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iEJMTQU WD PIiOriUETOU.
VOL III.
RALEIGH, FRIDAY, MARCH 29, 1850.
NO.
1
Ni'IiM'll OF Mil. ST.ILV
" 'lif re .' ;n' Ifinii uf R prcsnl.ilites,' Hard
'I. ISi'J.
This le-or rule,. Mt. : Omimia n, 'on)p-ls us Id
"iiiuii ?m lime very ct"'y. uiid consolidate ideas
touch a" ossible. I will try ami do so, that I
uv nut write out nv thing nn f 'linn I shall say.
I wish to say a few plain thing in a plain way.
wish In iv litl'e for liuiic.o iiIh! not only the
r-iti rn bin l!.p eastern Buncombe, which I ropre
cnl; on, I, if honorable g Mitlcinen are mt desiroi
r hear t'li!1, 1 advise them to Uke theinvi-Ive.". on
, is Mill)' dm , to a more comfortable place than
Inn. 1 intend most of what I say for my constlt
ent. I Ini ve not SHiken before, been use I thought
vlien matters of such vssf magnitude were involc
d, we ousslit to wait and hear wli.it the people
' t home lmv tiTuityuif them. Now, ( ftvl prepar
J not merely to extern iny own opinions, but
hose of my honest constituent. I hope to sny
milling offensive to any gentleman. Certainly, 1
ave no aueli desire. : 1 shall inot carefully avoid
Mtrike the first blow. If I am assailed, I must
ike cure of myself in th best wav I mavv And
w to come right at it.
I have heard a great deal said hprp, and read
inch recently, of "encroachment on the South
ggreesions or the South;" and, though I know we
ave Cause in some respects to Complain of Ihe con
net of ii portion of our northern people, I cannot
iclndo the whole North in the just censure due to
ie conduct of the aggressor. I have attentively
Ktched the debate htre and in the Senate, I have
ioked at the party newspapers of the day( and I
avv- been brought to the settled belief, yea ton
iction, flint much of the hue and cry is caused by
malignant wish to embarrass the Administration,
ml to build up the party whom the people hurled
om power in November, 1815. Many of the
echc here, relative to the admission of Califor-
ia, are marked by unkind allusions to the Pres
ent, and sometimes improper and furious, though
;eble, aspersions as to his niotivrs.
It seemed to medial if gentlemen, from the South j
specially, believed our peculiar institutions were
i danger, they would desire to produce harmony
f feeling, to spegk calmly as to brethren in the
lidst of a common danger; that they would try and
roduce united action. But instead of manifest
ig such a disposition, the Administration is ruth
issly a smiled, and the Whig party fiercely de
ounced. For examples of these party speeches
refer to that of the gentleman ftom Mississippi,
Mr.Brciwn.) and of the gentleman from Maryland,
Mr. McLane,) who on this matter made a party
,ieee.h, and tried, as he did before the lioute was
fgauizeit, to blow his boatswain' whistle and pipe
II hinds on his aide to duty. There were other
lerches uf a like character. I want to show this
gitation, this attempt to excite alarm, is now, as
was last summer in the northern Slates, for par
r purposes. I think I can show it.
' In 1837, when Mr. Van Buret) v?as President, an
oolition petition, presented by a eentleiran from
'ennont, I think, produced a great tumuli hero. -i
southern ate- ting was held in t committee-room
awn stairs. Patlon's resolution, which rejected
bolition petitions, was the fruit of that meeting,
'resenting this petition wan one of Mr. Calhoun's
encroachments." Mr. Van Buren's friends found
i necessary to sustain him, as a "northern man
'ith southern principles," and then he made this
oolition excitement the pi at form for his election
i the Presidency. In vain did the Whigs at that
roe warn the southern country he would be a trai
ir, that his past life had shown he Was unsound
pon the question of slavery. No matter what
Dould be the consequence to the South, hit game
ias to be played. In 1838, when Mr, Woodbury
as in Van Baton's cabinet, and was engaged in
lat interesting correspondence to his suo-treassr
s, Mr. Atherton, uf New Hampshire, who was
i lied the prince of hambogs,inlroducejhis wood
J nutmeg, doughfaced, chivalry resolutions, a cau
us) was held in which southern Van Buren Demo-
rats sat side by side with the worst anli-slacery
en; from which secret caucus all (he southern
f bigs were excluded; and thes resolutions, then
enounced as Janus-faced and double-meaning,
rere the hybrid offspring of that eaocus. These
fsolotions were to quiet agitation. I denounced
lem, and refused to vote for them, and I was sus
lined at home. They were also denounced, if I
lietake not, by other southern gentlemen, as be.
faying the Soath.
