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MR. CLAY'S GREAT SPEECH. I ,,, i . i i..- I It would beour desire to lay bcloro our readers, : ' i (as we have ourselves had the pleasure of read -; Jnp.) Ilio ;;reat sprh of Mr. Clav, in the Sennte. ' eu Tu-Jy week, Feb. 5'U, upon tlie Couipro- J mis Hfl0l,,ii.,n in.r.t.-i hv him on the atom of Slatcrjr. But it would take us too long to do this. We therefore present the following extract for the present, and shall follow it Hp with another next week, as out apace may permit ; , , .. Sir, what vicissitudes do we not pass through in thin abort ninril career of ours f Eight yea rs, or nearly eight years ago, I took my leave final1-, and, aa 1 supposed, forever frwn this body. A' that time, I did not conceive of the. oossibility of ever again returning to it. And if my private wishes and particular inclinations, anil the desire during the short rein" ml of my d ij-s to remain in repose and quiet could have prevailed, yon would never have seen me occupying the scat which now occupy upon this floor. The Legislature of the State to which I belong, unsolicited by me, chose to designate me for this station, and I have coma here, sir in obedience to a Bense of stern duty, with no personal objects, no private view?, now or herealter to gratify. I know, sir, the jealousies, the fears, I1"' apprehensions which are engendered by the existence rf that party spirit to which I hnvo referred; but if there be in my hear ing now, in or out of this Capitol, any one who hopes, in his race for honors and elevation,- for liiithuv liniuiN um! I.iirlti ulnuwti,,.. lli-in tli.il u-tiw-ll lie may occupy, i beg him to believe that I, at least, will never jostle him in the pursuit of those ', konorsor that elevation. 1 beg him to lie perfectly persuaded that, if my wishes prevail, my name shall Hover be used in coinjietitioii with his, 1 beg to assure him that when my service is terminated in this body, my mission, so far as respects the public affairs of this world and upon this earth, is closed, and closed, if my wishes prevail, forever. But, sir, it is impossible Tor us to tx) blind to the facts which are daily transpiring before us. It is impossible Torus not to perceive that party spirit nd future elevation mix more or less in all our iiffairs.in nil onr deliberations. At a moment when the White House itself is in danger of conflagration, instead of all hands uniting to extinguish the flames, we are contending about who shall be in next occu pant. When a dreadful erttasse . has occurred, winch threatens .. inundation nnd destruction to ell around it, we are contesting and disputing about the profits of an eMale which is threatened with total submersion. Mr. President, it is passion, passion party, party, and intemperance that is aft I dread in the adjustment of the great questions which unhappily at this time divide our distracted country. Sir, at this moment we have in the legislative bodies of this Capitol and in the States twenty -mid furnaces in full blast, emitting heat and passion, and intem perance, and diffusing them throughout the whole extent sf "this broad land. Two months ago all was calm hi comparison, to the present moment. All now is uproar, confusion and menace to the existence of the Union, nnd ti the happiness and safety of this people. Sir, I Implore Senators, I entteat them, by all tint they expect hereafter, nnd by all that is dear to them hem below, to repress the ardor of these passions, to look to their coun try, to its interests, to listen In the voice of reason not aa it shall be attempted to be uttered by me, for I am not so presumptuous as to indulge the liopas that anything 1 may say will desrrvo the at tention which I have desired, but to listen to their own reason, their own judgment their own good sense, In determining upon what is best to be done for our country in the actual posture in which we Hid her. Sir, to this great o'ljeet have my efforts Jieen directed during this whole session. 1 have cut myself off Irian all the usual enjoyments of so cial hie, I have confined myself almost entirely, with very few exception, to my own chamber, nd from the beginning of the session to the present time my thought hive been anxiously directed to the object of finding some plan, of pro posing some mode ol accommodation, which should once more restore the blessings of concord, har moot, and peace to this great country. I am iot vain enough to suppose that I have been suc cessful in the accomplishment nf this object, but I have presented a scheme, u ml a How me to say to KIa SniMlflM thuf iflhnu finrl in that nliin IHIWBUn W . .VJ. ....... 1 ' ' anything that is defective, if Ihey find in that anything that is worthy of acceptance but is sus ceptible of improvement bv amendment, it seems tome that the true and patriotic course is not to denounce it, but to improve it not lo reject with out examination any project of accommodation tiavintr for its object the restoration of harmony: in this country, but tolook at it to see if it be sus ceptible ot alteration or improvement, so as toac ' cnmplish the object which I indulge the hope is com- won to aH and every one of us, to restore peace and juiet and harmony and happiness to this country. Sir; when I came to consider tis subject, there were two or three general purposes which it seem XI to me to be most desirable, if possible, to ac 'compfish. The one was, to settle all the contro ' verted questions arising out of the subject of slave . ry. Il seemed to me to lie doing very little if we '.settled one Question and left other distracting qnes- ' - J ' . ... .l I, A n ... k A,., nr. I..,. . IlOnS mauiustcu. 