Newspapers / Raleigh times. / April 12, 1850, edition 1 / Page 1
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I THIn1 1R AT Iff I ft II r 1 M JOj H: ;ji Asii r.i) vi-:kk l y ij yT-j i7c it a i;or i r.v t; rimoa ax;) nonrittoji. 'j'KitMs puTEit a n nt n N'a t) va fs rir," bit " $3oo if riniE.yr is lmik; si movr... ' " '!" J1 - 1 ". .' 1 .11- I liai III I ' VOL. J II. Raleigh, Friday, apr il i 2, i 850. I 11;- B-ii; be s-ut to SitVsc.'ili.n i : ;. i -t adioioi. H' m'J in ntl- I ! -, oh i or ii. ii r; Hi' iii llli W ;n be Minu- jly adacrcd la. r.tr fvorv Sixtr-'ii iim 1. r Z, U:iu DoMtir for t'm fi.-t. and Tvfiiiy-I;x. ( lit for muih''UimiI in- r:i'i. i'uw O-ilt'iK, V. will b' .'liur-ir.. jut b.-'ii. hilu-r; iml a rrii.-o:Kib!t: iti-Juctiou will bt maile lo t!irte v!ki ...K i'1-i.sf by iiv. vc;tr. L" IjMft's.s. on Imciii miU jtll Couimiuiii'atirtiiin htMili-il f.. f) iliait, unisl be uiMiVMod to tho nr. aii'l jiii,l. ; . SiM ii OV mi. ItAlK.fcli. ON Till': sr.wi'.Rv QfKstio.v, t)i'Iittfri-il in t!u- Scnstt', Miiu!nv. .Mii:c!i JVjfi. Mil. PitKMiiKNt : It is '"t stiipr'sin, iiir, cnnfiil Vrintr (hp Mibii-Ri iristtcr of the resnlutiuiis mihuiitti'd by the honnrhl. pt-ti&tor frm Kcti'.tickv, (Mr. (.'Inv.) thai thrnj should have been a warm uud eren mi ex "ited debute produced hy them in this Hnitte. Nor ji it Kurpnsinir, coiuiiderintj the variety topics em braced in thiaie reiiohilioiis, tlint there should have been a g'eut diversity ol m iitiiiieiit ainony the mem bers of tltia body . '1 he ilelieute nature of the subject out of which these rcMolutiuim linve rown to which, directly or iiiihrcclly they nil relate furnishes iibun dunt excuse and even juhtilicution for tTitv.;-Jirei..a-niount ofexcttcd feeling, tttiil warmth, 4iud Hnniiatri) of discussion, hereniii elsewhere. I do not rise, Mr. President, with a view of suying any lliinj which shall tend to oravate eseiteuieut, or at all leesen the prospects ot an amicable accouiiiindutiou of Ihe Virions mutters in dispute, pending between the diff erent portions of this county. On the eomriiry, while I shall express, with plainness and sincerity, the views which I enterlnic, I shall endeavor to avoid soyiii; anything which can mve just olT-tice. 1 11 the re marks which I shall submit to the Sen ate, I shall en ieavorto cultivate in myself, and, so fur as acpenda ii)on me, in others, that spirit of miituul concession, . jomprtuiise, and kind feeling, in which the Union of '.ho States orighie.tcd, and by cultivating which alone sail il be preserved. . There cau be no question that the subject under ! :he csusideriin of the Senate is vastly iuipnrtunt. It is, in my judgment, sm iinortaiit as the value of he Uuiou ; ami for the estimate of that value, I myself possess no adequate iHiwe of of compulation. To us, as a people, it m, indeed, inestiuinble. Wlien, therefore, quest inns arc moved here which do, either directly or indiiectly, involve (lie continuance of this t nam and the maintenance of the form of Ciovern neut under which w live, I must consider them of uch transcendent hnmrtnnee as to lie woithy of eve y exercise of the understanding of every member of .his body, and as demanding from us all the exercise )f moderation, justice, care, and conciliation, iu or ler U produce good and avoid evil. In the first place, I concur entirely in what has leeu so often said upon ill's floor, that there cau be no . waceable separation of this I'nion. 'From the very nature of the c ee from the chancier of our insii lutions from the character of the country from J10 nature our government itself, it is, in my judg nent, impossible ihnt there can be a peaceable sep ration of this Union. But if there could be, I agree ntirely with tlie honoruhle senator from Kentucky, hat that slat of peace iu which wc niiht separate uust be speedily ended must terminate in intestine tonfliclt, in wars, which, from the nature of the ctw, !ould know no ntnicable termiuatinn, 110 pernnneut "Sice.bnl, until the superiority of one or the other dde in the conflict should he completely established, vould admit of uothhig but hollow truces, in which !ach might breathe from prist exertions, and make (reparation for future conflicts. iiir, the idea of a separation of these Elites into dii jncl confederacies was thought of, and considered, and ipokvnof, beioro the adoption of this cotistituliou. At he time that the question waa before the American icople, whether the coiistitulion Vropotied &'y (he Con entir sbouhl b ndopted, it was tlieu soken of. !ls probable, yea, certain consequences, were re erred to by the writers of that admirable series of ;iapeie denominated the "Federalists ;" and 1 be 'he indulgence of the Senate while I read a brief xtrael, conveying the views of those eiuitient men : ' "If these Stales should either be wholy disunited Sr silly uniled iu partial confederacies, a man must lie far gone in Utopian speculations who can serious y loubt that the subdivisions into which they might be hrown would have frequent and violent contests with pach other. To presume a want of motives for such tmftcsti, as an argument against their existence) Lould be to forget that men are ambitioiM, vindict ive, and rapacious . To look for continuation of jiannony bi twecu a nuuilHr of independent, uncon nected sovereignties situated in the same neighbor hood, would be to disregard the uniform course of hu-1 Van events, and to set at defiance the accumulated Jxperi-nce of ages."' If this vas a just view of the probable, the certain i suits of a sejiaratioa ef these Slates ni that time,and uder the then circumstances, I pray, you, sir, upon hat, at the present day, can we found a belter (ope? Then Ike States were fresh from the conflict jf the revolutionary