Stop Bush's anti-civil The debate over the Civil Rights Act of 1991 continues. The Bush administration continues to mislabel the bill as Na quota bill." As we have stated before, the essence of the Civil Rights Act of 1991 is to prevent employment dis crimination. We are now seeing a glimpse tial treatment based on race or on other factors. The "movement" must define its goals and objectives clearly to avoid the traps that are now being laid in regard to the ^coming vote on the Civil Rights 'Kct of 1991 in the Congress. The f$int here is that these same strate gies of mislabeling and mis-defin CIVIL RIGHTS JOURNAL By BENJAMIN F. CHAVIS JR. or ftfe W92T Presidential Campaign, which promises to be even more racist oriented than the 1988 cam paign. Racially-charged, political advertisements have increased. The civil rights movement must not allow the Civil Rights Act of 1991 to become a victim of a larger polit ? ical strategy of the right-wing of the Republican party. The term "quota" has become . synonymous to "racial preference" or "special preferential treatment for minorities." In fact, the estab lished media, as it i? informed by c fight-wing theoreticians, often char acterizes the "civil rights move ment" as a movement for preferen ing the issues will continue into the 1992 Presidential race. , History is always an important antidote to the political mythology of a given era. The truth is that the civil rights movement of the 1950's and the 1960's was never about some type of "preferential racial _ treatment/ The goals and objec tives of the "movement" were jus tice and freedom and equality for all without discrimination due to race, religion, gender or any other factor. It is a true inversion of history for the forces of American racism to attempt to accuse and describe the "movement" as being for dis crimination and preferential treat ment. If there 'is a difference between the 196tfs and the 1990's, it is the role of -die federal govern- - ment. Today it is^lhe White House and the Supreme Court that have instituted consistent efforts to deny equM opportunity, racial justice, and affirmative action. We suggest that the greatest J challenge that the civil rights move ment has in the 1990's is "to pull the sheets off" of the blatant,, racist immorality that is now 1>eing fos tered by the highest authorities in the land. Rather than negotiate a com promise of principles with represen tatives of the White House concern ing Bush's objections to the Civil '* Rights Act, civil rights leaders need to expose the whole affair for wiiat it has become, i.e. a racist backlash against civil rights and racial progress. In addition, we must learn and _ remember that previous civil rights legislation was enacted by Congress only when there was a massive, grassroots mobilization. Eve*7 single community throughout the nation needs to demand that Congress votes in favor of the bill and to override any veto by Presi dent Bush. Now is the time once again to act. Winnie's verdict inconsequential . Winnie Mandela has been con- blacks really mattered in South victed and sentenced to six years in Africa anyway? But I'll not debate prison on kidnap and accessory-to- the judge's verdict, and take it at assault charges, but while the wife face value. Let's say Mrs. Mandela of African National Congress leader is guilty. Nelson Mandela awaits an appeal Dr. Ted Hemmingway, noted of her case in Johannesburg, South scholar and authority on African Africa, I doubt that the trial's out- culture and professor of history at AGAINST THE GRAIN By ROOSEVELT WILSON rV.rV * come will have any significant .. effect on the anti -apartheid move 0m\ llient, regardless of the results of 9 #afhe appeal. (%? ^ Mrs. Mandela and two coo defendants had been charged in the , r?, December 1988 abduction and beat ; .ing off our men aged 14 to 29. ?Jr prosecutors said the young men .. were beaten in Mrs. Mandela's .^^SoweiQ home because thev were ; t)V ?pies for the police or homosexuals. ,tV t : It is futile to try to fathom the , jvjxuth when the judge ? South ^frica does not have jury triads ? called Mrs. Mandela and her co ,.yr .defendants blatant liars. Since when has the guilt or innocence of Florida A&M University, said it doesn't matter and won't affect the anti-apartheid movement. "South African blacks have a culture of committing themselves to a cause much bigger than themselves, and their personal well being is of little consequence." Hemmingway. said if Mrs. Mandela is guilty, it's unfortunate that she was busted on what could be viewed as ancillary charges and on the heels of her husband's having spent 27 years in prison for fighting apartheid, but "I'm sure if she is PFilty, at the time she thought she was doing what was right to further the cause." Because I don't -know if she's guilty, I have no opinion on whether Mrs. Mandela should spend any time in prison, but like Hemming way, I cannot envision the anti apartheid movement being signifi cantly affected by whatever hap pens to her. Hemmingway said that kind of personal sacrifice is what keeps the an ti -apartheid movement going in South Africa and'iS the kirid of sac^ ? ' rifice m ost Arrierit&n bracks ref use to make. ,l,h ? ? As he spoke, 1 thought of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., saying in one of his final speeches, "I don't care what happens to me now..." Too many of use do care what hap pens to us rather than wjiat happens to our people. We cart enough to complain about injustice but not enough, for example, to put a job on the line to fight it, when the only reason we have the job is because others put their lives on the line for us? * More of us should be like Win nie Mandela. Guilty or not she may go to prison, but in the oVerall scheme of things, thai really doesn't matter. After showing no emotion as she was being sentenced, outside the court she raised Her fist to a cheering crowd and shouted defi antly, "The struggle goes on." Census reflects America's changing racial mix piir*".. The Census Bureau recently ,2p< released figures that document ^ , dramatic changes in America's r jj2 xacial and ethnic composition, ojrit??; They show that the 1980s ? > cans grew by three and one half v*'\? million to some 30 million peo -<"-;?'pie, or 12 percent of all Ameri v : cans. To put that another way, there are more black Americans -:- 'than there are citizens of Canada, in addition, experts say the v census undercounted blacks by about two million, so the true fig tY) r4fe is about 32 million. d'b ??: The 1980s also saw rapid V* '^.growth among Hispanics and >' Asians. The Hispanic population i 4 The changing racial and eth nic face of the nation suggests important policy .imperatives for our society. ? ? We need to recognize the diversity of America's population by eliminating discriminatory practices and the racial and ethnic stereotypes that undergird them. Public opinion surveys show the strength of such prejudicial attitudes. One recent survey released in January by the National Opinion Research Cen ter found that a majority of whites hold persistent negative stereotypes of blacks and other 'I A rhinorities. A multi-racial nation has to combat the racism and prejudice thai keep people down. Failure means rising inter-group tensions and minority disadvantage that ultimately drag everybody down. Today, it is fashionable to focus on the internal weaknesses of nrfinority communities as if they existed in a vacuum and did not reflect the results of racism arid discrimination. j Racial and ethnic stereotyp ing has replaced thinking ? it's j become an excuse to ignore the i real problems of racism and poverty. Those of us who try to get at j the root causes of disadvantage j are told that if blacks or Hispan ics just tried harder, their prob lems would be solved. Well, African- American and other minorities have been trying harder for centuries. But while many individuals have made extraordinary progress the persis tence of group disadvantage indi- v cates that the solutions to minori- j ty problems require broader changes in our society. 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