1 l irenrcii IU UK w to uuimw uhi Utile if we stopped one leak only in the ship of State, and left other leaks capable ot producing dinger, if ant destruction, to the vessel. I there fore turned my attention lo every subject connect ed with the institution of slavery, and out of which controverted questions had sprang, to see if it were j .possible or piacticable to accommodate and adjust i the whole o( them.. Another principle or object which attracted ay attention was, to endeavor to form snrA a scheme of accommodation as that neither of the two classes flf Stares into which' our country 'is e siuWppily divided should make any aacfifi.ee of any great princ plie; ' I believe, sir, 'the series of resolutions which I M f honor to present to the Senate accomplWies that object. 6Hir, another purpose which I had in view was ' ; 'hiir: t sras aware of the difference of opinion pre ' SaWarg 'fcetweett these two classes of States. I -Was aware that, whilst one portion of the Union xva pushing matters, as it seemed tome, to the greatest extremity, another portion of I he Union was pushing tliem to an opposite, and perhaps not 'tss dangerous extremiiy. It appeared to me, then, that any arrangement, any satisfactory ' adiustment ceuW 1 made of tlie rotrtrovertrti qimst ions between the two classes of States, that ' adjustment, that nrnngeinwrt, cHi1d ' mily he suc cessful and effectual by rx icting fnim both parties nmeconcessinuar-rwit ol .principle, not of princi ple at all, but of feeling, of opiniou, in Telation to ,nitters in controversy houvei'nthein., Rir, I be. . Jievetlteresoliilions wliicb t have prepnrrd fulfill Oiatabjeflti 1 believe sir, that you will find Upon lhat careful, ralinaal, and attentive examination uf itliern which I think they deserve, (hat neither p-r-1y in some oftliem mi-ko any eonression at all; 1(1 'ethers the concession of forbetranee are ' mu tual; anA, in the third place, in reference to the slayeholding StKtes there art remilirtlmis making concessions tothea'by tlie opposits class oitftatis without any iomperwrtiori whatover Leing render d&Vtbra to the an lftvr holding Stntm. Illijnk sjvswww'ofthes'haow'ntics which I haVeiis gnedi and the jnensares whie h f pmpos'.-d, it os 'reptibie of clear and aatisfaCtor demonstrntiori by an attentive perusal and critical examination of the (irtiMWislve. ':I-etotake p- the first a tfirtjofj. vr !. -t? '.-j h,-? ! .The first Hresoliifioa, Jfrnsiaent, jot" n aware, relatea to California,. and it, deeUrea that Ca lifornia, with soitab! limits, oight to.be admit led a member of tlsis Union, wilhnat tlieiinpo. j atiion of atry-zestriction either o interdict or to in t tttdiNM slaerv witlii her &mi ' 'WelV ww, i ! 'M'-l I there any conuession in this tesolittion by either lijriy In Hie oilier J I km-w lhat 'gentlemen-ht ' - , - , ... . cine bum sUvel:ghlitig Stiles ay the North gets a. ,(U.itd ; b it by whom dues it get it? lKies it gel it by any action of Congress T If slavery do interdicted witnin tne limits ot t-aiih-r- n"''"' 11 n?" ""' '7 vig-TO-r-W ' iru.noni T No, sir, That interdiction is imposed by California hers- If. And has it not been the iloct'ine of all parties that when a State is about lo lie admitted into the Union, the State has a right to ifrcide for itself whether it will or will not have slavery within its limits? Hero the confusion arising from the pressure of the crowd was so great that it was with diffi culty Mr. C. could be heard. And lie suspended his remarks until the lobbies had been sufficiently cleared to secure a restoration of order. Mr. Clay resumed. The great principle, sir, which was in contest upoa the memorable occa sion of the introduction of Missouri into the Union was, whether U was competent or not cj mpetent fur Congress to impose any restriction which should exist after she became a member of the U n'on ? We who were in favor of the admission of Missouri contended that no such restriction should b imposed. We contended that, whenev er she was once admitted into the Union, she had all the rights and privileges of any pre-existing State in the U.iion, and that strung these rights and privileges one was to decide for herself wheth er shivery should or should not exist within her limits ; that she had as much a right to decide up on the introduction of slavery or its abolition as New York had a rifxht to decide upon the intro duction or abolition of slavery ; that, although sub- seqtienlly admitted, she stood amongst her neers ouuallv invested with all the privileges tin.: any one of the original thirteen States had a right to onjoy. And so, sir, I think that those who have been contending with so much earnestness and per severance for the Wilmot proviso ought to reflect that, even if they could carry their object and adopt the proviso, it ceases the moment any State or Territory to which it was applicable came to be admitted as a member of the Union. Why, sir, no one cont?nds now, no one believes that with re gard to those northwestern Slatis to which the or dinance of 1787 applied Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan no one can now believe but that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, huve just as much right to introduce slavery within their borders as Virginia has to maintain the existence of slavery within hers. Then, eir, if in the struggle for power and empire between the two classes of States a decisicn in California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not mado by the General Government. It is a decision respecting which they can utler no complaint towards the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself; which California had unquestionably the , right to make under the Constitution of the United j States. 