Newspapers / Winston-Salem Chronicle (Winston-Salem, N.C.) / Aug. 13, 1987, edition 1 / Page 4
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* V"... Page A4 Winston-Salem ^ r ft$:'r'xT'ffi: ?$ ' ~ I Winston-Sc - ' pi,: -, Pw |K. ERh F NDUBISI EGEMONYE Co-Founder ELAINE L. PIH Office Manager MICHAEL A. Pin Circulation Manager " EDITORIALS Bork oppoi ON Mnnrl nv . r\f v a 1 A ' VI *V*V? T ^ A V VtVi V A U V/ A African-American elected Washington D.C. to spearh paign" to protest the nomir Supreme Court. The Chronicle supports that our local community a effort and begin a campaign This campaign was laur year, August 10 was desigi Reagan, as "National Civil F 'We celebrate civil rights 9 * day," noted Gary Mayor Ri not to let any of our past gair There is no question tha highest court, would shift th for the first time since the 1 that the haunting realizatic gains could indeed slip awa Court. The Columbia Universit study of over 1,200 non-ui decisions made~during f9& study showed that Judge Bo: District Court of Appeals, h (ruling) record than other juc The study, which reviev found that Bork voted over 5 compared with 69 percen; fc non-unanimous cases during never voted on the liheml i|";j cases, Bork voted in favor ( federal agencies seven out o of I S cases hronghi by public Just a scant glance at Ju prompt us to agree with Re chairman of the Congressionj (the Bork nomination) is not but the selection of an indiv face of American civil liberti* To dramatize the situatioi cials are planning demonstr wide. Yesterday, marches we; Birmingham, Oakland, Wash lis, New Orleans, Cleveland, Winston-Salem should jc its own demonstrations to sp dangers of Judge Bork. Dc turned back to the 1930's? As Mayor Hatcher points to be reminded what life w: women 50 years ago." 1 : * ATrican-Am MANY readers have no' duction of African-Americai term and the Chronicle is prompt this change. First, African-American of our race, culture and hei what shade of color we are, ian-Americans and Irish-An Italy and Ireland. Second, the word, "blacl unless it begins a sentence. v classifications in a story, blacks," it looks dwarfed by Finally, African-Americ ception. When viewed close American has a profound, \ located in the last four lette i&J remembering. & k. i ? ? : The Chronicle welcome; as columns. Letters shoul typed or printed legibly. 4 ** name, address and telgpht Columns should follow published if we feel they readership. We reserve the right to e Winston-S ft C hromclr Thursday, August 13, T ilem Chronicle inded 1974 icsmWr \jblisher DENNIS C. SCHATZMAN Managing Editor JULIE PERRY Advertising Manager VINSON DEWBERRY Production Manager sition growing ' several national organizations of and appointed officials, met in lead a "public mobilization camlation of Robert Bork to the U.S. this show of solidarity and hopes tnd political leaders will join this in Winston-Salem, iched at an appropriate time. Last nated, by Congress and President lights Day in America." _ ; gains of the past on this important chard G. Hatcher. "It is important is slip away." t Judge Bork, if nominated to our le balance to the conservative side 1930s. And a recent study reveals m that our important civil rights y if Bork ascends to the Supreme y Law Review recently released a lanimous. Federal appellate court 5-86. Among its concTusionsTthe rk, who serves on the U.S. Federal as a far more conservative voting Iges named by President Reagan, /ed all of Judge Bork's decisions, K) percent on the conservative side >r his Republican colleagues. In 18 1985-86, for example, Judge Bork I side. In government regulation af business groups' cases against f eight times, yet opposing 14 out ; interest groups. ?7-3 dge Bork's judicial record should p. Mervin M. Dymally (D. Ca.), il Black Caucus, who states, "This : just another political appointee? idual who could well change the ss for generations to come." n, various groups and public offiations and other projects nationre held in Gary, Chicago, Detroit, ington, D.C., Houston, IndianapoHonolulu and Los Angeles. >in the bandwagon by conducting read the word about the potential ) we want the civil rights clock 1 out clearly, "few of us need need as like for Blacks, Hispanics and ? - . ci icdi I ticed the Chronicle's recent introi as a description of black Amerinewspapers have begun-using this ; no exception. Several reasons is an infinitely better description ritage than "black" is. No matter our roots are in Africa just as Italnericans can trace their roots to c" is always spelled in lower case, When placed next to other ethnic as in "he appealed to Jews and comparison. ;an gives an upbeat, positive perly, readers will find that African)ositive and motivational message its of each word. They are worth 3 letters from its readers, as well d be as concise as possible and They also should include the ">ne number nf u/rifo* ? ... W1 Vltv T 1 ItVI the same guidelines and will be are of interest to our general dit letters for brevity and gramcolumns to Chronicle Mailbag, ialem, N.C. 27102. t 987 ^ v r\loi When African-AmericaiTaflF~ leles go off to white colleges to play sports, we should ask them: "Which plantation will you be playing on this year?" Mark Whitaker and his lanky frame went off to Virginia Tech, the state's largest university, and