jaiiJiiiii
If laZc.lU 965.
Tarborough, Edgecombe County, J V. Saturday, August 31,1 S 14.
FYrf. XJfc 7tt. 35,
The TarJMroii.sli Press,
W liEOKfSK IIOWARP. Jk-
i u- t i u.00i r at 'V Dnlhrs ppr year.
Is published wekl J
if na'ul in advance or,
or. i " '
,n of the subscription year.
Cents at the expint?
Subscribers are at ueny v
UJ . . ii,,,mf and iwvinff arrears.
I .... ,i;c,.iSninno lit anv
tune on ffivmir n.m.r. ,
; AdverTisem'ent. not exceedi.iff a square will he
inserted at (J.ie WW" 111 "
' nts for every continuance. Longer advertise
ments at that rate per square. Court Orders and
Judicial Advertisements "2. per rent, higher. Ad
vertisements mast be marked the number of inser
tions required, or they will be ccntinoed until
otherwise directed, and charged accordingly.
Letters addressed to the I'd it or must be post
paid, or they may not be attended to.
A KONG.
Should good old doctrines be forgot
In this auspicious day.
When scores of honest men and true,
Are rising fruu the f'Ay,
Are rising ft'1'" ('"V. niy boys,
Not having fumd relief.
In these tvvo dollars for a d ly,
Plnm pudding and Te-.ist bef.
The (lowrn-nent is deep in debt,
And the p Ojde feel it sore.
And shall we count in the amount.
Two litind'red millions more!
f'c hundred millions more, by hoy?",
By the figures and the dates.
In a new and general Hinkrupt Law
For the speculating States!
Our currency is cominsr straight,
For the noble it has burst.
Blow n by the Bank before it fell,
Corrupted and aeeur-j'd,
Corrupted and accnrsM my boy-.
How then sliall we sustain,
The man who tri-s e'er Jackson dies.
To give it life again
The Treasury can barely meet
The debts upon its bands.
And yet ihe ro-ms would take away
The proceeds of the lands
The proceeds f f the lands, my boys.
And squander them away.
With rfnotber tax upon your backs,
The whole amount to pay.
We have, a right lo Oregon,
And friends are there who pray
Their country's laws to shield them from
The troop of Hudson Bay,
The tjoop of Hudson's Bay, my boys,
Who've carried off.tlie spoil
Of skins and furs for many a day
And now they claim the soil
And Texas too, we'll take her in,
When all hands shall, agree,
And she has met her bonded debt,
And half her land is free.
And half her la;id is free, my hoys-,
So that the South shall fail
To change the checks and balances
That lie in either scale.
Hurrah! then for democracy.
Which claims fr great and small,
The constitutional deserts,
The"KquarKights"of all.
The "Equal Wights" of all, my boys-,
Upon your country's sod;
These are our principles, and this
The Creed of Polk and Tod.
otn the Madisuniatl.
TO MY FRIKNDS THROUGHOUT
nit: union.
The reasons which influenced me in ac
cepting the nomination forihe Presidency,
made by a convention of my friends in '
May ht, at Hdiimote, have lost much of i
their original force. I had been not only
mot violently assailed by the ultraiSIs of
both parlies, but had been threatened with
impeachment for having negotiated a trea
ty proposing the annexation of Texas to
the Union, as a portion of its turitory, and
for having adopted precautionary meas
ures cleatly falling within the range of ex
ecutive discretion, to wad off any bl w
which might hate been seriously aimed at
the peace and safety of the country in the
event of the ratification or the tr?aty by
the Senate. The opinion of a person, once
ranked among the distinguished jurists of
the country, found its way into the news
papers, apparently as th precursor of such
ptoceeding. A report had also been made
a' a niev'ioo? K-"simi nf t'nnutfSs: hv a
committee of the (louse of Representa
tives, which proceeded from th pen of a
man who BUed no limited sp ice in the eye
of I lie world, in which because of the ex
errisr? of the veto power in arfcSl of the
uncdiistituiion d and pernicious measures
ol a United Mate bank, and a donation to
the Sia'es of so much of the public revenue
as was derived from the public lands, at a
foment of great e mhai ras-menl ' to the
treasury. n. when loins vere necessary
to sustain the government I was charged
with ihe commission of grave offences in
If ahoe particulars- and with d serving
ad the painsaml ili-gfaee flowing fiom th
hifch power of imp ai-hment, a measure, as
if wns intimated. 0(1 not resorted to
Dy 'he Hnnse b- cause of a doubt en
tamed wh iber the proceeding would
e susiainrd by public sentiment. I
n;'d, it is true, ptoiesnd agau.st that
rCort as 01 itnnaiiiur. irt Wmmr. and
dictated by part latvcor' anJ niidevolence:
"but
my protest was refused a place on the
Journals of the Housej and thus, in future
tirnes, my name might have been tarnish
ed by the fact of a solemn declaration,
highly implicating my character, remain
ing uncontradicted and unreversed on the
public journals. The party majority
which had sanctioned a proceeding so un
just h id, it is true, been swept out of exis
tence by the flections which shortly after
ward folio ved; but, at the time of my ac
ceptance of the nomination, although a
Urge and overwhelming majority of the
opposite party had been brought into pow
er by the people as if for the express pur
pose of sustaining me in what 1 had done
yet that very party had made no public
movement indicative of a friendly feeling,
and a pot-linn of ijs members, who seemed
to control th rest, exhibited the bitterest
hostility and the most unrelenting spirit of
ppoition. Under these circumstance?