'I here is, tlun, in the fir9t resolution, ac cording lo the cbservations which I made some time ago, a ease where neither party concedes; where the question of slavery, neither its intro duction nor interdiction, is decided in reference to the action of this Government ; nnd if it has been decided, it has been by a different body by a dif ferent power by California itself, who had a right to make the decision. Mr. President, the next resolution in the series which I have offered I beg gentlemen candidly now to look at. I was aware, perfectly aware o( the perseverance with which the Wilmot proviso was insisted ujioii. 1 know that every one of the (ree States in this Union, without exception, had by its legislative body passed resolutions instructing their Senators and requesting their Representatives to get that restriction incorporated in any territorial government which might be established under the auspices of Congress. I knew how much, and I regretted how much, the free States bad put their hearts upon the adoption of this measure. In.the second resolution I call upon them to waive per sisting in it. I ask them, for the sake of peace, and in the spirit of mutual forbearance to other- members of the Union to give it up to no longer insist upon it lo see, as they must see, if their eyes are opn, the dangers which lie ahead, if they persevere in insisting upon IL When I called up on them in this resolution to do this, was I not bound to offer, for a surrender of that favorite prin ciple or measures of theirs, some compensation in the spirit of mutual forbearance, which, animating one side, ought at the same time to actuate the other side? Well, sir, what is it that is offered them t It is a declaration of what I characteriz ed, and must still characterize, with great defer ence to all those who entertain opposite opinions, as two trul In, I will not say incontestable, but so clear, that I think they ought to be regarded as in disputable truths. What are they 1 The first is, that by law slavery no longer exists in any part of the acquisitions made by lis from the Republic of aiexico ; auu oar outer is, inai in our opinion, ac cording to the probabilities of the case, slavery nev er will be introduced into any portion of the terri tories so acquired from Mexico, Now, I have heard it said that the declaration of what 1 call these two truths is equivalent to the enactment of the Wilmot proviso. I have heard this asserted, . but is that the case 1 If the Wilmot proviso be adopted in territorial governments established over tlie countries acquired from Mexico, it would be a positive enactment, a prohibition, an interdiction as to the intra iuction of slavery within them ; but : with regard to these opinions I had hoped, and I shall still indulge the nope, that those who repre sent the free State will be inclined not to insist indeed it would be extremely difficult to give to these d 'Clarationa the form of positive enactment. I had hoped that they wonld be satisfied with the simple expression of the opinion of Congress, leav ing i: upon the basis of that opinion, without ask ing what seems to me almost impracticable, if not impossible for any subsequent enactment to be introduced into the bill by which territorial govern ments should be established. And I can only say lhat the second resolution, even without the dec laration uf these two truths expressed, would be more accept Die to me than with them", but I could not forget thai I was proposing a scheme of arrangement ana compromise, and I could not, therefore, depart from the duty, which the preps ra tion of such a scheme seems to me to impose, of offerii g, whilst we ask .the surrender on one side of a favorite measure, of offering to the other side some compinsauon tor lhat surrender or sacrifice, Whettare the truths, Mr. President! The first is. that by law slavery does not exist within the terri tories ceiled to us by tlie Kepubltc of Mexico, I is a misfortune, sir, in the various weighty in.i..Tl.iil Innin. ntliinli an Mniuml.i.l wilnl.nl. imjwirt.i nt topics which are connected with the sub ject that I am now addressing yoa npon, that any one of the five or six furnishes a theme for a length ened speech, and I am therefore rednced to the necessity, I think, at least in this stage cf the dis enssion, of limiting mysell rather lo the expression ef opinions than going at any length into the dis cussion of all ihese various topics. Now, with respect to the opinion here expressed that sis-very does net exist in the Territories ceded to the United States by Mexico, I can only refer in the fact of the passage of the law by the Su preme Government ef Mexieo abolishing it, f think in 1824. and to the snbsVquwjt, passage of a law by the legislative body ot Mexico, I forget in what year, by whicli thet prposed what ft is true they have m-veryet carried into full effoet eompensa. tion tn tlie ownors si lave for tlie property of which trty were stripped by the act of. afrltum. I can only