FORUM
'My Life' or my fable?
Earl Ofari
Hutchinson
Guest
JC a \ u m n i s t
With the passage of time, the
Bush administration's foreign pol
icy and domestic bumbles, and the
lackluster performance by the
crew of Democratic presidential
candidates during the primaries,
former President Bill Clinton not
only has been personally and
politically rehabilitated, but hailed
as a political genius. The over
whelming temptation is to inflate
his life story and political deeds to
Olympian heights.
As the Democrat that took
back the White House in 1992
after 1 2 years of Republican rule,
the story line is that he snatched a
big page from Ronald Reagan's
ideological playbook, and ouf
Republicaned the Republicans.
He pledged to ramp up America's
military prowess, aggressively
fight terrorism, crack down on
crime, and reign in domestic
spending. He resuscitated a mori
bund Democratic Party and made
it a competitive political force
nationally. He did all this and still
came off as a champion of racial
justice and social reform.
The truth is quite different. In
1992, Clinton did not handily
defeat Bush Sr. Clinton won with
a minority of the popular vote, one
of only a handful of presidents in
the 20th century to do that. Bush
Sr. got fewer white male votes
than Reagan and Richard Nixon in
their smashing presidential wins,
and those votes are always the
ones that make or break a presi
dential candidate. But Clinton did
n't get those votes. Reform Party
presidential candidate Ross Perot,
with his anti-government assault,
grabbed them. That did more to
sink the Bush presidency than
Clinton's vaunted charm, charis
ma and tilt-tu-the-right "New
Democrat" forgotten man pitch.
In 1996, Clinton's political
good fortune held up. Clinton's
opponent, the venerable Republi
can Party warhorse Robert Dole,
inspired little voter enthusiasm.
And Republicans reeled from the
tarnish of their rancorous but
failed fight over Newt Gingrich's
Contract with America and the
Pat Buchanan insurgency, which
siphoned conservative votes from
the Republicans. This ensured
Clinton's walk-over victory.
Clinton did not heal the divi
sions and rivalries in the Democ
ratic Party, or define a political
identity that separated the Democ
rats from tail-ending the Republi
cans on policy issues. During
Clinton's terms, the Democrats
lost more ground in state and
national elections that they had in
decades. In his first year in office,
the Democrats had the presidency
(him), the House. Senate, and a
majority of governorships. By the
time he left office eight years later,
Republicans increased their num
ber of governorships, and their
control of Congress. Despite
being a child of the South, Clinton
did not loosen the Republicans'
iron grip on the South and mid
America. Clinton also served as
the perfect whipping boy and
straw man for the Republicans to
solidify their conservative ideolo
gy within their party and much of
the media.
Clinton gave Bible-thumping
speeches at black churches, sur
rounded by a gaggle of black
Democrats, and made a few well
publicized appointments of blacks
"My Life
Bill Clinton
to cabinet posts. This did much to
sell his image as a dedicated fight
er for racial justice and a social
reformer. Blacks eagerly gave him
more than 80 percent of their vote
and dubbed him an honorary "soul
brother."
But Clinton was no liberal
reformer. He radically downsized
welfare, toughened federal anti
crime and drag laws, and pared
away affirmative action programs.
These were all Reagan. Bush Sr.
and Nixon proposals that the Con
gressional Black Caucus and lib
eral Democrats vehemently
opposed, and had languished in
Congress. The ranks of the black
poer quickly soared; the number*
jailed for mostly nonviolent, non
serious crimes jumped; and funds
for skill and education programs
to permanently break the welfare
cycle for the poor evaporated.
Current President Bush's
black and Latino cabinet appoint
ments of Secretary of State Colin
Powell, National Security Adviser
Condoleezza Rice, and White
House Counsel Alberto Gonzalez
were far more significant in terms
of making key policy decisions
than any of Clinton's black and
Latino appointments.
Clinton's party dominance
badly hurt the Democrats in 2000.
Democratic presidential candidate
A1 Gore was mute on issues such
as urban investment,' health care
for the uninsured, failing inner
city public schools, and criminal
justice reform. This brand of polit
ical plantationism alienated and
angered many blacks and Latinos.
They stayed away from the polls
in droves and turned what shoulij
have been an easy Gore victory
into a numbing defeat. .