tht re was but onu course left to me consi's
lent with hoMcr, which was to maintain
my novitioti unmoved by threats and unin
limidated by denunciations. TlroSe'of my
countrymen who hail come to my support
bad done so in a self-sacrificing spirit,
without the indulgence of anv other expec
tation than tint my character should be
vindicated, and that tht: policy of my ad
ministration should be sustained; and I
felt tb.it it would better become me to
.1 '1'iu me most signal ieieal man to incur
the disgrace of deprecating the action of a
party, the chief object of whose leaders
seemed tc be to fas'en upon me disgrace.
I h id also an indistinct hope that the great
rjoe-ti-m of the annexation of Texas might,
in some degree, be controlled by the posi
tion I occupied. I Ire e motives induced
my acceptance of the nomination made by
my friends Itefore the c!oe of the ses
sion of Congo ss. however, developments
were so clearly and distinctly made as to
the threatened impeachment, that no tiace
ol such a measure was left. Mr. J. Q.
.Adams s report, implicating mv motives
and conduct in my vetoes of the bank and
other bills, was drpiived of all of its force
and luriive i fleet, by a report made by a
committee, of which Mr. Ellis, of New
York, was chairman, accompanied by re
solutions, which passed the House of Rep
resentatives some few days before the close
of the session by a large and commanding
majority, not only rescuing my motives
from all imputation, but justifying and Up
holding my policy. The voice of the peo
ple in the elections of 1S42 was thus direct
ly responded toby that of their representa
tives, anil but little remained for me per
sonally either to expect or desire. Since
the adjournment of Congress the language
of many of the leading presses of the coun
try, and resolutions adopted by large as
semblages of the people in their primary
meetings, hive still further endorsed the
proc ding of the House in approbation of
the acts of the administration. I could not,
however, look exclusiely to my own
wishes, which would have led me imme
diately to retire from the contest which
seemed no longer to be possessed of an ob
ject wot thy of much further attention.
Hut I was not at liberty to do so without
first consulting with such of my most pro
minent and s'badfat friends a5 I could most
readily Cooler with; men who had shared
wish me in much of the abuse which I had
eocount redj and would partially have par
tieipated in all the ohloduy, if any, which
might in the future attach tome. So fdr as
I have been able to consult them, they
have ielded their assent to the course
which my own judgment suggests as jrrop
e ; and I now announce to them and the
country rny withdrawal Irdm the presiden
tial canvass.