refer ta the aesnieseenne of Mexico tn the abolitionof slavery from tlietimeof rtsextwetion down to the time of the treaty by which we acquir ed these cntrip. But all Slexicn, so far a I know, acqiiiesecd in the nnnrcxistence of slavery. Gentlemen. I now, talk about the irreffiilarily of iks it tiecome us, a Rireign Power, to roid; into the 1 male by whu h an object bus been accomplished hy another foreign Power, when she herself U satis fied with what she has done, and when, too, she is the exclusive judge whether an object which is lo cal, municipal to herself has been or has not been accomplished in conformity with her fundamental laws I Why, Mexico upon this subject showed to the last moment her anxiety, in the documents which were laid before the country upon the sub ject of the negotiation of this treaty by Mr. Trist. Amongst them you will find this passage in one of bis dispatches: - " Among the points which came under discuss ion was the exclusion of slavery from all territory which should pass from Mexico. In the course of their remarks on the subject, I wan told that if it were proposed to the people of the United States to part with a portion of their territory, in order that the inquisition should be therein established, the proposal could not excite stronger feelings of ab horrence than those awakened in Mexico by the prospect of the introduction of slavery in any ter ritory parted with by her. Our conversation on this topic was perfectly frank, and no less friend ly ; and the more effective upon their minds, inas much as I was enabled to say, with perfect securi ty, that, although their impressions respecting the practical fact of slavery, as it existed in the Uni ted Slates, were, I had no doubt, entirely errone ous, yet there was probably no difference between my individual views and sentiments on slavery, considered in itself, and those which they entertain ed. I concluded by assuring them that the bare mention of the subject in any treaty to which the United States were a party, was an absolute im- possibility; lhat no President of the United States would present any such treaty to the Senate : and that if it were in their power to offer me the whole territory described in our projet, increased tenfold in value, and, in addition t.) that, covered a foot thick all over with pure gold, upon the single condition that slavery should be excluded there from, I could not entertain the offer for a morrrent nor think even of communicating it to Washing ton. The matter ended in their being fully satis fied that this topic was one not to be touched, and it was dropped, with good fueling on both sides.". Thus you find sir, that in the very act, in the very negotiation by which the treaty was conclu- rlA.I noiliniY tn n ill ntri OH in mioalmn tliA ili. ploi'natic representatives or the Mexican Republic 1 fct anJ commenced with an expression of his des urged the abhorrence with which Mexico would j ire to arrest the conflictf1a9sioriS now raging in view the introduction of slavery into any portion of the territory which she was about to ri? to the United States. The clause of prohibition was not inserted in consequence of the firm ground taken by Mr. Trist, nni hii declaration that it was an ultor impossibility to mention the subject. I (ako it then, sir and availing myself of the benefit of the discussions which took place on a former occasion on this question, and which I think have left the whole country under the im pression of the non-existence nf slavery within the whole of the territory in the ceded territories I take it for granted that what I have said, aided by tits reflection of gentlemen, w ill satisfy them of that first truth, that slavery does not exist there by law, unless slavery was carried there the moment the treaty was ratified by the two parties, and un der tlie operation of the Constitution of the United States. Now, really, t must say, that upon the idea that eo inslanli upon the consummation of the treaty the Constitution if .lie United states spread itstelf over Ihe acquired '.erritory and carried also , with it the institution j( slavery, the proposition is so irreconcilable with any comprehension or rea son that I possess, that 1 hardly know bow to meet it. Why, these United States consist of thirty States. In fifteen of them there was slaverv, in fifteen of them slavery did not exist Welt, how Can it be argued that the fifteen slave Stales, hy the operation of the Constitution of the United States, carried into the ceded territory their insti tution of slavery, any more than it can be argued on the other side that, by the operation of the same Constitution, the fifteen free Mates carried into the ceded territory the principle of freedom which they from policy have chosen to adopt within their lim its ? Why, sir, let me suppose a case, let me imagine that Mexico had never abolished slavery there at all Let me suppose that it was existing in point of fact and in virtue of law from the shores of the Pacific to those of the gulf of Mex ico, at the moment of the cession of these coun tries to us by the treaty in question. With what patience would gentlemen coming from slavehold ing States listen to any argument which sliould be urged by the free States, that notwithstanding the existence of slavery within those territories, the Constitution of tin United States abolished it the moment it operated upon and took effect in the ce ded territory ? Well, is there not just as