A lute article in the ReptUie, in this city, ex
Imps the Aihcrtim eaocus, by giving a true ac-
onnl of theirorigin
When General Harrrwift was nominated, he was
enounced as in Aladifionisfr Mr. Clay was an
lholitionil;nd Mr. Van Buren'sdonghfaces were
is) friends and ''allies of the South." I hope the
ae of donghfacea is entinct. They were a mia-
rable of beings, mere puppets of Van Bu-
M, anti-slavery men at home, silica of the South
pre. Now and then, one M ahve, mourning for
lie lost spoil, and editing; a paper that tries In
Lrm the South by the old snag, ol 1838, " The
IVIiig are Aliolitioiiiys." Once we were told,there
re no Di-momtie Aljolilonists at the North. Now
lowchanged! Even ftltlie Srnate, a member nf
tiat body (Mr. Clemens, of Alabama, on the 17th
anuary, 1850) said :
"I eaid the people of the ?fmith had been here-
ifore laboring under the delusion that the north
m Democrats were their friends. Isnid it wast
Wusion.and I w ghi te have an opiionnniiy rtf
pbining k to them. Got deft'ver me frrnn $uch
Henda a the northern Demncntt! I wnvhl rather
ust northern tyhig$ to-day. They commenced
te game earner, and have not In go so far to get
I a nmper position. Look at the resolutions of
jemncratic lefislalnre and the messages of Dmii.
tniie (fovernnr,nd the resolutions adopted by
Innnrmlle. eonvmtimm, and thpu let! me about
HvV-TunViBopniU li 'J ili? fri nil ft!-RMit!i.f
Mr. f.'nlhoun, too, thinks all the northern people j
ire "mure or less hostile tolls." Sir, I will not i
a linit tli il either of the great parlies of the North,
is sin'li, are hi stilu to the South. Home meinb'i
of each are hostile are funatiral but the great
Hody of both parries at the North, I cannot believe,
ire traitors to the On-titiitiou and the Union.
And, sir, it affords uie pleasure to say, that when
I liPar Inild and manly speeches, such hk those m ule
by the genileiii' n from Illinois (Mr. Biisell) and
fr m Indi iiiH (Mr. Filch,) I honor their intrepidity
I feel that the Union is safe. The time bus
pa-si d I hope when I can be unjust to a patriot,
because he differs with me in political opinions.
My int'reourse with members of the Democratic
party in myown Stnle Legislature removed many
prejudices my intercourse with gentlemon of that
prly here has proved that many of them are true
to the Union; and upon such questions as those
now under discussion here, I (shall be proud to he
allowed to tender them Ihe right hand of fellowship,
and to acknowledge them as worthy laborers in a
common cause. But I speak not here of the dough
faces the men, who, for party purposes, agitate
the country, that they may win the spoils of office,
I hud rather meet Abolitionists here than such men
if they Can be called so.
No; I would say, with a slight alteration of one
of Canning's verses!
"Give me the avowed, erect, and mnnly foe ;
Open, l ean meet) perhaps may turn his blow ;
But of all the plagues, great Heaven thy wrath
can send.
Save, h save me from a dnuuhface friend I"
But, sir, to pursue my argument. In proof of
the charge I make, that there is a desire to pro
duce agitation for party purposes, I beg attention
to a short extract from the 'Triton" newspaper
(Democratic.) of this city. I cull the attention'of
my honest Democratic colleagues to this. In the
Union" of February 14, 1860, 1 find the follow
ing :
"The southeru Whigs have proved them
selves TO BE THE WORST ENEMIES OF THE SoUTK
AND or southern institutions,
But the prks
ENT tS NO TIME VOK CalMHUTKW AND RECRIMINA
TION, Let The patriots or all parties," &,c,
"No time for crimination!" Then why deal in
it? "Patriots of all parties!" But as the north
ern Whigs are ceaselessly denounced as Abolition
ists, and the touthtrn Whigs ''enemies of the
South," who are "the all parties?" Those, I sup
pose, who vole for the "regulur nominees of the
Democratic party !"
