there is strenuously re-
quired a judicious application of the appro,
uiiauuus io ineir oojects anu a vigorous ex-
ecuuan oi me laws regarding them.
&
A rrifllll llfO n n m I Yl mmri m n n f 1 fnnt II t00
and the mechanic arts are the great sources j timen,s f another distinguished democ
ofour national prosperity. These, when f uPon lhe interesting subject to which tr
sustained by a well-regulated system, ' letter ref rs. Your compliance will much
which system 1 should hold, for the most ' nMI vnnr . fcrv. VV T flOT.OlTlTT
pari, io oe nest, wnen least snacKieii, con
stitute the greatest portion of the wealth
and power of the country. In cherishing
them, we cherish what enabled our fathers
to rise superior to colonial dependence, and j
disregarding the numberless difficulties and
dangers which surrounded them, to estab
lish upon a sure and solid foundation the
greatest republic among the nations of the
earth.
"To cherish a liberal commercial in!er
cource with other nations, without involv
ing ourselves in entangling alliances with
any," to do justice to others and rigidly
exact it in turn, are also among the promi
nent obligations of the Federal Govern-
ment. j
It is a fixed principle in our Govern
ment which cannot be too faithfully adhered
to in practice, nor too often repeated, that
it was instituted to promote the welfjre of
the people: that those who make, and those
who carry into effect the laws, are but their
agents; and that to generate any distinct in
' erects between the people and their go
vernment is incompatible with this princi
ple, and was never contemplated by the
framers of the Constitution.
A perfect tolerance of political opinion,
and freedom in the exercise of the elective
franchise, are indispensable; for a govern
ment based on public opinion becomes im
paired wh n intolerance and a lawless con
trol of the right of suffiage withdraw from
it that support; and we should bear ii
mind, that while under the imperative De
mocratic principle, the will of the majority
is to prevail in all eaes, yet that "the min
ority possess rights, to violate which would
be oppies.ion."
Opposition to political measures should
rather be invited than deprecated; for in
laudable opposition there may be found se
cuntv Irom error: nor should it be lorcot-
ten, that every difference of opinion is not
a difference of principle," and that, as cit
izens of the same republic, we are all equal
ly interested in the honor, welfare, and
happiness of our common country.
It may be affirmed as an incontestible
truth, that the tendency of corporate bodies
and associated wealth is inimical to the lib
erty,asit is destructive of the equality of
the people; and the authority to create
them was wisely withheld from the Gener
al Government bv the States. Should this
view be consideied as too forcibly stated.
my answer is plain and diiect: the doctrine
has been proved sound by experience, and
has received the assent of the Democratic
party. If it be erroneous, the responsibil
ity of its maintenance is shared by a Jeffer
son and a Madison, with a Sny der and ;
Jackson.
Since the adoption of our present form of
Government, questions of importance have
arisen, upon which different portions of
our fellow-citizens' have taken issue. Some
of these questions will probably never he
revived. Should occasion arise when im
portant ones may be presented, which
would turn on a doubtful construction of
the Constitution, you may rest assured that
my convictions of right would be based
upon the only true and safe foundation
that of the Jt ffei sonian school.
If the views here set forth of the princi
ples of Democracy, under our Constitution,
and which embrace perhaps the largest
portion of our national policy, prove satis
factory t) you, 1 cannot but feel proud that
they have undergone in me no change or
diminution, but, on the contrary, they have
been confirmed and strengthened by. the
many opportunities 1 have had of observing
foreign rule, under different forms of go
vernment, as well as the happy position of
our country under the doctrines of our
Declaration of Independence, which have
so fully proved to us that man ti not inca
pable of self government.
For the flattering manner in which you
have been pleased to express yourselves,
in relation to any of my public services, 1
pray you to accept my thanks. In giving
assurance that whatever 1 m3y have done
for my country, by fighting her battles or
otherwise, has not been unobserved, you
convey to me the most grateful reward I
could receive the approbation of my fellow-citizens.
Accept, gentlemen, for yourselves and
the association you represent, the assurances
of the respectful esteem with which 1 have
the honor to be your obliged servant and
fellow.citizen, CHAS. STEWART.
From the Globe.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE GLOBE.