war. Then not only had they f itvej remeniDiauce n me corneal in wnicn tney pad fought, and in which they had fathered victory (U"if honor together, but the leading men ef that tuns uvore (rose choice spirits who had carried them 'hough Hiat recent conflict ; who had established lie independence of the country ; and who exercised "in inline uce in public ull'airs proportioned te their fiatriotistn, their valor, and their wisdom. Then they 'Wight have separated without the same Cannes of hostility and alienation which must exist in any sep tration of these Slates at the present day. If We leparate now, we do il with feelings 0 mulual dis trust and bitterness. We divide; nut by common lnuseui, as partners whu can m longer carry on their otiiini business with luutull artfflt, each to pursue for iiisown separate advantuge that course of business ju which he thinks he can besl succeed ; but we part ntviltr the feelings of lhue whe considered themselves jnUusily wronged. A sense of injusnce and ofrire" ('ion rankles iu ihe fi -uru ol se portion of one of the t)tw confederacies, and a sibie, in Ihe other, ef de ,Jw and iiidiguity. ' WnOff inch circumstaiicea, "what can ensre,'"' yk borrow the language of the greut English mor jTlliel, ''lint a continual exacerbatiou of hutred an Mtnexlinguishahle feud( an iiicesaent reciprocation of 'i.s'Vf inutnal vigilance to entrap and eag:-r-j'trtifstedrstmyr rt 'i he qneHicn liae liecn asked. What ran the rr'Sfe do! supposing tiiei!i in he divided and iesj. et-'led into flislinct anldivieioiis, or indcsiidenl I'icivereipnties. Allow me IrtansWr'tliat question th the words of one of the most eniiiieiit'itfii wMioift 'inijr Ktate hae ever pnidiicrd ; a man of clc and Si'inprehciiaive ihtellecf, of (huiid heart, ami en forged and ardent patriotism i who eheil a glory jUr.nind his 111 live Slate, and wlmie mine is held In just veneration by everyone whntknowledg' "jiiiimelf a North Carolinian. At another period n! Jjur Irstorv, r!ie same question waa asked. In the '''trsn' 1831 end 1833, it had become an inquiry I'll subject rif dlaqilieitiitd'ht itiy own Rlate and Ihe " I te jii''e (taahn,in an addr'esa dclivtredin 1833 i"Ufnre tl.e liler.rv societies of the yntteendtf .hu I 'T-atr..',tfle nl ja't,:' 1 'y-atsr.. tne ui;s Tliresta of rt become co'ii ''IckMaml silly 1 fl'tf . Tl. .vf vitaidtan- MMiinn tfvitaeatieil e co'iitiion as M"iM'iuiu warns, in the II y viokneo of public il''el.iiinera. fainilierire"', and the public Ci we!: jiv ifi I '-TV-'is T r. n,l. M! l Tl-1 HI Tw i I) i.r-VTKj.i : 1 vinee. Taree 1 1 ill. i. b- 'l i! ive.t si :i i,u!i.(. ition iii D.iiriii, Calculations and cnujoc-j - vint. in iv llie East ilo without the 'SuhiIj 'Mill whit may l!i S0111I1 without lh' Kist '"tT. . miMiiiM rc'uaichos, mid rp S nin ititins all lent iu tiii! K.UH'' K.t.il end. Vlint c:i n the i Ug! i nr.' ll isi dtii without the .S.miIIi What can Ihe South J hig we pr ?iil a melancholy in. tancj of the bu di wilhmit the Kisi? Tin'y 111 iv lo much ; they I mm interpreter Retting himself in direct opposi ng y r-X'iiliit 10 the curiosity of political Hii.tu.ntt., ; linn In the practical comment try which the Di- and tie p Iv Kiil won .Mr ot Hie worhl, rio" 11.S- jn'la 111 ai'.r.i the s'in.i'-ri:d. bleeding limbs ol a om-e giijiiitic Isj.ly.iusiiiict with lili',Hiid strennth, and Vij.-oi". They can furnish to tlie phiUopliic historian nnoiiicr lu l'incli'ily anj slnkitii; titstuice of ihe i li'it ul itxinin, that all rcjiublifan coiilnl cracicn h've an inhereiit and univnj.luhle tciuli'ii cy to dissclntk n. 'I'ln y will presi tit fields and ni caslons for Is r.lcrs wa rs, for leapuef and coiiii-tcr-logms, fir ihe iiiti'iiiee of eity statesmen, thp f'rngijies of military chiefs, for cnnlisciiiions, iuoiirri'i'lioii, and diehi of darkest line, .They will gladden the hearts of those who have prnclai nied Unit nieii iiro not tit to Eovern themselves1, and alicd a" tiisnstrous eclipw on the hopes of ra tional freedom throughout the word. Solon, in his code, proposed no punishment for parricide, treating it 3a an impossible crime. Such, with us ought to b the crime of political parricide the dismemberment ol ' our 'fatherland.'" To nif. iir these -sentiments convey a just rep reflelitnfion of whut will be the Inline and uuavuid able rebuilt of a sepumtiou of the people of tnis country into distinct ai d independei t confedera cies. And when llnok at the prospect before -us. it is oneodark, filled with such horrid forms of (I rend 11 ml evil, that 1 willingly close my ryes upon it,and desire lo believe that it is impossible it should ever be realized. Now, Mr. President, .'if the evils resulting from a diseolution of the Union be of the kind and mag nitude which I have staled, is there any danger ? Have we any rei-nn, iu ihe present condition ol the country, to apprehend that a dissolution may follow th action of Ihe Congress of the United States upon llm great questions before us? Is there n probability that such a result may follow any course which Congrees may think proper to take, any decision to which they may come, upon these Vexed and harrassiujr questions ? I am not, and never have be.Mi, and trust I never shall be, an alarnmt. 