much ground to contend that, where a moiety oi the State is free and the other moiety is slaveholding, the principle of freedom which prevails in the one class shall operate as much as the principle of slavery which prevails in the other ? Can you come amidst this conflict of interests, principles, and legislation which prevails in the two parts of the Union, to any other conclusion than that which I understand to be the conclusion of the public law uf the world, of reason, and justice : that the status of law, as it existed si the moment of the conquest or the acquisition, remains until it is altered by the sovereign authority ot the cou- qnering ur acquiring power T That is the great principle which you can scarcely turn over a page of public law of the world without finding recog nized and every where established, the laws ol Mexico, as they existed at the moment ot the cession of the ceded territories to this country, remained the laws until, and unless, they were al tered by that new sovereign povvor which this peo ple and these territories come under in conse quence of the treaty of cession to the United Stales,. , '; .;,. . V' ; , .. I think then, Mr. President, that, without tres passing further, or exhausting tlie little stock of strength which 1 have, and for which I shall have abundant use in the progress of the argumeut, I may leave that part of the subject, with two or three observations onty upon the general power which I think appettiuis to this Government on the subject of slavery. Sir, before I approach that subject, allow me to say that, in my humble judgment, the institution of slavery presents two questions totally distinct, and resting nn entirely different grounds slavery within the States, and slavery without the States. Congress, theGeneral Government, has no power, end-ijnder.OieCnsihution of the United States, to I . 1 I " V.. Tl In iKn Ulnlna H.n.1 In ll.. li..u touch slaverv withlftMbe 8tates, except In the three specified particulars in that inirttomejitj to 'adjust the subject of representation; to impose taxes when a system m direct taxation IS, made ; and to perform the duty of surrendering, or causing lobe delivered up, fugitive slaves that may es cape frem service which they owe in slave Slates, and take refuge in free Slates. And, sir, I am ready to say that if Congress were to attack, within the States, the institution of shivery, for the purpose ot the overthrow or extinction of sla very,tht thn, Mr President,' my f nice would be for war, then wodld be mude a case which would justify, in the sight of God and in the pres ence of the nations of the earth, resistance, on the part of the slave Stales, to such an unconstitu tional and usurped attempt as would be made on the supposition which i aive emied. men we should be ac'lirtir in defence of our ricrhts. ourdomi eils, our property, our salety. our lives ; and then, 1 think, would be furnished esse in which the slaveholding Slates would lie iustifiied.by all con sideratlnns which pertain lo the happiness and se curity of man, 10 employ every instrument which Uod or nature bad placed m tlieir hands to resisl such an aHMfipt ou the part of tlie iree States. And lfn'U.if uiifnrtiiiHtt'ly civil vval should break nu'.and we should present to the n itions of the earth the sjieclscle of one irtion of this Union endeavoring to subvert an institution in violation of the Constitution and the most sacred obligations which can bind men ; we should present the spec tacle in which we should have the sympathies, tli? good wishes, and the desire for our success by all men who love justice and truth. Far different, I fear, would beour case if unhappily we should be plunged into civil war if the two parts of this country should be placed iu a position hostile to ward each other iu order to carry slavery into the new territories acquired from Mexico. Mr. President, we have heard, all of us have read of the efforts of France to propagate what, on the continent of Europe 1 Not slavery, sir J not slavery, but the rights of man ; and we know the fate of her efforts in a work of that kintfj But if the two portions of this Confederacy should un happily be involved in civil war, in which the effort on the one side would be to restrain the in troduction of slavery into new territories, and on the other side to force its introduction there, what a spectacle should we present to the contemplation of astonished mankind ! an effort not to propa gate right, but I must say though I trust it will be understood to be said with no desire to excite feeling an effort lo propagate wrong in the terri tories thus acquired from Mexico. It would be a war in which we should have no sympathy, no good wishes, and in which all mankind would be against us, and in which our own history itself would he against us ; for, from the commencement of the Revolution down lo the present time, we have constantly reproached our British ancestors for the introduction of slavery into this country ; and allow me to say that, in my opinion, it is one of the best deferces wheh can bo made to preserve the institution in this country, that it was forced upon us against the wishes of our ancestors, our own colonial ain't slurs, and by lliecupidiiy of our British commercial ancestor. CONGRESS. Friday, Feb. 8. The Senato resumed the consideration of rear-1 lotions on the subject of slavery and the territories, Mr. Houston addressed the Senate on the sub- the country. He statod the positions