Newspapers / Winston-Salem Chronicle (Winston-Salem, N.C.) / Aug. 22, 1991, edition 1 / Page 12
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m JBL^ $tt08*n by a random lottery, with theapaces being allocated to the ehlidren of' fuMime, active, regit* employees of FUR Tobac iicojijS^natkmal and Planters Life Savers compares. The remaintng 40% i of; spaces witt consist of stu dent* whose parents work or |esid|iri the Central Urban Area. tAJto, fte Farsyth County ratio of 40% African- American and 60%. all otter races is adhered to in the fmake^ipof the student body. ^ In addition to the flexible ,. mmmmmm schedule of the ichool day. er new concept. Of MSSL-? School will be the requirement that parents of IgMfllJIP1* at least one hourper week . school In some capacity,: T?hel|? achieve this, RJR Tobacco, Tobacco tnternationji:||Ki LiteSavers will allow pan children attending the echool, |?|| hour from work pe||ipi|lo Also RJR plans to recruit eight so^h^I? !?1 our s^100^ coaches f^HtpJSSK 06mtomf ? - ? ? |j I mmmm J?||||L iiiiapL siand assist ? wwmmm Accord%| ?fcfrfbaftnem'' Was D. Smith fired? ? ? * ? ? ' ' ' leave* ' ' * Although the new, board allegedly voted unanimously two weeks ago to reinstate Smith, sources say that the national ^ organization is exercising its might in Ihe matter. Usually the national organization does not enforce policies of board rotation with affil iates, and has no voice in hiring and firing of personnel. The National Urban League certifies all applicants to ensure minimum education and experience require ments. "Once a person is certified, the local affiliate doesn't have to account to nationaf on firing or anything else," said the official. And yet, former board mem bers state that National threat ened sanctions against them for ? inconsistencies in rules and prc cedures, including board rotation policies. The local board has apparent __ Jy never-declared D. Smith's post tion vacant. Until that is done, and the job is opened up for appli cants, national can not certify her or anyone else for the position. Another issue standing between DT Smith and her old job Is that of severance pay. Smith says the first issue the new board dealt with was how to compensate her for back pay, "Since I had been without a salary for eight months." One of the conditions of the agreement reached was that it would remain strictly confidential, says Smith. "But I understand that agreement was sent to national, and national is saying that by me signing the agreement, that I signed away my right to be rein stated." ? The intent of that agreement, says Smith, was as compensation for back pay and not as a sever ance package. "I feel that I've been tricked." Continued from page A1 "I believe so strongly in the mission of the Urban League,* said Smith. "I can not understand what would make those gentle men want my job." Regarding rotation of board members, one Urban League offi cial said, "We look for ways to keep good people on the board. The rotation policy is part of local by-laws. It's just an in-house poli cy, not a law." One source close to the issue said that when the old board was forced to resign, some very impor tant people were publicly embar rassed, and it is they who are using the national organization to keep D. Smith hanging in the wind. Marie Roseboro, a former ? board member and an executive Shelter vote Continued from page A1 office. Traditionally, aldermen rub ber stamp that slate. Virginia Newell spoke in favor of the Patterson Avenue site just before Wright entered the alter nate motion. Afterwards she called the surprise vote an oxam pie of insensitivity to the poor and^ raised the question: "What stake J did they have in it, the ones driv- \ ing the fjMWs and Mercedes, how could they represent the needs of the poor?" Like Virginia Newell. Mayo r Wood questioned the motives of those who voted in favor of the original site. "Why was this particular deci sion so important to these individ uals? Were there business inter ests involved? Other liaisons? Why was this site so important to Mr. Shannon?" The proposal for the third site included an agreement that devel oper W. David Shannon wouid build the $1.2 million shelter in exchange for $645,000 and two buildings that the Salvation Army owns on South Marshall and Wilbur streets. * * . ? Although the Salvation Army _ board had approved the Patterson Avenue site, King Triplett said, -The Salvation Army is not taking stands in this issue. We are trying to find a place to serve our clients." . Thank God for freedom Just three years ago, politi cians in Texas were running on a simple platform based on the sup position that Danie! Ortega and the Sandinistas would be coming across the border through Harlin gen, Texas, a mere 200 miles from Nicaragua, they warned1 , But then in 1989.. the Berlin Wall began to crumble ? rn Tact the darn thing fell to tell you the truth, so did a lot of the myths associated wltFT our irrational fear of the communist. Now they are on the run. Like vermin they have finally been exposed for the ? As I grew up, matured, met a few people, read a few books, I guess in my deepest of heart, I realized that I never really thought anything, any ideology designed to marginalize the differences among human beings was des tined to thrive anyway. It just didn't make any sense. How could an ? idea designed to rempve God from one's lite, survive? How could a system work that was based on taking from those who worked and giving to those who wouldn't? I know it's more compli cated than that. But, the really interesting development in the fall of commtK nism is its parallel to the fear of The new racism Continued from page A5 Arabs, Asians, Africans, and other non-Europeans. Inside the United States, the renaissance of racism assumed several distinctly new forms. In the wake of the Civil Rights Move ment, it was no longer possible or viable for white elected officials, administrators, aad corporate executives to attack "niggers" openly. The Ku Klux Klan and other racist vigilante groups still existed, but did not represent a mass movement among whites. Instead, a neo-racist strategy was devised which attributed the source of all racial tensions to the actions of people of color. David Duke, former Nazi and Klan lead er, received the majority of whites' votes in his Senatorial race in Louisiana, by arguing that "affir mative action" programs discrimi nated unfairly against innocent whites. Black college students were attacked as "racists" for advocating the adoption of Black -Studie^-aoad^m+c or the creation of African- American cultui:.; centers. Black 'worker? were^accused of racism for sup porting special efforts to train