1 look to the Union of these States as the palladium, not only of the general safety of t e whole, but of the individual liberty of the sev eral parts that compose it. I will not undertake, to state, fir, what amount of hazard we might en counter of some domestic convulsion ; but that there is more or less reason for apprehension that there is danger greater or leu no man can doubt who attends lo what he hears in this chaui ber.and what ha sees throughout tlie country. The most eminent men belonging to this body real ize that we are in a situation winch requires great skill nnd dexterity in the management of public measures; that time is danger, that this Union, though .incapable' of a peaceable separation, or, if peaceably separated, incapable of maintaining between the portitus of which it is composed, for any length of time, harmonious relation may yet experience convnisiom and violent separa tions. Whether the danger be greater or lesser; whether it is exaggerated on the one handj or looked upon as loo small upon the other; if there be any danger, however remote any reason, how ever small, to fear such results, to a man with a patriotic heart it furnishes just tlie same ground of camion; just the same motive for forbearance; just the same ground for the exitise of care and diligence for our preservation, as if the dan ger were Immediate or the cause o( fear great. We all realize this in the ordinary tranaactiona of life. If a man has any reasou to suppose, however remote the danger, that the house in which he ia conceals a powder mapatine beneath it, he does not wait to have demonstration of the fact before he takes measures for his security. In all human affairs we are obliged to act upon probable evidence, and to provide for probable contingencies, and to respect even Ihe lowest de gree ot probability, in avoiding danger anil se curing safety. I care not whether there be more or less reason to think that a convulsion may be produced among the people of the dilfuten'. sec tions of the Union by the manner in which these questions shall be decided by Congress: if (hero be any danger, any ground of fear, Si men of sense, ns men of patriotism at levers 01 our country, we are bound to the most anxious, earn est, persevering efforii to secure the country. Entertaining these views upon the subject, and having stated what 1 believe to be the duty of ua all, I profess now to act, and tn be always ready to act, upon the principles which I have stated as that which should govern our conduct. In what, Mr. President, have those difficulties theirorigin? They spring from one single source. They may multiply themselves; they may assume various directions; they may govern and direct the conduct of individuals in various modes; but the whole difficulty lies irr slavery as ils original and sole source. If is the existence of that insti tution in certain States of this Union, and the ex istence of that institution alone, which has bro't upon ns the necessity of considering whether this Union is safe. Entertaining very clear and deci ded views upon the subject of that institution, and sentiments having been expressed with groat con fidence by nisny gentlemen, particularly by the .Senator from New York, who aits on this side of the chamber, .Mr. Seward, as to its nature and character, considered in a religions point of view; it being assumed as a matter of course that that institution itself is utterly opposed to the spirit and law cf Christianity, and that it must be taken lo be in itself morally evil evil altogether and to be toleraied only where we have rro power lo put it down, I beg leave, thongh not exactly germane 10 Ihe political discussion, lo submit lo the Senate a brief euouin mfn the correctness o' tnis view. maintsiri.and' shall endeavW tocstnblisrUhal w;he I her the institution of shivery be considered as an evil nr not. it is not a sin. It is not in itself a vio lation of ihe Divine law. It was said hy the hnn nrable Senator from Massachusetts, in the noble and able sneech which he delivered the other day, thst th .t uisinntton had existed Iroin the earliest times; tlut the firt writers of history found it ex isting; that, in the theoretic government of the Jews, no disapprobation ol it was expressed; and I ha f, 11 nib r Ihe iiospel dispensation, nn injunction n gainst it was tti be fiitnd. That is the trtilh, sir, Inn il i not ill the truth. It is clear that this in stitution which we fin.l existing in the world bo. for a ml at flnfb;nmencemctitnl Ihe Jewish theiv enev, not only wss" r1f' disapproved of,- hut ex i.resslv fecnirnized, approvM, iud il cnntinn-inee sanctioned by the Divine I. givrr of tiie Jews, j Why, Mr. President, if vre disalmse our minds of the iiilluoneo of previon miiliiims, anil undertake to inquire wnetner me tn in law 111 charily con- .deiniis Ihe institution of elaVi r'y, and if in this in quiry we x'liwiliieire our owft jnd;.'til 'itt lo th tescViug of the Divino lawgiver loi 'f. there can b Ijt'.le dniiU as to tie- re, nit si which we nrist arrive: niifl 11 will ne in n wucti 1 n ive slated. I! lit u iiuv sdojil s itilrVcni otfii of conducting j 'in- frej.ity trtiji ifli.w a-ty t'rril fi! feeling to givo interpretation In the great law of charily. and set up our own speculations tn re"U- : lain pur judgment of ils force and antilic ilion. .IV in.iv ibcncc be led hi conclude that the insti- union of shivery is utterly unlawful; but in so do vine l.itwmiiher Iuik L'tven miimu hin own Ixw Now, sir, I I'n id in the 25th chanter ul -Leviticus this passage: "And if thy brother that divelieth by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto ihee, thou shall not compel him lo serve ns a bond servant. Hut as a hired servant, and as a sojourner, he shall lie with thee, and shall serve thee unto the year of jubilee. And then shall he depart trnm thee, both he and bis children with him, and shall return unto his own family, and unto the possession of his fathers shall he return. For ihey are my servants, which I brought forth out of the la n I of Egypt; they shall not be sold as bonilusn. Thou aha It not ruie over him with rigor, but shall fear thy God. Both thv Iniidmcn and thy bondmaids, which . thou sha.'t have, shall be of Ihe heathen that are round about