My Democratic colleagues, I know, cannot jus
tify such conduct. I will not descend to crimina
tion; but what an argument! If the whole North
are hostile to the South, and if the southern Whigs
are "Ihe worst enemies of the South and southern
institutions," what are to become of those southern
States in which the Whigs hare the inajority?
Besides Ibis extract, just quoted, there are oth
ers of like character one of which was read to
us yesterday, by the gentleman from Florida, (Mr.
Cabell.)
In the t'nt'on of February 28, 1850, in the lead
ing editorial article, we are told : "The alliance
of northern Abolilion-Federalibts, and southern
slaveholding Whigs, has attempted to prostrate the
Democratic party of the North, who stood for half
a century firmly by the compromises of the Con
stitution, which protected southern institutions, and
it has succeeded in compelling the northern Dem
ocracy to modify it position In relation to the in
stitutions of the South."
NV'timefor crimination.'" And the northern
Democracy has "modified its position." How? By
alliance With the abolitionists? There are other
charges of like character in this and other papers,
which I have no lime to read.
Sir, is this no proof of the design to agitate for
parly effect ? It proves that now, as in 1838, it Is
what my colleague -from the Buncombe district'
called it, "a game. In bta speech, in 1844, my
colleague, (Mr. Clingman,) at reported in the Ap
pendix to the Congressional Globe, 28th Congress
1st session, referred to the "fact thai, allliough
there was near eighty Democratic members from
the free States in the House of Representatives,
only thirteen, 'with all possible coaxing," voted for
the rule. How is it with the southern wing of the
party? Its members maHe most vehement speech
es In fuvor of the rale; declare thai the Union will
be dissolved if it is abolished; and charge as high
treason all opposition to it. They are especially
vehement in their denunciation of me, and desire
to make the Impression that its loss, if H should be
rejected , is mainly to be attributed to my speech a
gainst it."
"The game which they have been pisying off
is seen through hy everybody here, ami it rs getting
to be underwood m Hie country.
Just as the game which (lie Bobadils are play
ing off now is understood, and I adopt the Isngau ge
of my colleagne in what follows; I think it was
true of the party to whom it a applied then, in
1844, andeMrcially true now, of those of ihe South
who wish Umirier should revn, and of the one-
idea fanatical Wilmot proviso men of the North
Hear these words: "The game which (hey have
been playing off is seen Ihrongh by everybody
! here, and it is gelling to b understood in the conn
try. There waa fime when gentlemen, by giv
ing themselves airs and talking largely of southern
rights in connexion with this subject, were" able to
give themsofves emwrqupnee sf home. But that
day has passed. fl mock tragedy his degenera
ted into downright farre, and nobody will be hnm-
.hugged much longer in tl.ia way.. But tlie matter
is import! nv h reaperf, Noihing coirld more
fully show the niter profligacy of ihe j any, its fo
ul want of nil prini-iple, than toe course of its
r northern ami sotitlieril wings on this quesihm. -
They hope, however, hy thus'pnud'oir iheir MNJ
to drug in vr4es in both sp.'iioos i.-f He (hiioiund
j theii gi itrtoiini
Yes, sir, there's tlietiue secret of this agitation:
"ge; into power" "to the victors, belong the spoils''
adhere to Democratic nominations, even for door
keeper, -ir the Granite doughftcet will let the Un
ion be dissolved.
I concur in wbal my colleague said of this agi
tation in. 1841, mid especially in a note to his
speech, in which lieeays.tli.it certain promi
nent southern polilieian, seeing that his ecu rue had
rendered him unpopular generally, seized upon
this question to create excitement between the
North and the South, and unite the South thereby
into a political parly, of which he expected to be
the head. There ureulso individuals at the North,
who, though professing opposition to the rule, are,
in my opinion, realty dtsirous of its continuance, :
as a means of producing agitation in that quarter.
A portion rf them entertain the hope that the ex
citement there may attain sufficient height to en-1
able them successfully to invade the institutions of,
the South; hut the larger number are simply seek
ing to produce a ttrong prejudice in the popular
mind in the free States against southern institu
tions and men, on which to base a political party
etrong enough to control the iiffxes of the coun'.ry,"
Now, sir, I think a certai.i prominent southern
politician is playing Ihe same game, and the one
idea Wilmot proviso men arc still trying to control
the offices of the country. Some want to get to
Congress, or to stay there, or to be placed at the
head of some important committee, by voting for
the "favorite candidim" of the party.