Clinton's negative stamp was
firmly imprinted on the Democ
rats during the primaries when the
white Democratic presidential
contenders tried to out-Bush Bush
on national security, the war on
terrorism, and greater defense
spending and preparedness. Their
talk on domestic issues consisted
mostly of hammering Bush on tax
cuts and his grossly under-funded
No Child Left behind education
initiative. This ignited no spark
among minority voters. Even now,
presumptive Democratic presi
dential candidate John Kerry's
spike up in the polls is due mostly
to public anguish over Bush's Iraq
quagmire.
Clinton's "My Life" is not the
milestone in presidential story
telling that his PR flacks boast.
But it will do much to further
establish the myth that Clinton
was a political genius. But then a
storybook written by a president
wouldn't be complete without
myths.
Earl Ofari Hutchinson is an
author and political analyst. Visit
his news and opinion Web site:
www.thehutchinsonreporl.com.
He is the author of "The Crisis in
Black and Black" (Middle Pas
sage Press).
A love letter to Clinton
Armstrong
Williams
Guest
Some people have it: that
special intangible that drawf -
no, pulls - your eyes. They
emote empathy, maybe even a
calm spiritualism. But they also
seem like us. No look of statue.
Maybe even a bit fat. This is
key. They inhabit a realm that is
just a few degrees from us. This
gives us hope.
Former President Clinton
has it - that endearing smile that
draws you in. There is no excuse
for liking him. But we do. He
shows up for a book signing,
and it is not a discussion; it is a
pseudo event. He love-bombs
the audience. Maybe he hugs
someone dressed a bit too shab
bily, someone who has trouble
with the bills. We fawn over
this.
Already, the forthcoming
release of his book has been
transformed into a full-scale
pseudo event. There will be
appearances on "Oprah." "60
Minutes," and town hall meet
ings. In many ways, he is pro
moting his book the same way
he promoted his presidency: not
so much by achieving historical
significance, but by embracing
and exuding the popular culture
of his nation. He was warm,
effusive, warmly expressive and
horribly endearing. He played
the saxophone, listened to Elvis,
appeared oti MTV and said "aw
shucks." He consciously associ
ated himself with the popular
culture. He surrounded himself
with movie and music stars.
This son of a poor white work
ing class family proclaimed that
he was one of us - albeit a bit
more charming and well-known
- and we rewarded him not just
with votes, but with a sense of
personal connectedness.
When Princess Diana died,
people who had never met her
cried. They felt a sense of loss in
their personal lives, even though
their own daily drudgery
remained unchanged. Diana had
that quality that allowed people
to fill her up with their hopes
and passions. Clinton has it too.
In a democracy, that counts for
a lot.
Yes, of course, there were
the sandals: Hillary care. Travel
gate, Whitewater, Filegate.
impeachment hearings, a per
jury conviction. Even the last
few days of Clinton's presiden
cy were marked with scandal,
after he rubber-stamped pardons
for his friends and sponsors.
There can be no justification for
using the powers of the presi
dency to shield friends from jus
tice. Clinton's intentionally false
testimony regarding whether he
ever engaged in sexual relations
with Monica Lewinsky similar
ly made a mockery of the com
mander-in-chief's duty to see
that the laws are faithfully exe
cuted.
In the end. even his indiscre
tions were twisted to his advan
tage. He's that charming. Every
tints he was caught with his
hand in the jar, he simply hegan
wagging his plump little fingers
at the Republicans. Unable to
defend Clinton's actions, the
Democrats would circle the
wagons and- paint his. accusers
as some extremist segment of
society. In doing so, they man
aged to endow Clinton with an
almost heroic quality.
Of course, the reality was
never that clearly drawn. Plain
ly, Clinton did not choose to
involve himself in the Whitewa
ter, Filegate, and Travelgate
scandiis because of Republican
pressure. Nor did he grope his
intern because of the Republi
cans. Plainly, the president was
not so much a victim of biparti
sanism. but of his own inability
to keep his appetites in check.
Still, many of us forgive
him. Most of us miss him. We
call in favors just to secure a
spot ar one of his book signings.
This makes us feel close to cen
ter stage. It has nothing to do
with issues, hardly anything to
do even with language. (Presi
dential campaign ads have
dropped in modal length from
30 minutes in 1952 to 30 sec
onds in 1988.) Our modern
leaders ascend as images, as
suggestions. They act, speak and
think in television terms. Wher
ever they go, a perpetual ad
floats off them like vapors. Pres
ident Clinton strolls out for a
book signing. We crane our
necks for a peek. A star is bom.
wwiN.armstrongwilliams.com
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