yon; of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of lliein shall ye buy, and cf their families that are with you which they begat in your land; and they shall be your possession. And ye shall take) them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit tliein for a pos session, they shall bo your bondmen forever; but over your brethren, the children of Israel, ye shall not rule over one mother with rigor." This is one among the many direct, positive, authoritative approvals by God himself of the in stitution of slavery, existing at llie limtmof. the Jewish theocracy. It is not a mere toleration, a mere forbearance to prohibit, but an express per mission to the Israelites, whom He condescended to govern iu the stead of a human ruler, lo pur chase of the surrounding nations and ol stranger among them slaves, and to hold ihetn as an inheri tance forever.: Slivery, Mr. President, was found, as mention ed by tho honorable Senator from Masnchusetts, an existing institution at the time of the Gospel dis pensation, and was spread throughout the earth. What treatment did it receive from the founders of that Gospel dispensation? It was approved firet negatively, and then positively. First negatively, because, in the whole New Testament, there is not lobe found one single word, either spoken by our Saviour or'by any of the Evangelists or Apostles, iii which the institution is either directly or indi rectly condemned. And alj affirmatively. To show this, desire to cite the Senate to two or three passages from the epistle ol St. Panl, and to bring them forward, not with a commentary o1 .my owe, but with a brief commentary from one of the best men that ever lived, as wcll'ss one of the most learned divines, who spent his life between the years 1721 and 1799 in the kingdom of Scotland, who never set his foot upon soil where there was a slave, and never saw a slave. He gives his opin ions in a most able work of his, entitled, "A N?w Translation, Commentary, and Notes upon the Epistles" not any hasty production, but the re sult of thirty years of his life exH?m!ed upon this subject, which it is said was five times written over hy his own hund before its publication. I al lude to the celebrared Dr. McKnight of the estab lished Presbyterian church of Scotland. In his introduction te the sixth chapter of the first epistle to Timothy, he thus expresses himself : "Because the law of Moses (Kxod. 21, 2,) al lowed no Israelite to be nude a clave for life with out his own consent, the Judair.ing teachers, to al lure slaves to their party, taught that, nnder the Gospel, likewise, involuntary slavery is tinlawfnl, This doctrine the ipnstle condemned liefe, as in hi other epistles, (1 Cor. 7, 20, Ul, 43: Col. 3, 32,) by enjoining Christian slaves lo henor and obey their masters, whether they were believers or un believers, fversei 1, 2;) and by assuring Timothy that, if any persons taught otherwise, he opposed the wholesome precepts of Jesns Christ, and the doctrine of the Gospel, which in all points is con formable to godliness or sound morality, (verse 3,) and was puffed up with pride, without possessing any true knowledge either of the Jewish or of the i Christian revelation, (verse 4.)" I The passage in the epistle referred lo by Ur. McKnight is in these words: "Let a many servants as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor, that the name of God and his doctrine be not blasphem ed. And they that have believing masters let them not despise them, because they are brethren; but rather do them service, because they are faith ful and beloved, partakers of the benefit. These things teach and exhort. If any man teach other wise, and consent not to wholesome word", evjn the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and lo die doc trin lhie!t Is" according to godliness, he is proud, knowing nothing, but doting about questions and strifes of words, whereof cometh envy, strife, ratl ings, evil surmieings, perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds, and destitute of the truth, sup posing that gain ii godliness, (rem each withdraw thyself." On this he has the following note: ' "fly ordering Timothy to teach slaves to con tinue with and obey their master, the apostle has shewed, that the Christian religion neither alters men's rank in life nor abolishes any right to which they are emitted by the law of nature, or by the law of the country where they live. Instead of en d'onrifglng slaves to disobedience,fne Gospel makes them more laithtul and conscientious. And by sweetening the tempers of masters, and inspiring them with benevolvmce, it renders the condition of slaves more tolerable than formerly; for in propor tion as masters imbibe the true spirit of die Gos pel, they will treat their slaves with humanity, and even give them their freedom, when- fheir sefvices rnirH each a faVor." I ask the attention of the Senate to a brief pas sage from the sixth chapter of Ephesiani. It is in these words: . "Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh, with fearand trem bling, in singleness of onr heart, as nntn Christ; not with eye-service, as men-pleasrr. but as the servants of Chrisi, doing the will of God from the heart; with good will doing servicers tolhe Lord, and not to m?n; knowing that whatsoever good thing any maitdneth, the same shall he receive of Ihe Lord, whether he ho Imud nr free." Th passage is thn paraphrased by Dr. Mac rtniijlsj in his Commentaries: "As the Gospel does not cancel the civil 'iglils of mink'tiid, 1 Ay" fri hnn: servants, -'bey yonr mas ters, who have the properly of your body, with fear an i treniMiri , as I'a'de to be pnnished bv Ihetrt for d:ju leilience; oliey also from fh hrr-'geity of your , "Do this, n t m'r-lv when Iheir ye if rn'yriii,nr Ihey are invx oirn" your work, as those do hoe sole care U to ple,se men; lm as bomlm n I Christ, doing the will of God in this m iller from j the soul th.i is.diligenlly. t -'V 111 ru s rfaTis ,1 1 emir In In ynnr irllil ving them faithfully, ye erve II1111; and therefore do not consider yourselves as servants lo tn'-n only And that ye may be siijqiorted under the ha rdehip of your lot, recollect what your religion teaches you, 'that whatever good action any man does, for llmt, tlirutjli hi: should receive no 'reward' from men, he shall receive al the j'lde.ent a reward from Christ, whether he be a si ive or a freeman." 