joined the basketball division of that sports plantation. That was in 1983. This year Whitaker calls Tech's basketball program a "sophisticated slavery system" with "athletes pouring out their sweat, but not receiving degrees." " Actually, Virginia Tech has not graduated a single basketball player since 1981. and, you can be assurc4r?most-or atbof the basketball players were African-American. Virginia Tech has just issued a report about "serious breaches of academic integrity," including tampering with an athlete's grade to? maintain his Eligibility. In fact, most of them couldn't qualify for college as student-athletes (the players scored 440 points lower than other ^tudents on their SAT scores). i uuaiiiiuij j The major breakthrough in progressive and African-American politics in the Reaganite eighties has been the rise of the Rainbow Coalition, and the transformation of Rev. Jesse Jackson as a major, visionary leader in the tradition of Garvcy, King, and Malcolm. As we prepare for next year's presidential primaries, we should make a critical assessment of the strengths as well as weaknesses in the Rainbow up to this point. If we fail to do so, Jackson's effort may yield no lasting benefits. Why did 80 percent of the African-American electorate and a small but growing percentage of white liberal-leftists back Jackson in 1984? Because we viewed the Rainbow Coalition as an essentially ""socialprotest -movementra Black-led, anti-racist mobilization drawing its strength from the grassroots across this country, which had acquired an electoral form. The Rainbow Coalition was fundamentally a revolt against the political betrayals and hackwardness of the Democratic Party; but because of the absence of a mass, social democratic or labor electoral party in this country, the revolt had to occur within the Democratic Party's own primaries. We viewed the Rainbow as a means to build bridges across race, gender and class boundaries, linking up the various progressive struggles being waged by people of color, feminists, the homeless, the unemployed, gays, lesbians, trade unionists, farmers, houring tenants, and dozens of other key constituencies, and we also viewed the Rainbow Coalition as an opportunity to break the anticommunist, bipartisan mon< poly withir American electoral politics. Through the campaign itself, we discovered that we could present our ideas to a large audience on domestic and international nr?iiri#?c ? ?? w? *??m ^yx/XV IV^/I By and large, this analysis correctly depicts the main reasons why this group will endorse the Rev. Jesse Jackson's 1988 presidential campaign, and why it will continue to build the Rainbow Coalition after next year. But our commitment toward / : R6MAN18 TftilNG TH6 roth... ww pip mev iaw616c0tth6t1p dp his nosfoff^ ntation ? TONY BROWN Syndicated Columnist This leads one 10 conclude that they were never recruited with educalion in mind, instead~fortheir? ability to generate revenues from television, alumni donations and . accelerate student recruitment. At the expense of these unpaid professional athletes, the university prospered. Mark Wbitaker wanted to be different. He wanted to graduate. He took real courses in his freshman year, including chemistry. The other African-Amertearr-players couldn't understand this kind of behavior and laughed at him for going to class. To keep his average up, Whitakcr asked the coach to excuse fi rn fmm nvwnv (Tnm/'C TKo ..... .. H ' ^UIIIVOi I 11V VUilWll agreed; he was winning without him. However, the coach refused the same request the next year when the team wasn't doing so well. "Mark, I won't be needing you Strategy: I ALONG THE COLOR LINE fey MANNING MARAfeLfe constructing a Rainbow movement should not for a moment obscure a critique of the weaknesses and. potential problem areas of the Rainbow up to this point. Certainy there's been real organizational weaknesses and a lack of real leadership from the national center. Local grassroots activists were left frequently to fend on their own, without adequate support or direction. This situation should change, however, with the recent appointment of Ron Daniels as acting head of the Rainbow's national Office in Washington, D.C. Daniels was previously president of the National Black Political Assem^ I _ | Mumtm, C vooMAperr % THROUGH M em ? jeARMSS bly, a pre-parly formation of black progressive politicians which came out of the Gary, Indiana black politicval convention of 1972. Daniels has strong administrative skills, but more importantly, he also has a life long commitment toward building an independent political vehicle outside of the Democrat and Republican parties. Daniels has roots as a community activist in the Youngstown, Ohio, community, and he is a person who shares a clear commitment ot anticorporate politics. However, another real contradiction inside the Rainbow has been between some of the more moderate forces vs. Much of the left. The for 1I cc ^Ai n * ^c"w vv | \^ _ ?of H ithletes for practice anymore," the coach said, and proceeded to pull his scholarship. Whitaker stayed with the books and last month became the only -basketball-player-at-Tech_tougradu^ate in six years. .If he had followed the White coach's advice he probably would be another statistic of failed integration. But he followed his Baptist father's and schoolteacher mother's advice instead and received his degree in management science.Whitakcr's next stop is Atlanta University, a school where they care. Be assured that he will get his MBA there. And if you know any of the other athletes at Virginia Tech or most of the white schools, please read this column to them. Chances arc they can't. Tony Brown is a syndicatedcolumnist and television host, whose series,."Tony Brown's Journal," can be seen Saturdavs - S ? at 1:30 locally on channels 4 and 26. 