It was a "game" when my colleague referred to
it; it is a "game" nuw, 1 fear my colleague does
not remember this speech. :
Mr.Clingman said, yes. :
Mr. Stanly. Well,sir, I will print the extract
from the speech of 1 844, and let it go to Buncombe
wiih the late speech of my collesgue. .
Yes, sir, "the game" is still to be played, and
now Ihe "refusal to surrender fugitive slaves" is
another northern aggression complained of, I ad
mit the northern Stales have acted badly in this in
stance. Both parties havo played the game too
far, of trying to get abolition votes. I cannot see
how any mun who has sworn to support the Con
stitution can refuse to pas any law that may be
deemed necensary. The conduct of. the northern
Stales in this respect is admitted by some of their
own citizens to be without excuse. No one con
demns it more decidedly than I do, and I believe,
from all I have heard, this abuse will be remedied.
But still, the noise made about this is part of the
game," port of the "party operations." One
would suppose from speeches made here, that no
slaves had escaped from the South until Cass's
defeat. .
But to the recent history of this. In 1833,
shortly after the Atherton resolutions were passed,
a worthy gentleman from Kentucky, then a mem
ber of this House, introduced a resolution I hold in
my hand, which I will print
"Mr. Calhoun, of Kentucky, moved that the
rules in relation to the order of business be sus
pended, to enable him to move a resolution; which
was read at the clerk's table, and is in the words
following, vii : .
"Rewired, That the Committee on the Judiciary
he instructed to report a bill making it unlawful
for any person to aid fugitive slaves in escaping
from their owners, and providing lor the punish
ment in the courts of the United States of all per
sons who may be guilty of such offence.
'!Anit that they be lurtlier instructed to report a
bill making it unlawful for any person in the non-
slaveholding States of this Union to use any means
to induce slaves from their owners, and providing
for the punishment, in the courts of thp United
Slates, of all persons who may be found guilty of
such onence.
"And on the question Shall the rnles be sos
nended for the Dureoee afo-esaid?
"It passed in the negative yeas 90, nays 107."
Among the nays were Mr. Atherton and fifty
four other northern "allies of the South."
Now, sir, t'l t not singular, that front that period
down to ihe present, as far as my knowledge extends,
no effort has heen made, until General Tdylor i el'
eclion, to demand additional legislation upon this
subject)
If any such effort has been made, I do not know
it. Were there no fugitive slaves in 1 838? Well
Mr. Van Buren was President three years after
that, and no bill passed for fugitive slaves. In the
twenty-fifth Congress, from 1837 to 1839, Mr. Polk
was Speaker. From 1839 to 1841, twenty-sixth
Congress, Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, waa Speaker
Democratic majority here, and no bill for fugitive
slaves? -
Tyler was President from April, 41, to March,
White, of Kentucky, was Speaker; and from '43
to 1849, Mr. Jones, of Virginia, wa Speaker, and
a Democratic majority here, with a Virgiuia Pres
ident, and no bill for reclaiming fugitive slaves!!
, Then, from March, 1845, (o Marcti, 1849, Mr.
Polk, southern President, and during the two
years Mr. Davis, of Indiana, Democratic Speaker;
and still no bill for Ihe reclamation of fugitive
slaves !! Nothing raid by Virginia members even,
from 1839 till nowf
Mr. Venable. Will my honorable collnague al
low ine to remind him that before the presidential
canvass, at the first session of the last Congress,
on the abduction ef a number of slaves from (his
District, I raised that question and delivered
speech upon the nbject t
Mr. Stanly. My colleague may have raised Ihe
quesiinn at that time, bill there wa no leffisfative
ar.iio in (hi Hons on lhf subject; nor any at
tempt to procure any, (hat I know of. ; And my
ro-'lrrine raised the qa-rtiri, when there waegrent
excitement here n acconnt -if one act of outrage.
He did not stHl try te prm'nreaelin on the pari of
V.i nvress M enable (lie ulhern people tn recover
their aUve.
Mr. B iv'v, Will the pendeman allow me t
jmt him light oh a Mistier of fad ?
Mr. Sianly. If in t out of n.v time.
