Newspapers / Raleigh Times [1847-1852] (Raleigh, … / Oct. 25, 1850, edition 1 / Page 1
Part of Raleigh Times [1847-1852] (Raleigh, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
1 rm 71 G r nJJUJ PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY CH. C. IIABOTEAU, i. .-. EDITOR "AKD FBOPRIETOR. " TERMS r$? TOTEIl-ANNUM IX ADVANCKr 0' 3 00 IF PiFMEM IS. DELAYED SIX KOXTDS. VOL. Ill RALEIGH, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 25, 18 50. NO 47. ID A 1 I iDi JLQ.1L. Ik jij Do th fugitive slave law. Opinion Mr. Crittenden. Atwrkev General's Office . 18th September, 1850. Sir : I have had the honor to. receive your is date, informing me (li;rt I lie hill com note of l monly chIIimI the Fucitive Slave bill, having pass ed both Houses of Congress, had been submitted to von for your consideration, approval, ami signa ture, Hiid requesting my opinioi, witetner the sixth section of that act, and especially the last clause of that section, conflicts willi the provision of the Constitution which declares that "the privilege of the writ of liobras corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of r.'Mlion or invasion, the public safely may require it ?" It is mv clear conviction that there ia nothing in the last c la imp, nor 'many part oftlie sixth section, nor indeed in any part of the provisions of the act, which suspends, or was intended to suspend, the privilege of the writ of hnheat rarjnis, or is in any manner in conflict with the Constitution. The Contitnlioti, in the second section of the fourth article, declares, that "no person held to ser vice or lalmr in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence ot any law or TegulHtion therein, be discharged from such aervics o"r labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the pa rty to whom such service or labor . may be due." It is well known and admitted, historically and judicially, that this clause of the Constitution was made foi 'the purpose of securing to the citizens of slaveholding States the complete ownership in their slaves, as properly, in any and every State or Territory of the Union into which they might escape. (I'rig vs- Commonwealth of Pennsyl- rania, IB Pet. 639.) It devolved on the General Government, as a solemn duty, to make that secu rity effectual. Their power was not only clear and full, but according to the opinion of the court, in the above cited rase, it was txchmve ; the States, severally being under no obligation, and having no power to make laws or regulations in respect to tho delivery of lugitivcs, Thus the whole power.and with it the whole duly, of carry ing into effect this important provision of the Con stitution was with Congress. And accordingly, soon after the adoption of tho Constitution, the act of the. 12th February, 1793, was passed, and that proving unsatisfactory and inefficient, by reason (among other. causes) of some minor errors in its details, Congress are now attempting by this bill to discharge a constitutional obligation, by secnr ing more effectually-the delivery of fugiti ve slaves to their owners. .The sixth and most material section in substance declares, that the claimant of the fugitive slave may arrest and carry Kim before any one of the offices named and described in the bill, and provides that these officers and each of mem mall iiave.urnciai power anu jwnsuituuo w hear, examine, and decide the case in a summary manner ; that, if upon such hearing the claimant by the requisite proof, shall establish his claim to the satisfaction of the tribunal thus constituted, the said tribunal shall- give him a certificate, stat ing therein the substantial facts of the case, and authorizing him, with such reasonable force as may be necessary, to take and carry said fugitive back to the State or Territory whence he or she may have escaped, and then in conclusion proceeds at follows ! "The certificates in this and the first section mentioned shall be conclusive oftlie right of the person or persons, in whose favor granted, to remove such fugitive to the state or territory from which ho escaped, and shall prevent all mo lestation of such person or persons by any pro. ceta issued by any court, judge, magistrate, or other person whomsoever. There 1 nothing in all this that does not seem to me to be consistent with the Constitution, and necessary, indeed, to redeem the pledge which it contains tli.it such fugitives "shall bo delivered ut on claim" of their owners. The Supreme Court of the United States has decided that the owner, independent ot any aid from State or National legislation, may, in virtue of the Constitution and hi own right of property, seize and recapture his fugitive slave, in whatso ever State he may find him, and carry him back to the State or Territory from which he escaped. (Prigs vs. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 16 Pel., 539.) This bill, therefore, confers no right on the owner ol the tugitive slave; it only gives liimsn appointed and peaceable remedy, in place of the more exposed and insecure, but not less law ful, mode of self-redress. ' And as to the fugitive lave, he has no cause to comnUin of this bill ; it adds no coercion to that which hit owner himself might, at Ins own will, rightfully exercise ; and all the proceedings which it institutes are but so much of orderly judicial authority, interposed be tween him and his owner, and conseduenlly of protection to linn, and mitigation ot the exercise directly bv the owner himself of hit personal au thority. This is the constitutional and legal view of the subject, as sanctioned by the decisions of - the Supreme Court ; and to that 1 limit myself The set of the l'ith Febrmry, 1793, before allu ded to, so far as it respects any constitutional ques tion that can arise out of this bill, is identical with it. It authorizes the like arrest of the fugitive slave, the like trial, the like judgment, the like certificate, with the like authority to the owner, by virtue of that certificate aa his warrant, to remove him to the State or Territory Irom which he escaped, And the constitutionality of that art. in all those nartic- ulars, Iish been affirmed by the adjudications of Mate tribunals, and by the conns ol the United Slates, without a single dissent so far aa I know. Baldwin's C. C. 677, 679.) I conclude, therefore, that so far as the act of the 19'V February, 1793, has been held to be cainstilu. tfunat, this bill must also be regarded, and that the custody, restraint, and removal, lo which the fugitive slave may be subjected, under, the provi (ions of this till, are all lawful, and that the certifi cate to be granted to the owner is to be regarded t the act and judgment of a judicial tribunal hav ing competent jurisdiction. . .1 With these remarks as to the eoetihilionality of liie- general provisions of the bill, and the. coiise qnent legality of the custody and confinement to which the fugitive slave may be subjected under it, 1 proceed to a brief consideration of the mora par ticular Question vou have propounded in reference in I he writof fcriifaicuritj and of the last clause -of the sixth section, above quoted, which gives rise j.) that question. . . r, , .',1 '., My opinion, as before expressed1,!, that there is nothing in that clause or section which conflicts .With, or suspends, or was intended to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.. 1 think so, because the bill says not one word about that writ; because, by the Constitution, Congress is expressly fur hidden to suspend the privilege of .this writ,"un rcst when in eases of rebellion or invasion the pub lic safety may require itirt.6dtlietefnrethesus, ponsioa by this act (there being neither rebellion nor invasion) would be., a. plaiii .and palpable violation of the Constitution and uo intention to commit inch violation of the Cunttitution.oftheir duty,an4 their Baths, ought to be imputed to them itpniipicre, construction! and lmpri-ationt ; and thirdly, be cause there, is no incompatibility between these pro visions of the bill ii l the privilege of the w rit of ha beas ciirjm.i, in iis utmost constitutional latitude. : Congiess, in the case of fugitive slaves, as in all other cases within the -trope uf its r-onstitiitiwnal authority hasllie unquestionable right to ordain and prescribe, for what causes, to w hat extent, and in. what manner, persons may be taken into custo dy, detained or imprisoned. Without this power they could not fulfil their constitutional trust, nor perform the ordinary and necessary duties of gov ernment. It was never heard that the exercise of that legislative power was any encroachment up on or BiHSpcnsiiin of the privilege of the habeas cor pus. It is only by some confusion of idess that such a conflict can be supposed to exist. Ii is not with in the prjvince or privilege of this great writ to loose those whom the law has bound. That would be to nut a writ granted by the law, in opposition to the law to make one part of the law destruc tive of another. This writ follows the law, and o beys the law. It is issued upon proper complaint, to make inquiry into the causes of commitment or imprisonment, and its sole remedial power and pur pose is to deliver tho party from "all manner of illegal confinement." (3 Black. Com., 131.) If, uF..i, ..wiumipiiii: vui.not juugo lor (ins wni, or if upon the return, it shall appear that the con finemenf. complained of was lawful, the writ in ihe first Instance would be refused, and in the last the party would be remanded to his former lawful cus tody.' Ihe conditmiiof one in custody as A fugitive slave, under this law, so Tar as respects fie writ ! gia and South Carolina thould go out of the Un vfhaliens corpus, is precisely the same as lhat of j ion on that account, while Texas, for whose nil other prisoners under the laws (i f the United wrongs thev thus fl out of doors in a buffi re Slates. The privilege of that writ remains alike mains herself inside, cool, comfortable contented, to all of them, but to bo judged of graujedorrefu- . There has never been less pretext for secession sed- discharged or enfurced-by the proper tribu- since the foundation of the Union than there is at nal, according to the circumstances of each case, and as the commitment and detention may appear to be legal or illegal. The whole effect of the law may be thus briefly slated. Congresslias constituted a tribunal withex clusive jurisdiction, to detemine summarily, and without appeal, who are fugitives from service or labor under the second section of tho fourth article of the Constitution, and to whom such service or labor is due. The judgment of every tribunal of exclusive jurisdiction, where no appeal lies, is of iirtuBsiiv toiiciusivu upon every inuunai, ana therefore the judgment of the tribunal, created by this act, is conclusive upon all tribunals. Wher ever tli is judgment is made to appear, it is conclu sive oftlie right of the owner to retain in his ctuto dj the fugitive from his service, and to remove him back to the place or State from which he escaped. If it it shown upon the application of the fugitive for a writ of habeas corpus, it prevent the issuing of tho writ if upon the return, it discharges the writ and restores or maintains the custody. This view of the law of this case is fully sus tained by the decision oftlie Supreme Court of the United States in the case of I obias Watkms, where the Court refused to discharge, upon the ground that he was in custody under the sentence of a court ol competent jurisdiction, and that judgment was conclusive upon them. (3 ., 203.) The expressions used in the last clause of the sixth section, that the certificate therein alluded to "shall prevent all molestation" of the persons to whom ffrnnlAil "hv nnu nrfwaaa iaatioil " Arr . Et I -"J www., '.w bably mean, Only what the act of 1873 meant, by declaring a certificate under that act a sufficient warrant tor the removal of a tugitive, and cer taiuly do not mean a suspension of the habeas cor mis. ' I conclude by repealing my conviction, that there is nothing in the bill in question which conflicts with the Constitution, or suspends, or was intended to suspend, the privilege of the writ of habeas cor pus. " I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant, J. J. CRITTENDEN. To the President. From the Richmond Rerubllcan. SECE5SI0N.-THE NEW REPUBLIC. In referring to this subject, wehav no disposi tion officiously to intermedJIe with the affairs of our sister States, or to dictate to others in regard to matters about which they ought to be their own best advisers. But, so long as they belong to the same national brotherhood, tho interests ot Ihe other members, and especially of ihe Southern members of the name family, cannot but be affect ed by movements which involve the rupture oftlie most Bacred lies. And, even wereour own inter ests to remain unaffected, we could not but, from regard and respect for the disaffected States, de sire to remonstrate with them in Ihe most friendly and respectful spirit, before they take a step which may deeply compromise their own dignity and welfare. We throw out of the consideration all idea of the application oftlie military power of the Feder al Government to prevent ihe "Co 'ton States" from secession. We will suppose that the seces sion of Georgia, South Carolina and Mississippi could be peaceably accomplished, and lhat the v. surrounded by the State of the federal nnion, would torm an independent nation. We wilLgo farther, and grant that they could make a treaty with England by which the golden visions of Free 1 rade would be realized, and beneath the rising rays of that political Millenium, the seceding states exchange their agricultural productious lor the manufacturei of England. We grant all this, and then we ask Southern men with proud A merican hearts, do