TVashington, May 16, 1844.
Sir: The following letter having been
submitted to my disposal, I ask of you to
to give it an immediate publication in your
piper. 1 am satisfied that von will take
pleasure in complying with this
request.
I that the public may be apprised of the sen-
Detroit, May 10, 1S44.
Dear Sir: In answer to your inquiry,
whether I am favorable to the immediate
annexation of Texas to the United States,
1 reply that I am. As you demand my
opinion only of this measure, and briefly
the reasons which influence me, 1 shall
confine myself to these points.
I shall not dwell upon the policy of uni
ting coterminous countries, situated like
ours and Texas, with no marked geopraph-
lcal Jeature to divide them, and with navi
gable streams penetrating the territories of
both; nor upon the common origin of the
jeople who inhabit them, upon their com
mon language, manners, religion, institu
tions, and, in lact, their identity as a
branch of the human family. Nor shall
1 urge the material interests involved in
the measure, by the lree intercourse it
would establish between the various sec
tions of a vast country mutually dependent
upon, and supplying one anotner. inese
considerations are so obvious, that they need
no elucidation from me.
But, in a military point of view, annex
ation strikes me as still more important.
nd my mind has been the more forcibly
impressed with this idea from reading the
ble letter of General Jackson upon this
ubject, which has just come under my ob
servation. W ith the intuitive sagacity
which makes part of the character of that
great man and pure patriot, he has foreseen
the use which a European enemy might
make of Texas in the event of a war with
the United States. A lodgement in that
country would lay open our whole south
western border to his devastations. We
could establish no fortress, nor occupy any
favorable position; for the immense fron
tier may, in a vast many places, be crossed
as readily as a man passes from one part of
his farm to another, l he advantages an
active enemy would enjoy under such cir
cumstances, it requires no sagacity to fore
tell. . . ri r -These
considerations recall to my,memo
ry an article which made its appearance
just before I left Europe, in a leading tory
periodical in rngiana, wnicn is unaersiooa
ty. This is Frazer's Magazine; and a.
more nefarious article never issued from a
profligate press. It ought to be steroty
ped and circulated from one end of our
country to the other, to show the designs
which are in agitation against us, and to
teach us that our safety in that mighty con
test which is coming upon us, is in a know
ledge of our danger, and in a determination, .
by union, and by a wise forecast, to meet
it, and defeat it. The spirit of this article
is sufficiently indicated by its title, which
was, 'a war with the United States a bless
ing to mankind." 1 cannot refer to it at
this moment, but must speak of it from re
collection. I have often been surprised it
has not attracted more attention in our
...
country. Its onject was to provoKe a war
with the United States and to lay- down
the plan of a campaign, which would ,
est bring it to a fortunate conclusion
England. I he basis ol this plan wa.i the
organization of the necessary black force
in the West India Islands, and lis debarka
tion upon our southern coast. " The conse
quences which our enemies fondly hoped
r i t a . liL. - A ! ? "
tor,in surn a case, uuj. wiui an enure ig
norance of the irue state of the country,
were foretold with a rare union of philan
thropy and hatred. 1 wish I had the
number at hand, to cull some choice passa
ges for your reflection. The result was to
be the destruction of the southern States,
the ruin or depression of the others, and
the dissolution of this great and glorious
confederacy, on which the last hopss of
freedom through the world now rest.
What more favorable position could be
taken for the occupation of English black
troops, and for letting them loose upon our
States, than isanorded by Texas? Incapa
ble of resisting in the event of a war b
tween us and England, she would be taken
possession of by the latter, under one or
another of those pretences, which every
page of her history furnishes, and the ter
ritory would become the depot whence she
would carry on her operations against us,
and attempt to add a servile war to the oth
er calamities which hostilities bring with
them. He who doubts whether this
would be done, has yet to learn another
trait in the annals of national antipathy. It
would be done, and be called philanthropy.
Every day satisfies me more and more,
that a majority of the American people are
in favor of annexation. Were they not,
the measure ought not to be effected. But
as they are, the sooner it is effected chc beU
ter. I do not touch the details of the ne
gotiation. That must be left. to. the res
ponsibility of the governsnt; as, also,
most the bearing of tje question upon,, and