Wf.-.Unflj; Nifi M m ilucefitteinHiil,f tfira
from 183S, the time of Atlit'rtoii's resolution, to
Ibis lime, nothing has been said by Virginia mem
bers on the subject, of the surrender cf fugitive
slaves. .
Mr. Stanly. Nothing for action of Congress.
Mr. Bayly, 'Well, the subject was before the
legislature of Virginia in 1841 and 1842; and it
was never brought before this House, because we
came lo the conclusion that the law of 1793 was
as nearly perfect as it could be, and that it only re
quired that it should be executed in good faith.
Mr. Stanlv. Yes, sir, and you changed yourop
inion of that law as soou as General Taylor waa
elected President. And I would aek, why legis
late further, if that law is sufficient? We cannot
create "good faith" by act of Congress. I admit.
Mr. Chairman, that Virginia is still a. great and
glorious Commonwealth. She has much to be
proud of in the past history of this country. She
needs no eulogy from me; and, though I must cen
sure, and shall ridicule the conduct of some of her
public men, I shall speaks respectfully of the
State. Many of my dearest frieuds and nearest
relatives reside within her borders, and they have,
I believe, done no discredit to her, in peace or in
war. But, sir. the' OM Dominion is too much in
the habit of taking care of the affair of the Gen
eral Government, and the debales in her Legisla
ture are not as important in the eyes of Ihe conn
try us they are to the Chairman of . Ways and
-Weans, (Mr. Batlv.) Aud i should be glad to
know why, if the representativi's from Virginia
thought the law of 1793 sufficient,. did the gentle-'
man fro'n Virginia, (Mr. Meade-,)', introduce his
resolution soon after General Taylor's election, '
proposing to instruct the Committee on the Judici
ary to report a bill providing for the apprehension
of fugitive slaves?
So I repeat, from 1836 to 1848,. until December,
1848, when the gentlemen from Virginia (Mr.
Meade) offered hi resolution, all the southern
Democracy, now crying out at this '-dreadful .ag
gression, never uioed a finger to procure any law
relative to fugitive Blares! No, sir; they were
as mute as a mouse in a cheese," Yes, sir,
as a fint family Virginia mouse in an English
chsese. The reason was, as my colleague (Mr.
Venabi.e) said in some poor verses quo ed by him
Ins Sjieeeh.
"The laurels were fairly portioued,
The spoils were fairly solJ."
Mr. Venabls. The "lands," I said.
Mr. Stanly. I accept the correction; it was
printed "laurels," but my colleague is right; the
southern Democracy, whatever of "spoils" the;' I
got, won no ''laurels" during th last tea years
with their northern allies.
No, sir, the truth is, Cass was a "used up man,"
Tatlor was elected, the "spoils" were gone; the
cohesive power was lost.
Truly, as we are told in the book of Job, "Doth
the wild ass bray when he hath grass: or loweth
the ox over his fodder."
I have watched the progress of the debate in the
Senate, and from the published speeches in the
newspapers, I see a respectable Senator from Vir
ginia (Mr. Mason) suid he wanted Ihe hill acted
on "as soon practicable," but had "liitle hope
it would afford the remedy it is intended to afford!"
i depends upon the loyalty ofthe people to whom
it is directed." .
Anolhcr Senator (from South Carolina Mr,
Butler) said "he had no very great confidence
that this bill will subserve the ends which seem to
be contemplated by it." When then, 1 ask, so zeal
ously urge the passage of it? One of these Sena-
ors (Nr. Maso) also intimated thai it might be
come necessary, for the Slates whose citizens lost
negroes, "to make reprisals on the citizens of the
Slate offending!" Now this, it seems to me, would
be but a poor way of doing justice to our citizens
If one rogue in Ohio or Pennsylvania steals a ne
gro, we are to take the wagon-horse of some hon
est old farmer, who lived hundreds of miles from
the thief! Will not this produce civil war? Will
it enable us to recover fugitive slaves?
Now, sir, I think I have proved that this new
born zeal for legislation to enable ns to recover
fugitive slaves is all owing to the defeat of Gener
al Cass.