1 will trouble the Senate with on-1 more quota tion. It is from Ihe third chap'er of CollossiaiK . "Servants, obey in all things your musters ac cording to Ihe flesh; not with eye-service, as m'eii plensers, hut in singleness of heart, fearing God; and whatsoever ye do, do it -heartily,' as to tic liOrd. and not unto men, knowing that of the Lord ye shall receive the reward' of Ihe inheritance, for ye serve the Lord C'htisl. lint he that doeth wrong shall receive for the wmn;; which he .hath to le, slid there is no respect of persons." Dr. McKnight explains this passage .in the fol lowing note: "Though the word itmhn properly signifies a slave, our English translators, in all the plices where the duties of slaves are inculcated, have justly translated it servant; because anciently the Greeks and Romans had scarce any servants but slaves, and bocauso the duties of the hired servant, during the time of his service, are the same with those of the slave. So that what the apostle said to (he slave was, in effect, said to the. hired ser vant. Upon these principles, in translations of the Scriptures designed lor countries where slavery is abolished and servants are freemen, the-word dou lot may, with truth, be translated a servant. In this, and ihe parallel passage, (F.phesUiis, 6, 5,) the -apostle is very particular in bis precepts to slaves and lords; because, in all the countries whore slavery was established, many of the slaves were exceedingly addieteil to fraud, lying, and stealing, and inanyuf the msstos were tyrannical and cruel to their slaves. Perhaps, also, he Was thus particular iu bis precepts to slaves, because the Jew's held porpetml slivery to be unlawful, and because the Judaizing teachers propagated that doctrine iu the church. But from the apostle's precepts it may he infetred that if slave are justly acquired, they may be lawfully'- rotamed, as the Gospel does not make vuid uuy of the political rights of mankind." Now, sir, the institution which existed at the time when Christianity was proclaimed was thus recognized as lawful. It was proper slavery per gation of servitude transmitted .0 the descendants; .H Mi( ...a ,- .... u .i...,.. .. petual slavery a servitude for lite, with the obli hard far more liable ll, rnnrnae!,. far .nnredoser- ving condemnation, than any thing that has exist ed in this country. It was a slavery in which the master had the )iover ul life and death ever his slave. It was a slavery in which bodily hSrdship was imposed upon the slaves of a kind and in a degree totally unltnowu in any State of this repub lic. The rural slaves often worked in chains, and were usually turned at night into one common re ceptacle, in which each had his cell, and there de tained ontil they were prepared to resume the la bors of the following day. It was a slavery in which the domestic servants were subject lo every species of exaction from hard and tyrannical mas ters, whoso hearts bad not been mollified by the benignant influence of Christianity; and of these domestics they who probably had the ha rdest lot were the tyre women, who waited npon the Roman ladies, and who often received the severest treat ment for any want of skill and dexterity in arran ging the hair an I dresses of their lovely but fasti dious mistresses, so as to display iheir charms to the greatest advantage. So Christianity found this inslitution. It took it up as an existing relation of life. It denounced all oppression and cruelly, and inculcated justice, fofbsarance, and humanity, from the master to Ilia slave. It demanded fidelity and obedience from the slave to the master. It recognized ex-j pire.-ij mill 01c master HUH 1110 oiuvc Ulijjnif witn- out reproach, be both members of the aamo church that believing masters might have believing slaves ; and it enforced their relative duties npon Gospel principles. Why was it "loft to exist in the church, if wrong in itself I There was nn diffi culty at all about emancipation. The restraints upon emancipation were few, and applied only to special eases. The principal were the prohibi tion to emancipate to the injury of creditors, the re striction of emancipation by testament, beyond a certain number or proportion, and the provision that emancipation by persona under twenty years of age should be sanctioned by certain respectable official persons. Such were the chief rostictrions upon emancipation at the epoch ef the Chfistia revelation. Nothirrg c'nuld be easier than for St. Panl to "i'ave said "Slaves, be obedient to your heathen masters ; but I lay to you, lielieving masters, emancipate your slaves : the law of Christ is a gainst that relation, and you are bound therefore to set them at liberty." No euch word is spoken. From that day down, the church acted upon pre cisely the same principle both before and after the empiro became Christian the emperors from time to iime (especially the Christian emperors) by interposing laws for the purpose of preventing oppression and injustice to slaves, and the church by her excommnnicalions, affording a restraint againat barbarous usage