'art one mcr view the Rainbow narrowly as primarily a means to barter more effectivedly for concessions from the Democratic Party's hierarchy, while not trying to overturn the undemocratic structure of America's party system. The left wing, on the other hand, sees the Rainbow as a necessary but transitional stage toward a new kind of basic realignment inside American politics. These two perspectives will continue to conflict with each other until one or the other become dominant. If the "moderates"win, Jesse's camnoinn mnt. ?1 ' ' p??6" ?? ??/ suticcu inuDiaining a few critical concessions from the white Democratic Party establishment, but the basic second-class, Jim Crow position of African-Americans within the party will probably remain. If the left emerges, we can expect the Democaratic leadership to do all it can to discredit Jackson, identical to the orchestrated smear of Gary Hart earlier this year. If jacicson emerges as me pany s presidential leader after the megaprimaries in the South next March, a supreme counterattack will be launched to destroy and to derail both Jesse and the Rainbow. We must prepare ourselves now for this probable political assault. The time is short. Dr. Manning Marable is chairperson of the Black Studies Department, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio. VERNON ROBINSONTurning over our dollars If every African-Americanhousehold in this city was given ONE MILLION DOLLARS, white folk would have the money by midnight that same day. This statement opened a buy Freedom public service announcement that ran briefly in Wilmington. The spot cut so deeply Lo the core^of self-hatred and generated so many complaints, that the station owner pulled it off the air. Racism s crippling blow is not the untoward acts by whites against us. Its most crippling blow is that our people have internalized self hate and behave as if we are a poor minority. ' Discrimination cannot humble a . proud people, it just makes them work harder. A > own businesses taunts *at white ^ believing that '. White SChOOlS, n^Kin^n ? cars, records and ice are better, faster, clearer and colder than African-American products or serivces. But a new day is dawning in our community. The buy Freedom Campaign has set out to change the spending habits of African-Americans as a means to start an economic revolution in our community. This revolution of new wealth and new jobs will seep away many of the social problems that stem from unemployment. The African-American consumer is asked to spend half of I his/her disposable income with: a 1 Freedom business, those of our # businesses that give prompt service V or good products at a fair price, aup?-?1 port other freedom businesses dnd I reinvest profits in the community. I This compares with the 6.6% of our I income currently spent with our I businesses. The buy Freedom Campaign has created a beachhead in the Triad, fifteen businesses have taken the Freedom Pledge in WinstonSalem. Many of you have seen the Buy Freedom Ad in the Enterprise section of the Chronicle. 1 know this because John Shelton told me when 1 stopped by his gas station that three people came in earlier and bought gas for the first time because they saw the Buy Freedom ad. This camoaien is no w " ' theory. It works. Shelton, in time, will be able to spend more with Freedom media newspapers and radio which creates -jobs-as -well -as-expanding his -own? business which also creates jobs.This revolution will take place without a shot fired, except thofce dollars fired from your wallet or pocketbook. Last week, I did business with a Real Estate Developer.AfricanAmericans bought property and hardware from him. He, in turn, bought a modem for his computer from me. With those very same dollars, I bought hair care products from Dudley Products. Dudley and his 150 or employees also support African-American businesses. So you see, the dollar that someone spends at the hardware store in Durham turned over at least four times. This multiplier effect has not operated in our community because we spend our money away from the community rather than in a circle. If you turn a dollar four times in our community, that is three more car payments, three more mortgage payments or three more tuition pay- I mcnts than you would have by running elsewhere and spending your money. We gave away over 93% of the I over 800 million dollars we tad as I African-Americans in Forsyth and I Guilford counties last year. This B time next year, let's keep half of that J money in our community. fl Vernon L. Robinson is chairman? of the 21st Century PAC of Norths Carolina. I
Winston-Salem Chronicle (Winston-Salem, N.C.)
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Aug. 13, 1987, edition 1
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