Well, sir, among other reasons given why we
should think of dissolution, is the fact that the
southern States are annoyed by the "agitation of
Abolitionists. " The southern address says,
think, it commenced about the year 1835, It
commenced sir, before the year 1787. The Quak
era have for more than a hundred years been op
posed to slavery. In 1671, George Fox advocated
emancipation. But the aggressive agitation con
sisted in sending abolith n petitions. And I remem
ber well, before the repeal of the "twenty-first rule,"
southern gentlemen said if (hat rale should be re
pealed, and these petitions received, the Union
would be dissolved. My collesgue (Mr. Cling
man) had the boldness to vote sgainst (lie twenty
first rule. I cemmend him fur it. Bui he was
denounced by various southern gentlemen by Mr,
A. V. Brown, afterwards governor of Tennessee:
Mr. Cobb, of Georgis, our speaker; Air. Stiles,
of Georgia, and by Mr. R. M. Saunders, of North
Carolina. Some extracts nf their speeches are
before me, and I will print them, to show them how
much mistaken Ihey were. Mr. Brown, of Tenn
essee, was arguing a gainrt miking the petitions
"the subject of reference, report, and debate in
vhis hull;" "Our afeiy."skl he, "depends upon
il." lie begged the "real friends'' of ihe South,
if they Could not nhngetherex.lsde thie ieitions,
not To refer (liein fur debate, etc." And he ad
ded. "The South will hoM no mm g-nl h-s who shall
go una inch beyond I lie r glii f petition. Ifv must
answer for every fir-' th'if msv IV kindlcl, and for
'every drop of'bliiod fli.rr unv lie hf d. r 1s, sir, I
will say ii the gi'i;h iiH-iv Mt'i New Vrf n;
fiims 'voitu C.'u-mi (' .: ' ("uuft.Nito j if tim
House shall go one inch beyond that, they
may have to stnnd answerable for the shattered
and broken - fragments- of . the Unihn
itSClf. j
See Append. Cong. Globe, 2Slh Congress, 1st
Session.
Mr. Cor.n, of Georgia, after complimenting the
northern Democracy for their devotion to the inter
ests uf the South lor iheir "sincere friendship,"!
referred lo the fie I that some of the northern D:.-
mocracy were abandoning the rule, nr. account of '
the opposition of some few southern member) to it; j
and he said. .
"Thus it is that the defection of our northern'"'
friends is attributable to our own divisions. Let
the faet then be published to the country, that the
responsibility uf this measure may rest upon those
who justly deserve it, upon whom an ..indignant
and outraged people may place the seal of their
condemnation. I trust, however, that no such
divi-sion will he found to exist; no southern Demo
crat,! am sure, will abandon his post; and but few,",
if any, of the southern Whigs will be found fol
lowing in the wnke of the gentlemen from North
Carolina." Appen. Cong. Globe, 28th Cong.,
1st Session.
I have an extract before me from the speech
of Mr. Stii.es, of Georgia, which I print.
Mr. Stiles, spoko under excitement, and very
wildly.' .'.' .'
Kjitrart from the speech of Mr. Stiles, of Geor
gia, House of Representatives, January 28 and 30,
1844, on the twenty-tilth rule relating to tin aboli
tion petitions. In replying 'to the re-mirks of Mr.
Clingman A ppendix to Congressional G lobe, 2St!t
Congress, 1st session, page !2fi5 he spoke of the
Constitution as a- citadel, a fortress; and this rule
was "a barrier," and he said :
" Whilst that remains, the fortress stands; when
it is gone, tho fortress falls. . That barrier can be
removed only by some one within. The fortress
can be taken, Ihe citadel lost, nuly by treachery in
the camp. I will pursue the simile no farther,
But let tne tell the member from North Carolina,
lint if this rule is lost, from the relation in which
he stands to, and the part which he has borne, in
this transaction, he may go home to his constituents
and to his grave covered with the unenviable im
mortality of having betrayed the interests of the
South, in having surrendered the Constitution of
of his country." :
Mr. Saunders, of North Carolina thought w ith
others whose remarks I have just quoted :
Mr. R. M. Saindeus, arguing against the argu
ment that to receive petitions would silence the
"clamor about the right of petitions," said: "They
might as soon expect lo extinguish the conflagra- '
tion by adding fuel to the flames. I repeat, then,
there is but one alternative rejection without ac
tion, or reception and action. There is no middle
ground can satisfy those who are resolved to press
this matter, whatever its consequence." Appen
dix to Cong. Globe, 28th Cong., 1st Session Jan-
uary, 1844, page 85.
How much mistaken! Since the repeal of tho
rale, how seldom we see an abolition petitions!