on the part of Christian master. Now, Mr. President, having an institution a mong us so ancient, sanctioned, surely it can not be that it is, in itself, utterly unlawful and ir reconcilable with ihe spirit and teachings of our divine religion. I cannot conceive, afier consid ering the writings of the Apostles and the contin ued practice of the eh'flrch, from its earliest and purest times, which recognise slavery as a lawful institution, and enforce th dnties growing out of il aponboth master and lave, how we, who now hold slaves, are to be put beyond the charities of oar race aa oppressors and robbers. Nn, sir, no sir. We stand npon higher and better gronnd. We justify no injustice, cruelly, or hartlshipV Wc claim that we have just rights recognised by the religion we profess, as well as by the laws of the aonntry in which wo live, and that, fr th pns setsion and jt use of them, wc should incur no reproach here, and we lio we shaH men? none her-fier; though we freely sdmit that the trust ' confided M n is a high arid an important one; for the minner in which we discharge, it, w bum give anaeconnt hereafter, not heca nse we possess nr ex 're.is authority that is right : that i proper; thti not ariti-r-ligi"ri hat for bavin j been faithless if faithless w 'It 'll he found to the great dan which tlie G. p l inculcates as tnflie mode in which that authority is to be u.-d, nd Ihe jnsl reiaini lo be liid upon it. f have not made three r'emmk b ne I iip pose ihsl thrv will prrnlr.c'e conation upon' ihe .min Is rtf gr-itlleinen wlmluke opposite view ; nic Jo I 'iipun I tin I ue! conviction fan he Produc ed j bid I wih ihese geiitieinen I" iinil.'r-:an I thai we do n t st iimI in llie Ithl of flijrait r- ber and iHiuresfor, who have no np;xi?fnl re.io 1 and in-l ti.'alMm for oiir eon iu. I lo inv 11J th. riir-aiti f 11 tcl ( t i . 11:11" .f this ins'jlti'i a. oi the if 1, , ctv, -i a f ''! ,-, -l"u Gentlemen in ay say : we do not agree ; we have be idea that that great law of chanty which says do unto oilcrsas you would that others slionh: lo unto you,' forbids you to hold a slave." lb who gave that law of charity under tlie Oil! Testament, and. who explained and etifotced it under tlie New; did not declare such a judgon ut : i and therefore what 1 want to deduce and enforce ! from ii is, Hi it the utmost that can lie said by or.' j northern friend is, that ihis is a case not fire nl.j ditiieulty, in which difference of opinion iiuv,; without just offence,' be entertained ; .ami ln-t.ee; ihnt 110 uoriiml feeling, no prejudice should tVstiU. i, been use we take a view of this subject which docs j not meet their approbation; , . j Mr. President. in these ercited times, it is very! difficult to get a culm and quiet consideration 0!'! anything connected with this subject. My ntleii-j linn is almost daily arrested by misrepresi titnln u ; with regard to the legal enactments subsisting in i the southern Statcsjif this Union, and with regard ; to ihe motives which have dictated these enact men's. It would aeein as if men were so curried j away by the impulses gnw iugout of this aopating I subject, that they lose all charitable consideration I fur Ihe motives of others, and even prompt lo-sup-.j pose that whatever is done is done for a wrong end, : or .under a wrong impulse; Now, I deem it prop er though at other times such matters w ould not i bo worthy of any consideration to notice one or f two 'misrepresentations wilh regard to my own , Slate, of whose laws 1 happen to know something, ! s well as of the habits and character of her in habitants. I do this because everything vvhi-h im presses upon the general mind of our northern fel- low-citizKu. that we are a heartless, exacting, un- ! just, merciless race of people, has a most unhappy , ellee.t upon their disposition and feelings towards , us, which re-act upon our minds; and this is con- j tinually fomenting and increasing these sources of disquiet and alienation, wilh every patriot. j 1 saw tho oilier day, accidentally, in taking tip j a newspaper.a note apnendeil to a speech deliver- i ed in another place. In this note I found these passages ; .'Note bv Mr. Max. On repairing to the Law I ibrai-tf tnttaenrtain wlil.tv til p,t iraa vinl.l in rn gnrd to the above difference of opinion the se-j cond book I opened contained at least three cases where the courts were authorized to sentence a ' slave to be transported for the commission of an I offence for which a white man must be nncondi-! ti7fy,hunfil ( North Carolina Rev. Stat vol. I, chap. Ill, 38, 37, 39.) Of course, the rea n ol " i.Ml,e f"'! ltlof th. slave. Hung, he would be worthless: transported to Cuba., he might bring live hnndred dollar." "But laws which punish 'six or eight,' or 'oieht nr ten.'oranv other nmn'jer of offences with death, when committed by slaves, while the fame olfence receives a milder penally when committed by whites, or laws dmying the bnefit of clergy (where that relic of barbarism still prevails to a sluve, while it is granted to a white man, are snre- ly among the greatest atrocities recorded in the history of the race." Now, air, 1 would nnt be willing to snppose the gentleman who penned these paragraphs capable of willingly misrepresenting an individual, much less the wholcpeople of a State of (he ITnion; bnt so carried away is he by this subject, (hat he does not perceive that his "of eoi&se," in the first pss sage, manifests a most uncharitable deduction : and he does not perceive that what he says in the second paragraph is in direct conflict and incon sistency with the first. If the legislature of a sonthern State permits a slave to be transported for an offence for which a white man is pnt to dealh; "Oh," it is said, "here is detestable