of the South and the North. In alluding to Mr. Calhoun's pos ition, he expressed his deep regret at his absence, and the sympathy he felt in the causo of it. He asked that his oivn resolutions be read, : Compromise was to le attained only in one way, and that was for the North to abstain from all en croachments on the South ; to surrender fugitive slaves, and to leave the territories !o regulate their j own domestic policy. The North was not asked to concede any thing. She was simply to let the South alone. This would give us peace and har mony. What was the North to sacrifice? The rabid assaults on the South. This was not the voice of the great North ; the descendants of revo lutionary patriots, but of bastards renegades. , Their number is small, but their clamor great. They send their missiles here for the purpose ef . . .... ., f. , tou will aid the Northern friends exasperation. of the South if you will cease to attach so much iinKrtance to the piratical movements of the North. The North is not responsible for their pictures, pam phlets and petitions. He regretted that the Senator from Kentucky had disputed the Texan boundary, the only boun dary ever known to her and to Mexico. He would leave the details of the argument to abler heads to his colleague, and to the representatives ofTex as in Ihe other House. The boundary was sol emnly reeoguized by the treaty of Hidalgo, and the map tracing that boundary was attached to the treaty. He denied the power of all ultras in the country tn dissolve this Union. He called upon all to rally to the rescue of this Union. The solid, substantial, home-liviiig pcple did nut participate in this ex citement. Mr. Houston spoke in terms of deep feeling of the kindness shown to him by Benton, when he was an exile and friendless in the wilderness. Mr. Benton was the first field officer under whom he served and when he forgot his kindness, he said, mny my right hand forget its cunning. He vVjidicated himself from attacks for his op position to the Southern Address. He thought it would promote sectional parties. He did not im peach any one's motives. For his course on this subject, he had been denounced. i Mr. H. went on to express his views ef the pro posed Southern Convention, and condemned its policy. He hoped the contingency, would never arise on which the Convention was to act. The Wilmot Proviso would not, he'll usted, be adopted. When it was, the South would resent it. It would be a perilous experiment. But the movement, long ago suggested in South Carolina, could not commence there, in consequence of her particular relations to the question, and Ihe movement was transferred to the gallant State of Mississippi, Mr. Foote, Does the gentleman reflect upon the conduct of the State of Mississippi 7 Mr. Houston. The last thing I thought of. Mr Butler asked a (mention. ' Did the gentleman intend to say that S. Carolina had originated the convention in Mississippi? This was not so. He hoped S. Carolina would never descend from the position in which she might not be traduced by the gentleman and men like him. Mr. Houston Did not reflect on South Caro lina nor any one of its citizens. . He would never forget the gallantry and glory of S. Carolina, bul no man in South Carolina had ever voted for a Presidential elector. He deplored her misfortune in being destitute of the enlarged privileges and freedom of the democracy. (Utiglitor) i , ;, Mr. Foote Knew that the gentleman's remarks would be understood to mean that the Mississippi Convention was originated in South Carolina, He hoped he would explain it. ' 1 r Houston It is a very delicate and com' prehensivequestiont (Laughter.) But if South Carolina had never exiated, the Convention would, he believed, havef never Iwn thought of. 1 (Lutigh. I Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, declared that the peo ple of Mississippi voted from the bidding of no man. Site acted from the voice of the people, wch was above hip detraction. .Order. v l tell him that the people of tlie State are far in advance of her politicians. r It ha been the effort of moderation and' patKolisin' to restrain ,:!,') 'i T--C-I 'r... 1 ' iii" i . Mr. Fool e If the gentleman supposes tliat any one in Mississippi act under a leader, of at . -v. direction of uny'one, lie is mistaken? Noiii- rvj -resenting that State recognises any one a a loa der. I recognise Ho leader on the face of the globe. Mr. Houston I should distrust my sagacity if I thought lhat ilia Senators had net decided influence in Mississippi. But I have never attributed to thorn the origin of the convention. There was little maneuvering some newspaper statements cre ated a meeting here and there and then an effort was made to see who should adopt tlie most inflammatory course. If there was not manoeu vering, the community was different from any he ever heard of. Mr. Davis showed that the people of Mississippi acted moderately and deliberately. Mr. Butler It is due to history to stale that the people of Mississippi probably acted upon the Southern address, and I here state that the South ern address did not originate with any Senator or member from S. Carolina. I may state that it was the suggestion of a Senator from Virginia and one from Tenneesoeand one from Mississippi, Mr. Houston said the Southern Convention was proposed in 1835, by the writer signing himself "Crisis," in the Charleston Mercnry. Mr. Berrien took the floor, and then the Senate : adjourned to Monday. THE