Mr. Saunders appeared to have been sincerely
dislressed. He appealed to the doughfaces in an
extract before me;
"Sacnders said : : I sk the gentlemen from
Maine if then bo any here, who have hitherto
stood by us, why they should now give away? I
turn to our friends from Connecticut, and ask
them why they should yield? If I appeal in vain,
I turn to those by whom I know the appeal will
be answered tn patriotic New Hampshire, whose
sons, like her granite basis, have hitherto breast
ed the storm; they, I know, will not give way.
So I call upon our friends from ihe Keystone
State not to surrender because single soldier in
the South has deserted us on this trying occasion."
See Appendix Cong. Globe, 28th Congress, 1st
session.
How much miitaken, 1 say again, these gentle
men were! Mr, Clat always argued receive
these petitions, and much of this clamor will cease.
The result, shows he was right. When I had the
honor of being in Congress in 1839, while the twenty-first
rule was in lorce, I do not think I exagge
rate when I say, that during the period of three or
four months. We had what were called abolition
petitions presented here, signed by more (hah one
hundred thousand men ind women. Like the
camomile flower, "the more it is trodden upon, the
faster if grows," this right of petition when denied
was most earnestly asserted. How stands the.
fact now? We have been here mofe than three
months, and not one single abolition petition has
been presented! Hence the Union will not be dis
solved because of thi aggression. Thi aggres
sion has ceased.- No, air, there is no danger to this
Union from any such. In this happy land, our
people will occasionally be guilty of some extrava
gant eondni't. IV'e have a numerous population,
who are not always employed.
Wlrat wsaid by one of England's great poets
of her penple, cs n with truth be a id of ours
"Whose only grievance is ftreessnf ease,
Freedom their pain, and ple nty their disease."
When they cannot war against the Dwenty-first
rule, they will form peace societies. Noble motives
prompt them in this. These agitators, comprising
aemiill portion of our northern people, not only
e distinction by their noisy opposition to slavery,
hut aey contend among other things for what they
tenuf "the rirht ef women." I do not know
what are the rights they claim; whether they
think womeiT sdmnld trote, should come lo Con
t!re. &r.t but if they givj to the New Eng
land wn.nen more rights fban those tar North
C.t rol'ma women have, the j ilf not have repub
I can gnve'i client.
Some nf rhosesffharnrsdoiior believe irry jndge
hue rigM administer an oath. They do not
. acknowledge the authority f ny magistrate."
. iifli people Aierve nor pity or contempt Tries;
njlil mil he rraroned tyrth. Deniinclstlcv.Hke
Ihe storm upon Hie traveller, hut male th. in fold
the cloak of luvinrfice closi-lv nrmiiid ih -m. and bo
ntl .viiti tiinnv itiir,t,F Prk.., ,i,.' t...,. .-.t
W! !...
follies-as it did with their right of pt-'iti"ii like
the influence of the sun, will drive them' to the
i shade-- of v lirement.
j But eian jl.iint m.idenga lust the North because
j t!:ey will not stop ngita'lon and aggres.ioti of
j these fumies. How can they stop them? New :
j York cannot quiet the disturbances of her Anti
j retuVrs. A mob in the ciiy of New York last year, .
becaiisp of some misunderstanding betwoen two
actors, nearly deM'royed n valuable, building, and
caused the death of several perswns. Massacliii
selts, some years ago, could not in her peaceful
liorders prevent the - destruction- of convent.
Dorrin nearly prod need fiul war in Rhode,
Island. Philadelphia Iras had a .church r!e:-ffuyefl,-and
an 'ibolition hall burnt down by her staid
poptiliilinn.
If. these terrible, linthmk cannot be i reveniec1,
how can the northern people oppress fanalicisii .'
And yet we ;iv told hy gentlemen, the Union will
bedisi.Ked unless this ailaliiui veises.
: ll'lio can reason with fanaticism?
' " V i (i may as w ell go stand noon the beach,
Ann hid the main flood bate his usual heighth ; :
You may is well use question with the wi(, -.
Why lie h-ith made .the ewe bleat for the lamb;
Yon mayas well forbid the ii,'intains pines
To wag their high tops and to snl;e no noise, ,
When they are fretted with the gtWs of Heaven'1
as try and suppress fanaticism by reason or by
law.