I cannot omit to accompany this public
annunciation with a few remarks, address
ed to the republican portion of what was
called the whig party of 1S40. I make no
appeal to that other portion which 'was
fortm rly knrivvn duriig Ihe early period of
our political history af federalists, at a later
day as national republicans, and noW pasS
under the general appellation of whigs
Such an appeal would be wholly out of
place, since their political principles are
entirely at war with those I have advoea
ted through lite, i mean no impuiauou on
their motives or their patriotism. I doubt
not ihat the old federal parly, in the lead
of which stood the elder Adams, wete as
deeply ami sincerely convinced of the ne
cessity of the alien and "-edition laws. a tne
present is that ol a liank oi tne united
Mates, with o'her measures equally latitu
dinous, along with the abolition of the ve
io power, whereby to convert the govern
ment into a mere majority machine to
make it the government of a single nation,
instead of what it is. a political Compact be
ween free, sovereign, and independent
Mates, by which so much power, and no
more, has been granted to a common agent
ol all the' Sta'rs, as they esteemed 10 be ne
cessary lor the promotion of their mutual
happiness. N'o; to them I have nothing t
.ay. If 1 have received their support a
my lime, if has-not been from attachment
to me or my political principles, but from
some supposed influence which I might
bring to bear, as a secondary agent, in ad
vancing their purposes. All the obliga-
ttnn wtiiVV 1 V.w i
iavc icceiveti ior sucn rea-
sons nave been more than counterbalanced
uy.me unuring opposition which 1 have en
countered at their hands since I attained
my present station, and the constant and
unmitigated abuse which their leaders have
poured out in a torrent upon my head, de
signed, as 1 verily believe, in the first in
stance, to drive me from the government,
and in the last to overwhelm me with ob
roquy and reproach. But I have a right to
address myself to those who, like myself,
co-operated with them in the contest of
1S40; who were, and always had been,
the advocates of the principles of the eld
republican party; whose strenuCus efforts
have always been directed to preserving
the compict of union unbroken and invio
late; who have sustained, at all times the
principles of the republican party of 1798
99; who have participated, from time to
time, in all republican triumph's; whoso fa
thers were victorious over the elder Ad
am's in the election of Mr. Jefferson, a
they themselves were over the younger in
the flection of teneral Jackson. To this
portion 'of the whig party of 1S40 I feel
that 1 have a full right to address myself:
and I now seriously put it to them to say
whether any expectation of good to the
country which they had former! in the elec
tion oi General Harrison and myself to the
presidency and vice presidency has been
disappointed? Many of us had been thrown
into opposition to General Jackson during
his lasl term; having voted for him upon
his first and second election because of cer
tain doctrines put forth in his proclama
tion, and because cf certain mV'ir s
which followed that celebrated State pa-
jier. Our opposition proceeded from no
spirit of faction, but from what we esteem
ed it to be, a Sacred regard to the high and
essential principles of the republican party,
and regarding his successor as in a great de
gree identified with what we esteemed as
errors in General Jackson's administration,
our opposition was continued to him. Th
state and condition of the country also
seemed to n quire change in the general
administration. Have you been disap
pointed in the reform which you promised
yourselves by going into that contest? You
demanded a rigid economy to be observed
in the public expenditures. Have you in
this been disappointed? You required ac
countability on the part of all public agents.
Has it not been fulfilled? Let the fact that
a defaulter has become almost unknown
for the last three years answer the Question.
You asked that a course of policy should
be adopted Which should purify and reform
the currency. Was the currenc' of the
country ever in a better condition? Let
the rate of the exchanges between all parts
of the country answer the inquiry. Has
the day ever beeh when the currency Was
sounder or the rates of exchange lower?
You sought once more to put the mechani
cal arts in active operation, and to relieve
commerce from the blight which had fallen
upon it. The first has arrived, and the last
has unfurled its sails, which now vhiten
almost eVery sCa. The paralysis which
had fallen on public credit, to an extent so
gnat the poor sum of 155,000,000 of gov
ernment stock W33 dieted to European
ami American capitalists without cur being
able to find for it A purchaser, has passed
aWay, and a well supplied exchequer gives
evidence not only of the expansion of
trade, but cf the stable basis on which rests
the public credit. The very stock for
which no bidders could at one time be
found now readily commands in the mar
ket art advdnce of fifteen or twenty dollars
in the hundred. In the mean time I sub
mit it to you to say whether the principles
of the republican party haVe not been close
ly observed in all that has been done.
Did those principles require that we should
I recommence a new cycle of twenty years,
the predecessor of which a bank of the
United States had lultlUed in IbJb! begin
ning by increasing the derangements of
business for years, attended in
its mid ca
reer with comparative prosperity; then re
sorting to efforts by all its large means lb'
force a fecharter, and ending its existence
amid the curses and denunciations of the
many ii had ruined. Most of yoti had,
like myself, through all time, pronounced
the bank to be unconstitutional. Had your
opinions on this Subject undergone a
chance in 1S40, and did yOu contemplate
that General Harrion and myself who
during" the whole contest avowed oar opifl
ions to be unchanged in that respect, in
numerous addresses to the public would
be deserving of denunciation if either of us
should refuse to perjure ourselves by sane-
tioning a bank charter which, believing it
to be unconstitutional,' oiir solemn oath of
office required us to vote against or veto?