avar ice, sacrificing justice to money." And if the' slave is pnt to death, and not the while man, "Here is an instanee of the greatest atrocities that ever disgraced the legislation of mankind." Now, wilh regard tothi "of course," I do net chnose that (ny State shall lie nnder the imputation of being in flnenccd in affixing punishment by the mpre vain of the slave aa property. The offences referred to in the statute, cited in this note, are conspiracies, rebellions, insurrections. The law, of North Car olina, aa I suppose the law of every other country, carefully avoids, in regnrrj (0 nnences wnicn erni narily implicate a large number of individual?, the horrid spectacle of indiscriminate slangdter, snd therefore authorizes the court there to affix either the punishment of death or transportation. If th? gentleman had been soliticons, before making this grave charge of sacrificing the principles f justice to the base calculations of pelf, he would have looked a little further into the origin of this law, and he would have discovered thai, in the pream ble of the original law, omitted in Ihe revisal, tlie motive is set out, which ii, to avoid an unnecessa ry shedding of blood, by enabling the courts after a sufficient example ha been made, to give sen tence of transportation only, The purpose there fore, is evident : In the first place, to punish vrlh death the leaders, those who stir nnd foment th'-s insurrection, and with a jnst consideration and humanity to withdraw that penalty from anVill nates in guilt, while the safety of the S-ste is consulted by removing them out of the United Slates. And if the gentleman who wrote this note had not skipped over, in his citation, the 3Sih sec tion of the same revised statute, be would have found Ihe extreme care which the legislalnro look to avoid anv hasty conviclion of slaves: charged wi'h uch offences. The legislature knew it was a rj'ajecl upon which the public mind was likely to become excited ; and that Section rirovides that where the testimony of blacks shall be received, for the purpose nf convicting the slave, snch testi mony shall not be deemed sufficient, nnlesR it is supported by other and pregnant circumstance', uniting to produce conviction of guilt to the mind nf (lie jury Who may have charge of the offender. No, sir. no such motive exists as the writer of thi nite supposes. And the reason why in my Stale that particular ofTmce is punished inflexibly by death t the white fh'an, is obVlntis. A white man who joins in sncli an insurrection etandu willmni excuse, and is necessarily a ring leader, lie is not a person imposed upon, but impxing npm mhers; and the legislature nisely.and justly de termines that no discretionary modification of the 'punishment should be lelt in regard to him, when engaged Insneha'n insurrection against the peace ami lives of the community. Bnt, sir, the whole legislation nf my Stale I do not; nlenn to. distin guish bctweeri'rhat and oilier southern States; I speak of her because I know what her ! nre is m-rked by the extremes car for the lives ol those slaves who sre nnfortnnate enough to be charged wilh eapttaV offences. They are tried by ii,e same tribunal ttiat trie the white marl. The hive a right lo counsel, if nol retained by ihenw ncr. assigned by the court. They have a light in ehal'engH 35 jhroi's peremptorily, and to be as s'sied in Ihe.'-e challenge by ihi ir conne. Tliev c .11 ai'itesl ;o Die uin ml enurl j and in order to giv tlic'ii tbel-irgest security tht ia attainable a-giin-i improp r influences, and the benefit of 'very sategitard saainst improper conviction, while any reeboliler i- compi-tcnt to sit upon the'trinl of my---lf for in) hiensd death, no frealioider who ! a'-" a s!.'.hoi or is a com;!ent juror to ps ."'! the hf'eol a slave. Ni w.Mr. I're.Mcer.l. ! wish it tn be distinctly uud. rsfo. d it is li r 1 he 1 pniis.se I h ive brought . ibis, subject, forward : il it- h.r that .io o-e 1 Imvi; lic.iieeil the 'note to which 1 have called the titli ; lion nf the Si o .le that I 'it- inferences lira u v from our ier.;!-i!iw,'. us no!! ns d-licl.ed exprvs sionc :in-i ineiiVittnl observ lions ccntnined in law reti,.--. t iiicll I aillldcd ti-e otij-r d:.y, llle Vi rv' .w.dl ca'.eulaleil toniisle.ol the mind mid to po.-diii'i- very liiijiisl, and C' ns. qnenlly uiifiivorable, ju.nrevsh lis as'tu the strte ul' (be public 111t1.il m .: Ihe -(.niliefii coiinlry in rgard to the slavis w'.V ti re -ii'iiect to o-ir con'rul. . -..Permit ne1 inst to read n 'marginal nnte "t ease dee id il in North Cnnd'-iw no beie 1 ,,1.0 -j, " the iiioidh of Jniic la-t. wli1'-" s nl,i- -.v-i-- ; with the (ii;;ri!"r "I :i wlnti c iv,.;i.: -- r 10:. ; . vii'ied of t'oat oli'i net in a court i l ' . w li - was biceght to the snpren'e oiirt 'n!vt. f.M ' .in a... lo iiie jiiiiee's ('hn.r- I..; 0 , : . .10! ';': ;e ''.;Mine was reverseil,' uud a le v. ; ' a , 'I Ts : the uric ;tul lli-le s!l!:nv ; ''"' ;-'.. " I. v . by the Hii;.reuio court : ''If a white ni?.n e ; r.:, ' , ;,!' c- 1 , - s over wiiooi he h.is ro nn:; .1.1. , .-'.ere l.-loe reeafe(i blows und.-r utit'sii.ii circiii.-t.iiicee. -. the l:ue at the iii'Ivintstrike and killj, wi h 11" ..... evipcing. by the inea'ns used, great wickedness or i-rne'ty, li" is onlj' -guilty of niiinslii lighter, giving due weifhl to moti ves of policy and the necessity for subordination.- .