We give more importance to these agitator
than thev deserve, by supposing tint t all who are
opposed to slavery are disposed to interfere with
slavery in the States. Il is a great ' mistake. :
Our Quakers, in North Carolina and elsewhere,
are all opposed to slavery. In 1824, I think, Mr.
11. M. Saunders presented onto of their petition
here. The Quakers, in all couniries, are among
our best population. They n re industrious, sober,
orderly. They, try and do unto others es .they ,
wish .others' to do unto them. But (hey are no agila
tors. It is a part of "iheir 'religion to oppose slave
ry. Every year they express, in mild tetms, their
.opposition in it. I received from my district, a
lew day's since, a paper before me, from one of the
lies! men I ever knew a Quaker. It is entitled
'Minutes of Ihe North Carolina yearly meeting,'
held at Newgsrd"n Guilford county, 11th nicnllu
IS 19." They send a memorial to the Senate and
j House ui ttepresentat ves, in which they say
j ' Your memorialists further shoiv.that they believ
themselves Conscientiously constrained t-i ber
their testimony ngnnst the unrighteous system of
slavery, uianv ot tliein nave made pecuniary
snernlces n obtain a quiet conscience; and they
respectfully ask Congress to take the snhject un
der dehberaliou, and legislate for Ha amelioration
or extinction as far as they .constitutionally can.
For we believe it lo be anti-christian in practice
inasmuch as it is at variance with the divine pre.
cept of doing to others as w e would ihev should do
to us. We believe it to be anti-republican, be
cause it does not accord with the declaration of
American independence with thai sell-evident
truth, that all men are created equal, and endow j--
ed by their Creator. with certain inaliennbL1 rights ; ,
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness.
; "And we suggest for ynir consideration, the
propriety of our government acknowledging the'
independence nd nationality of the Republic of
Liberia, and extending to her the same comity a
other nations.
"Your memorialists and petitioner desire that
you may be guided and influenced ih your legi'ls'
lion by that wisdom which ii profitable In direct
which is first pure, (hen peaceable, gentle, and
easy l,i be entreated."
Now these men iireamong our best citizen j
some of ihem were slaveholders, f know one who.
emancipated fifty slaves. It would be a moder
ate estiinste to say he sacrificed (o his conscience
twenty five thousand drllars. Yet these people
would be the last to encourage violence. These
men would not fiicht ; but in Ihe hour of trial 1
believe many of '.hem woi.1,1 do as one did ilL
Rhode (aland in the Dorr rebellion. lie found
s ddier at his post exhausted hy fatigue and waiiti
of food. "Friend," he said, "I cannot use arms;:
but I will take careof thy musket until thou hast
refreshment." Ask these men whatitas been the
effect of the agitation of'Abolitionista, and they
will tell you it has checked emancipation. I con,
tend thai it is wrong to suppose that the pter.My
of our northern people, who believe slavery to be
an evil, as ourQiuikprs do, are therefore disposed
to interfere with Hi southern Slates, or are "ene
mies of Iho South !"
But to anolher"nggresion on the Soul'i." Ir.
1843,. Massachusetts passed resolution recom
mending a change in the Constitution of the Uni
ted 8ins. The rr-cornmendstioR- Wa, that tl-.r
third clause of the ri comlsectin f the first arti
cle of th Corn-til nt ion el io aid be so changed1 a t
abolish Ih representation of the souihern-Starr-
for their slave. This propositiin wa denounced
as tending to disunion. A gentlemon front Vir
ginia, (Mr. Gilmer,) and one from Sou h C-iroli-na,
(Mr. Burf,) said nf it, ' proposition precisely
similar to that nxw under consideration whs made
by the nntorion Hartford convention." I Ihinlr
when that amendment ii niade others will be
made, and diaunion will be the Uie- liable cook
quence. - ' , ,
But thnngh the Legislature cf Jtumcfif Vft
did wrong hi thi instance, if Vr oof fellow tli-i
while our present Constitution stands, she weuhl
interfere wSlKfafery in tbecnuthern State. Ifn
evince a disposition lo Interfere, It sdmits loth
want of pnwer under the CftMtiatlkKs. , 0jr So e
Lglltreoieimef diteiHy tlutjra,' Tg s,
eolve on yea agamst Ihe jrsolve nf the t ha - ,
fote. Jul I wis W call tW ttiui uf tj.. Vt .