Tell me, moreover, brother republic ns oi : aumintstrairon wnicn nau no piare m io
had you then brought Ourselves to mind or heart. One gentleman, occupy
he conclusion that even admitting a rWsi jjng a prominent place in the democratic
hie abuse of the veto power, it was prop r partv, whether for good of for evil it does
to erase from the conMiunion thai great not become me to say, has assigned, in an
tarrier and check to unconstitutional and address recently delivered in Missouri, two
highly inexpedient legislation, thereby ma- prominent motives for its negotiation: 1st.
kimr the will of Congiess supreme and in-
tottin.r iKp mainritv of that bodv in ihe
full nossession of all the powers of govern-
ment? Or did you, or do you now still
cling to the Opinion in which the Qualified
quaii
veto originated, that a government with
out checks and forms is the worst form of
oligarchy, and that too many guards, in
order to secure public liberty, cannot be
thrown over its different departments? If,
indeed, you are advocates of a change so
vital as that proposed, then may not only
the Garrison's ami Tappans of our Own
country rejoice, but a shout should ascend
from the abolition convention "of the
whole world" at the fct that our federal
system had given way before the power of
a consolidated government, who"$e will,
uttered forth by sectional majorities, was
absolute, adnditing of no check or resist
ance from any quarter whatever. If, fa
deed, these be your opinions-, then
haVe 1 most previously disappointed he
hope's you indulged in connection wilh
my election and my administration. 1
must, nevertheless, most solemnly aver
that had 1 been aware that such would have
been expected and reejuired of me If I
ould have believed thai you, whose cand
idate I was peculiarly considered, and to
conciliate whom I was nominated for the
vice presidency, would have required ol
of me in the contingency which unhappily
occurred, thai I should commence my ad
ministration with an act o't p'eijttry, and
sanctioned measures abhorrent to every
pi ineiple of my past lite and at war with
the prosperity of the country and the con
tinuance of liberty, 1 would not have suf
feted my name, humble as it wa$, to have
been treat' ed in the canvass. I6; 1
chum the pruud privilege of an American
citizen to think for myself on all Subjects.
and to act in pursuance of my own convic
tions; and it Would require a total change
of mv nature in ordei to convert me intt
a mere insti umt nl of paity, or of party die
tation.
I woidd appeal not only to yourselves,
but to all my countrymen, to say whether,
in the matteis appertaining to our foreign
affairs, they anticipated more success in the
adjustment of difucul'ies and in the forma
tion of highly important treaties than it
has been my province to cause to be nego
tiated. Long-standing difficulties have
been adjusted difficulties which threaten
ed most seriously the peace of the country
Nor has any opportunity been lost tor en
larging the commerce of the country, and
giving new markets to our agricultural and
manufactured products. If the country has
not reaped full fiuition of benefit from all
the treaties thus negotiated, it surely has
not been the fault of the administration.
The loss of two of those treaties through
I fie action of the Senate, cannot but be de
plored bv me as great public calamities.
Hy the treaty with the German Mates, we
had opened the way to a more extended
commerce with 27,000,000 of people, in
our cotton, tobacco, rice, and lar.i; at du
ties on tobacco, rice, and laid greatly re
duced, and with a stipulation for the free
admission of cotton; while e had agreed
to receive at somewhat reduced duties, ar
ticles from those Mates which entered into
the most limited competition, if at all, with
a few articles of American product. The
tieaty was particularly interesting frdm the
fact that, for the first time, after repeated
Struggles on the part of my predecessors to
accomplish a reduction of duty on tobacco,
the government had Succeeded in doing so.
It was negotiated under resolutions origin
ating with the tobacco States, and with the
rT-on mr.' ia n c i in n fif Congress: hIio had
raised, as it is believed, the mission to Vi -
enna from a second to a first rate mission,
with direct reference to the tobacco inter
est, and had also appropriated a sum of mo
ney some years ago to enable the execu
tive to employ an agr.l in Get many to ac
quire information a Lo the tobacco trade,
the services of which agent had only ceas
ed a short time prior lo the negotiation of
the treaty. My hope still hovxever is, that
the benefits of the treaty and the itxaty it
self may not be lost to the country. I
think it proper to add that there was no de
sign to deprive the House of Representa
tives of anv rightful and constitutional ac
tion over the subject which it might prop
erly exercise. It was, on ihe contrary,
my intention to have submitted the treaty,
and all papers calculated to elucidate it, to
Ihe House of Representatives, if it had
been ratified by the Senate, for Such action
as they might have deemed it proper to
adopt a course pursued in all cases in
which the action of the House is require-!
to vote supplies of money, or fulfil any oih
er object falling within the scope o thei
power.