-"The r.tne principle 'nr exteniulinn applies to the be-iteii slave's ciMiii-:ie or fiiend, w ho is pre? en'., and in-anliy I. ills the ,i ailant, without, in I ke iiiai.tier, by (he m ns used, evincing gre.it '. -'.': tt ii liediiess or cm -lly."' : .. . No'v. I tlonk I nisv sa'th el.MllengPttie.world to show a more trrrlur eonsidrtafion for the pas sions and feelings of a human being than is msni-'. tested by tint wise, mod' rate, and jnt rule which the supreme court has Is id down, by which the life of an nnforlnnate slave w n saved, who, smart ing ur.dcr gross ill.lrentrnent, had iniou the instant taken the life of 11 while man, and with a weapon . likely to kilt. : Sir. we ought tn 'understand I wish our northern friends to unders'and,: th:.t, in . daling with this subject. lhy are -not dealing with inhumane re'alinn of society existing among a savage people, hut with ' n intit:ition exiiiior in a t'liri'tian lendjn which slaves are ruled by Christian . masters, in which th"ir eondbion i mitigated by the n;ienition of the prinnipW b.'. Chrisiiimity, nnd therefore ther sjlimi Ul be no-, state of mind aninng our frienrle. at the North.' . founded upon annilier and mistakeir' Mippeeiti'oi, unjust in us, and whicii. at this pii'l'cul .r ;u; ?.t . ure, ij calculated tn prod nee very iiiiscliltvr.es T" suits. -.'-.' , But then, sir, slavfy mu-t he. rrmeniVrcil. ur,i looked at in another' point nf view. It is v. ii!i lis "a fixed .fact;" the origin nf it is a m it'er of 1:0. sort of import nice in t'.e "ifi.jitir.y ho-.,-this gviSjccf is to be dealt with, fn ill" origin. of Atiie.ir.--al i ve- , ry here.ns f.ir a- lesNlivt. (-.et'..- 1. .'o:,-i r.irrl, v bav s ei.ie ron c.-p!..!nt r,c",. .! iv,:-;i ern country, before our rct!i,liot.. As !r as in dividual conduct is concerned, the only 0:if it'iiet . between ourselves: and the North a. that thiir ah-. ct'stors brought slaves tn ours, and ours 'piiic.base.j : ; llieiii of theirs. Here l'y are flirre niilliv.iv-'nf-tlprn. They 'cannot bo removed'; thy cannot be einnneipsted. Thcr- they um -t lie j theri thev must con'inue s slaves. V, iiet'"rr it is des.rit'.). in tl-ell tint tliev shnnld continue or not as sin 1 , is a matter of no import .nee to determine, lwan -c it is .impossible th; t the two race an co"X;st un der anyother hdnSons flwn those which now f r' sisl between thorn. It is nn criiiie against human ity to iniln'aiil these relations; for I defy the. !'. of any man to point out any .change in the i;-,e, r'i relation of the slue pi;n:l.,tiio in t!i? S..ai:i t.v wdiich th"ir condition wiM no! he rendered .! ly worse, tilt if h iMvin3V' iiirr'.?hed, their hard ships inere-ise.l, '!icif for I ml.! ciotimig lesseneJ, nnd their con-liiio'l nr.ide m every respect inhaler.-', hie. We mti'J, tbe-fi. b." p-rmilted ;tn do the lies'! we can. . If them be wr nig in the slaves being a- ' mong ns, it is a wrufj for which we are en mnre espmisildr'than our norlhern br 'fhren. We will not go buck again tn east reproach upon the ances tors of either, hut iu the actual bringing of the African race her, in (be planting them upon our soil in e sf .f.' of Imndage, they are just as inneh involved las llie offence if off nee it be as we ourselves. ".' . , Well, then, Mr. President, tlieni.estinnsrises for it is to this particular purpose' that I make the, remarks what is it ih-il we have a ripht to aIc of our northern an.i northwestern frields and fel.'ow citizens, in reference to the subject of slavery i Being an oxistlr-jf iiistilulmn, being snch a one ? 1 have described ir being abwliilely necessary . and inevitable, as fur as any hnman legislntioii can t brought to bear, or any hrimau foresight is lo discover, that it must continue whn have we a right a ask fmtn oHr uorlherA friends ? ' tn (lie fir' p'ace, we have a right :o i k an ef-' feetnal hill for trie reenptnre of fugitive slaves. That must lie nt the foundation of any predica tion nf feeling between ihe North and the South, Withnnt il, every attempt tn aetlle the agitating question-will he as inseenrs and tottering a a hnnse built withnnt a fititaMe foundmion. This is 11 question nf right: Ihis is a demand founded up on the cnnahtnlien: Ibis is not a mailer of ques tion or debute. If llier" is anything in the consti tution frc from dnub', dithcnlty, of dispute, it is that tlntt iiislrnmeiit gives ns s right to have or.r fugitive s'nrrenrWod 'o us Ifthe cnnstittiiinn gjeesj that right, it ';iv us, ua a neceseiify etnseqiiCHt:4.-. of it. a right tn demand nn effectual bill to carry out the dWigns of Ihe constitution prreni.tly, ar;i a far a human means will avail, certainly. Vow, Mr PrepicVnt, I desire to say a fw words,' npon the subject of Ihi Mil what it should be, what is the remedy which we have a right' l" a-k. mid which the enn-titntion guaranties tn ns., In the first plaee, t remark that the framers of ihe coiiBliliii'mn designed bi carry out this priniple upon which this pert of the constitution was' founded dh it. n It! oiigh t! Sntes existed under soperute orgm'r. ition. thry slmnld still be ennsi '.? ered a on" to il is purpe ; that each should n -' pre enhre nnd absolute rwinVenc in' the' " teeriiy and CHisicily i.flh jndteiel tnnriIe and legi.sla.iinn of every olhr State b1' ;duiitiister jui--lice in regard tn all its'cilir'n'e' a nil subjeita, and lie T.''rifp,ibt, both wilh (fur.l In fugitive from sernce and fmritive from jusiicetle re shiwiid be art iieoerati'.i' eblrrn flofi lo restore lb respective '!' ittveto the inriajicl'np frnm wl i. htVy i'-caiedt-and makelhem a'iin.He in every rupe.t lo llie' d!eruiin.i:ion nf thr.l jiirisdiwien ; Ihnt tbi"'tvio cases j"!aiv-l npon the Heine fouiiila lions, and weie' intended lo he rnverned by the same principle,- Tne pmvis'on "f ll.e constitution aslo fugitive from justice i in thee wev 's : "A prsnn charged in i'fy Ststt with trean, fclonv. or otlir r crime, who shall fl-e frnm jostles' ,ind be found III sn.ther Slate, shall, on dem nd hi the Mtef iit've aiitlivirily of lire Slate from wtiugtv
April 12, 1850, edition 1
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