RALEIGH TIMES. V RALEIGH, N. C. irftcnj XUonumj, iicbruaru 13, 1830. " Cnnnecled as the Union is with the remembrance nf ntvl tut mtnce a conco if ttrpnt hli Ki'nrr. antl .j ,...;7.,..t-., ..j r -..v.. ......., ...... ilhehnpeof future peace and prosperity, every dic tate of wisdom, ercry feeling of duly, every emotion I of patriotism, lend to insmre fidelity and devotion to it, and admonish uscauliously to avoid any vnnices- sary controversy which can either endanger it or impair its strength, the chief element of which it to lie found in the regard and affections of the people foreach other." General Taylok's Message. Internal Improvement Association. The members of the Raleigh Association are requested to meet at the Court House, at 1 1 o'clock, A. M. on Tuesday next, for the purpose of making arrangements for the Association to be properly B ,. ,,,., , . . r , . , , , , ' . r I UflTll, nd.nl l.ir nn or Al ilia . vnntiUA I Vim. MIU H I 111 UIUV1VI lltV A- ..... V vv... mittee. A full attendance of the mem'iors is ne cessary, as the business is interesting and import ant ' ' "' ' ' 1 STATE CONVENTION. We have seen no agreement, among our friends as to the (te of holding the Whig State Conven tion. We are disposed to stick to Wednesday, the 1th iff May, as we have before proposed. There is nothing very important about it, only lhat the Democrats are anxious to come after us ; while we are qoite williag they shoald have the go for once. We shall have a candidate, us a natter of course; and while we are about it, we may as well say we see no reason why Gov. Vault rbould not be re nominated, though we assume no right to express ur preference, and leave it all te the Convention, The Democracy are In a difficulty of position" whether they shall have any Candidate, as well as to who that candidate shall be. Let tlrcra meet first, then, and extricate themselves from " their fix;" and then, we shall be prepared to act prompt ly and for the best, with a full sight of the band they show. ID" ire have received " the North CaroTma Star1' this week enlarged, and in a new dress ; and we believe it will compare favorably with any newspaper in the State. We wish its enterpris ing proprietors the most abundant success. "CADET OF TEMPERANCE." We have received a specimen No. of a semi monthly sheet, proposed to be published under the above title, at Wadesboro', by Francis M. Paul, Tae chief object of the enterprise is to furnish the Order of the Cadets of Temperance with an organ, through which their objects may be known, and theii principles promulgated ; but although Tern perance is to be the chief aim, and the Cadets the especial care of the paper, a part of it will he tlo Voted to other matters that may be calculated to in' struct and amuse those for whom it U intended. The nahlisher intends to make the paper worthy I be placed in the hand of every youth in the land. Price 60c. per annum, payable in advance. We commend t'.K'paper to the patronage of tlie friends of Temperance, ; MEETING AT OXFORD. , We had the privilege of hearing the speech de. livcred b? Gen. SavkdeKS st the Internal Improve ment Meeting in Oxford, on Wednesday week. Great as has been the fame acquired by this dis (inguished genlleman heretofore, in the advocacy and support of North Carolina' great work, the speech at Oxford added to his reputation for we have never listened to a more severe and pointed rebuke of the demagogueism which prevails in some ' sections on' the subject of Improvements nor to more iust and batriolid sentiments, fuil of commendable State pride; nor to as full and satis fuetory an. exposition cf the., great benefits r which the people of North Caroliua may e xpect from the completion of the Central Road, In connection with it extension upon both extremes as noy pro posed.: The strong and energetic appeal tnail? by Gen. Saunders to tlie people of Granville cannot fail' of effect upon the enlightened, liberal, and wealthy citiiens of that County ; the applause they bestowed was hearty and cheering ; and al though ourstijr wa to sfwrtltd enable us to as certain the progress made in obtaining subscrip tions, we do not fm,butCrawvi,le will do hcr-dn- ;hcl ty 5p regard to Ittfernal Improvements. ; Her inter. ' i .u-t, ;;'!..!! s ; est, of course, is inure direct in the Raleigh an t Gaston KikiiI; and it is but lntnr.il tlut her people should reserve their full e.irrgies to expend upon tliat work but then the reflection ubtrmles that without the Central Road, tluir own must fail-- and Granville will not contemplate the possibility ol sucn a disailer.V . s ; . ., . I ' Wo hope to heir of a liberal subscription from Granville to be sent np to the proposed Convention in IlilUboro' oil the 27th instant. SPEECH OF HENRY CLAY. This great man baa once more lined tip his voice in the National Councils, in behalf of peace and Union, , Under his strong, able and eloquent argument by which his clear and practical views are enforced, we confess we look with more favor upon his plan of settlement of the dissensions be tween the North and South, than we did at first glance. No other public man ever wielded, over tlie hearts and feelings of the people of this coun try, the influence which Mr. Clay has and stand-l iugashe does now, upon the very verge !of the grave, his words corao with solemn and impress' ive weight, as the warnings and admonitions of a patriot, whose voice we shall soon hear.no more. It is Impossible it can be drowned by