In negotiating the treaty for the annexa
tion of Texas', which was rejected by the
Sen ale, motives have been ascribed to the
Personal ambition; and 2ndly, a purpose
to dissolve the" Union. Mr. Clay aso, in
a recent letter written to the editor of a
menif ur uiti you, or do you
newspaper in Alabama, has called the treat
inamuusy and ascribed to it, in its origin
sinister objects. I repel both their assault i
upon the treaty and its ihegotUtors. What
object of mere personal ambition in any way
connected with office, could have in
fluenced the administration in negotiating
the treaty ! The public archives furnished
the strongest reasons to believe that the
treaty would have met the unqualified ap
proval of both Mr. tLy and Mr. Van Bu
ren. While the one was Secretary of State
to Mr. Adams, and the oher to Genera
lacksoh, each in his turn attempted to ob
tain the annexation of Texas. Mr. Clay's
negotiation Was carried on with Mexico in
th third year of her revolutionary struggle,
while Spain regarded her as a revolted
province, and her armies were in posseir
sion of many of the sVronhblds of the
country. v nat reason, then, could I have
had for supposing for an instant that a trea
ty with I exas, after eight years of actual
independence, with no Mexican soldier
within her leiritory, and subject onlytld
oc'casi6nal border interruptions, could or
would have met with opposition frOm nun
or his friends? and meeting with no such
opposition on the part of either Mr. Vj.
Buren or Mr. Clay, and their friends, 'I
would puzzle a sounder casuist than I
less to be to conceive in what possible
t could have interrupted the relation
Oi'
those two gentlemen, who stood, o.
moment, at the head of their respective
patties, and were looked upon by all 49
competitors for the presidency. It is well
known that, when the negotiation for the
acquisition of Texas was commenced, and
up to a period succeeding the signing of the
treaty, it was my confident conviction, ex-prts-ed
to many, that it would, from the
circumstances 1 have stated, receive the
support both of Mr. fclay and Mr. Van
Hut en, so that neither would be affected
by its negotiation. v ,
If it had been charged that the .adminis
tration Was pronged by the ainbiitoh of
securing the greatest boon to the country
and the whole country in the acquisition
of a territory so important in itself and so.
inseperably connected with the interests of
every State in the Union, and every in
terest of the Union, I would have plead
guilty without a moment of hesitation. 1
confess I felt ambitious to add another
bright star to the American constellation.
It would have been a source of pride to
me, if that measure had been carried, td
have Witnessed from the retirement that
awaits me, the annual expansion of bur
coastwise and foreign trade, and the in
creased prosperity of our agriculture and.
manufactures, through the rapid growth of
Texas which would have followed the rati
fication of the treaty. Yes, I freely con
fess that this would have furnished me ah
unfailing source of gratification to the end
of my life. 1 should have seen; also, the
union of the States becoming stronger and
stronger through their reciprocal affection J
local jealousies suppressed, and fanatical
schem3 and schemers alike pros
trate. I should ha!7e witnessed th4
blessed results of federative system as it
j embraced the finest country in the world;
i and brought under its influence a peoble
devoied like ourselves to the maintenance
and preservation of free government.
This Was the kind of ambi """ vvhich
promp'ed the negotiation of ay
l.s ratification was the sole hono
coveted, and all that 1 now dr"" V;iai
sinister motives could have ..!..-Ud
j the negotiation at this lime that did
:isl in 1S27? What was there how
not ex
to have
tendered a treaty ihfuhitms which did
not exist then? If it be said thii Sd i
treaty of limits with Mexico, !
127, we had not also a treaty
with Spain? tVe had recognise-;,,
m ndence of Mexico, arfd, there; c
if, iri
?nde-irtu-
ally claimed that we had a perfect'
iiui io
neat with her for the annexation bTexas
and, in fact if we had so pleased; iuf Mex
ico entire, fcight years ago we recognised
Texas as independent; and surely our right
to negotiate with her in. plied no worse
faith than in IS27 to negotiate with Mexico
for her. The idea that because of the exis
tence of a treaty of limits with any nation,
we must forever thereafter deny to all parts.
of the lenitory of such natron the right of
revolution or change, can only excite, with
an American citizen; a. smile. Was it
deemed necessary in 1827 to consult the
Slates, to consult the Senate; of to consult
i be House 6f Representatives, or the peo
p!e? Waa it considered necessary to ob
tain the assent bl tkery State, as would
spem now to be proposed, before forming ai
tieaty of annexaiioii? If the assent of eve
ry State is necessary, then may we bid
adieu to the prospect of annexation now op
hereafter. The constitution devolves th
treaty-making power on two thirds of thei
tatts through their Senators, and it is al
together a new doctrine that a treaty
should not be negotiated without the assent
of all. Danger to the Union through the
exercise of the power of a constitutional
majority in the making of a treaty, is a
doctrine for the firi time advanced, and?
having no foundation, in po'mV 0.( JKfc $