peo ple of color in supervisory and administrative positions. In this context, "racism" had begun to be defined as any behavior by indi viduals or groups which empow ered Latinos, African-Americans or other people of color, or an agenda which took away long-held, privileges of white elites. Of course, the idea of "reverse discrimination" could only exist if African-Americans, Native Americans, Latinos and other peo ple of color actually controlled institutional resources which could affect whites' life chances and opportunities. If they owned the banks and financial institutions, the systems of transportation, communication, housing and health services, even commensurate with their percent ages of the population, then one might theoretically perceive a pat tern of institutional prejudice aimed at whites. But of course, this is absurd. White, upper class males still retain a thousand differ ent advantages over virtually any person of color, from private schools and special tutorials to prepay for standardized tests for admissibn to colleges and profes sional; prog rams, to membership in private clubs and access to capital from financial institutions. Even at their best, affirmative action plans and progrants barely dented this entrenched pattern of power, privi lege, and elitism which the upper class terms "meritocracy." Ronald Reagan was unques tionably the fountainhead of much of the new racism. His administra tion was openly contemptuous of^ African-American rights; he nomi nated virtually no people of color to the federal courts, and openly supported the apartheid regime abroad through his policy of "con structive engagement." * George Bush pursued the presidency in 1 988 by employing Reagan's racial strategy. His campaign cited example of black convict Willie Horton as an example of the Without open appeals to white supremacy, he nevertheless bene fited from a racist backlash against the gains achieved by racial minorities since the 1960s. As president, Bush continued to pursue this racist agenda while employing a public style and dis course of racial harmony. He openly courted black middle class leaders, inviting them into the White House, ahdsf>bke at histori cally black colleges. He publicly endorsed the passage of a civil * rights bill, so long as it repudiated affirmative action and other effec tive measures to reduce discrimi nation. . The "Jim Crow" segregation in the U.S. of the 1950s, and the system of racial oppression termed "apartheid" in South Africa, will no longer characterize the type of oppression which black people must confront in the twenty first century. Abroad and at home, the new forms*! ftortat ffiflfj ethnic domina tion are far more sophisticated than in previous generations. The struggle for racial jualica and democracy will require greater ' determination in the future. Victims Continued from page A1 form of witch hunts ? the strategy whereby selected targets ars accused, triad and convicted in the press and the court of public opinion ? was developed and refined by Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi minister of propaganda." Because there is no smoking gun, says Pitts, peopie dont want to see the problem. "But when George Bush says there wiU be no civil rights bill and Jesse Helms says whites dont have jobs because of black people, that sets the ton#. That empowers the FBI to target black with Golden State Mutual Insur ance, said that to her knowledge, Smith was not informed of being fired. "I think that in voting to rein state D. to her job, that this board : has tried to right a wrong, and "national has stymied that effort." Because the board is new, says Roseboro, "there is no one to lead them through this mess." Roseboro also noted that in April, several members of the old board turned in 900 signatures in a petition which stated that to go through the interview proceas was timely and costly, and that "we wanted D. Smith back. We could have tripled that number, " said Roseboro, "because peopie were anxious to sign. No one can say that there is not community sup port out there for Delores Smith," ? - Continued from page A1 other bugaboos in this country. In many ways, communism was like integration was for the southern politician. George Wal lace, Ross Barnett, Herman Tal mage, Ben Pitch Fork Tillman ? there are too many to mention ? were all elected on the fear of one thing: integration. No one ever Knew wnat any Southern, espe cially South Carolinian politician ? stood for other than pensions for the old widows of the Civil War and the virtue of white woman hood. The challenge for us now as we come to grips with the fact that our greatest fear, our greatest enemy is an emperor without any clothes ? is what will we, the peo ple of the United States be for now? We knew what we were against. We were against that godless religion that thankfully now is gasping for its last ugly breath. It will be up to us to decide whether we as a nation will be like the southern politician who used the same speech on every audi ence hoping to appeal to their worst fears or will we instead seek to build a newer and better nation together based on our collective coalition?vi>ion? Thank God for^ freedom in this Country. elected officials." Fromenschen it the code name for the unofficial policy in the FBI's Atlanta region to target, without prob able cause, black eiacted officials. Fromenschen was brought to tight when a former undercover FBI agent filed an affidavit regarding harass ment of black elected officials during hie tenure, 1079-1982. He main tained that the policy was never wtth drawn. "There is a terrible chilling effect," says Lewis Pitts. "Young peo ple who might have been interested in politics are shut down and scared, ~ corporations who might heve con tributed to black charities and cam paigns of black officials decide not to get involved. It shuts down the eco nomic distribution of monay and power. i 1 1 ?" get started, Boys, Girls You Can Be A Newspaper Carrier! Earn extra cash an4 gain valuable experience by delivering the Winston Triad Pest ?Control * ?*. . '?? is offering its customized Pest Control Service for inside and out. ' ' ' ? ? Call for details. ? ? ? . : ? Marilyn Gilliam , . Vice President ? Odorless Chemicals ? Certified Radon Tasters ?-One time. Monthly or Quarterly Sendee ? Money Bach Guarantee C A T A R A C T B U W O E R V Using the Mkro-Inciskm technique, doctors across die country are performing MulttSttteh. 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Winston-Salem Chronicle (Winston-Salem, N.C.)
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Aug. 22, 1991, edition 1
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