discord and faction it is impossible it can fail to secure thol respectful attention of all not blinded hy fanatl cism, or distracted by sectional and ambitious long ings after a change of Government., That there are such,aud that they are those who are nowagi fating in this Stale and elsewhere the project of a Southern Cjaiyention, there is little doubt. Bflt1 they will never gN tlie groat body of the Southern people so far alienated from the Union and tlie Constitution, asto render tlieir chance of success at all favorable. And well they know it for they a Iways find it necessary to proclaim tlieir love for the Union, while pursuing the very course calcu lated to destroy it. No such man is Henry Clay. He speaks his purposes out, calmly, boldly, manfully, and without concealment and in the most pathetic and mas terly language be asseverates his devotion to the Union uhich our fathers framed. His motives are noble, disinterested, praiseworthy, whatever may be the fate of the Resolutions he has proposed: We re pleased to hear that the health of Mr. Cal houn is improving though fears ars expressed thai ha may never be able to return to active public lite A MASKED BATTERY. i He believe the Raleigh Standard to be the most disingenuous and unfair print with which we are acquainted ; its course, in this respect, being dic tated by a hand " willing to wound, but yet afraid to strike," Accordingly, against us Its Editor Jt- recta a masked battery, from behind which he may more safely dart his iiiissiles. He has always avoided an open encounter with The Times, unJ.il his discretion, "tlie better part of valor," ha pasj' ed into a proverb. . A short time airo. the Editor cnniml from HinI - ' I - y friend and ally and lately adopted brother, Lippardt Badger,ol " Hornet's Nest," an article gross-f ly abusive, and full of malicious insinuation a- gainst the Timet copied it, knowing it to be nn-I just copied it, because lie dare not write such, aw article mmseii tnougn no seized the opportunity! to give it utterance and thus deprecated,' lmpli- edly, the mercy of the Editor of the Time, whom! he is willing to injure, if he i afely and secure-1 ly hid behind another. What a brace knight off the quill! What a valiant, Locofoco rufller! I Mount him upon hi favorite hobby, (ihe Southern! Convention is hi masterpiece now,) and how glibJ lyhe plays " the braggart with his tongue!"--! How fiercely h denes the Northern people a thou-f sand miles away ! Yoa would think him ready to oppose his single body (puny though it be,) against all their embattled hosts !. Bleu your heart and life, its all brag and bluster, " sound and fury signifying nothing." : So in his last paper, he lets offlh tirade of an anonymous correspondent against the Times ; nnd promulgates the sentiments, likewise, of a correi pondent of hi aforesaid friend, ally and brother behind all which, safely ensconced, the I'.rongly marked features of the Editor of the Standard may he fairly discerned, while his hand is pointing the! attillery of other. : ' - Such is tlie "Organ" (God save tlie mark!) of the Democratic party. To those whose t antes and inclinations lead them to admire the bitter party malignity and unscru pulous tactic of this veaal print to the Red Re publican and Diiunionist of the. State to the Locofoco, who snatch eagerly at every morsel of party capital which may be made available, fair or unfair, to all these, no doubt, Ihe Standard is thei very beau-ideal of a newspaper. To these, iti senseless bravadoes and high-toned party. diqnii tkms embody tlie science of political economy anda the true principles of Democracy ! Bat the loverl of Ihs country the friend of the Union the patriot who look shove and beyond party, to the enjoy ment and the perpetuation of our Free Institutions, its teachings are calculated to fill such a man with gloomy and distrustful fore-bodingaofthe fuf ttite unity snd permanence of the Republic. , The politician, he sees, is so wrapped up in party, that Liberty itself is not worth having, under this govj eminent, unless that party triumph.' ,.i -,n -1 . Thanks to the Author of our being,, in tin first place, and to our own free 4ul, in Ihe second, w are the slate of no party ! And whether it be eour-l age or fool-hardiness, whon we attack, .we do it' boldly and openly.) We'll mince it not at all but speak it roundly and freely, what we have to say, plainly calling thing by their right pame. A' knace is a knave, whatever be the word. . ! We have now to say to the Allies, Lippari ami llolden, and thei corporal's guard of followers,' tlmt they misrepresent the Stale and the aeoli. ir.fnts of her people. North Carolina stands as a wall of conservatism between die fanatic of the North and the South, so far S tbo destruction tfi llie Union i concerned-, ..Though we may stand alone among the presses of the Slate, en faithful Pmon man, while we can work nd write, will be found in tlieir path, with all the opposition tie can offer against them.: If there be peril, we had iio "hand in bringing it on wc went not for Texas or Mexico neither for srquisilioii, conquest, flw plunder but those who did go f v all, are now tlie very first,, because they cannot rule, to seek to niimy. 1 " "' " Ilia jaw tiy wnicir Uwf was accomplished; but :' i -..'! .8'': .4.1 I (ij:!':;; i ."l 'i
Raleigh Times [1847-1852] (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Feb. 15, 1850, edition 1
2
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