yon like the entertaiument to which you are invited T Uh,"lame and impotent conclusion I Wat it for this, that" tlie great Southerner, Washington," was raised up ? Was it for this that the revolu tionary worthies of South Carolina and Georgia drew the sword and wielded the pen and moved the tienate-nome with resistless eloquence f Lould they have toreseen such an event, sword and pen would have dropped from their nerveless hands, and their tongues have cleaved to the roof ol ttieir mouth. Even tt a prophet had foretold to them that Carolina and Ueorgia, winch they bad just raited, by the labors, toils, sacrifices and blood of a seven years war, from the condition of hum ble provinces of Great Britain, should, after sev enty years of glorious independence, voluntarily seek to be once mora humble provinces of Great Britain, they would have branded the prophet a vile impostor, whose tale was too simple even for childish credulity. How would Ihe stern face of old Marlon have curled with withering scorn at sueh t prediction ! , ' Yar jost anon a 4Mah art llu disoonted spirits Of lite South laboriuar to realize. ; la order to a. yenge themselves ujxm the federal government for magiiieu injuries, iney are willing to become once more virtual provi noes ol the British crown, depending upon Great Britain as the colonies did, fur even, the manufacture of a nail, . Hut, what has been don by the Federal Government which demands tuch aii extreme and humiliating tnsas nt t 1 Are pointed fof the reason to theirtu! enactment of the Wibm Proviso by the admis iou of Calliorilia T fcvuiftlii were an, why did you slumber over the open and actual and repeat- u enactment ol the Wilmot Proviso durmr t he admlnistral!on of Mr. ' .. - .... P , i'oik f 1 he great leader ol the South, Sir. Calhoun, did not deem even that cause of secession, or doubtless he would have blown the trumpet blast of independence. The admission of California, with a Constitu tion prepared by her own people. Was in entire accordance with Sir, Calhoun's own "principles, and it was lately assorted in a speech in Floyd county, Georgia, by Judge John II. Lnmpkin.th'at the bill introduced by Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, authorizing California to form a Constitution lobe admitted as a State, irn framed in consultation with Mr. Polk, andmrl the approval of that Sou thern Democratic President, by whom California had been previously colonized by a regiment of Northern men. The truth is, that the late legislation of Con gress has been more favorable to the South than any which has occurred lor manv veara. The Wilmot I'roviso, offered as an amendment to the Aew Mexico and the Utah bills was twice voted down bv a most decisive mninritv in itiul Hnliaa nf Representatives where it had formerly triumphed j by a most decided majority. A fugitive slave bill was passed-whose urovieons are of the most strinir. ent character, and which arrays the power of ihe General Government in behalf of the constitution al rights of the South. The purchase by the U. States of Texas of a va lueless portion of her ter ritory, haa given no -dissatisfaction to Texas her self, and the idea is certainly ludicrous thatGeor. I illifl IVI..... - 1 ! ...o i.toiii, in. , nt-i, t, irai i'uuhiuo Hi ises, .Vir ginia will be found true to Southern Rights. She has quite as great interests at stake in the preser vation of Southern Rights as either Georgia or South Carolina. If there is tn be secession, letus wait for a cause which will array the Southern States as one man, and make secession right, just and FORMIDABLE. Virginia however does not believe that such a cause has arisen. Nor do any other oi the South- ' em States except South Carolina, for we are firm in the conviction that nine out often of the Geor gia people are opposed to secession. But even should a new Republic of three States be formed, none will regret that event more bitterly than its founders. Power, Distinction, Fame, are dear to the human heart, and its human nature to covet those advantages for our country as well as for ourselves. But where will be the Power, Distinc tion and Fame of a new Republic? Where its military and naval glory? Where its world-renowned flag ? Where its name among the na tions ? Where tho arena for its soldiers and its sail ors to attract the eye of mankind ? Where the great national council-house, like that at Washington, in which us statesmen control the destinies of a continent, and have the world for an audience f Where that splendid prize of the Presidency of Ihe United States, the coveted reward of honorable ambition ? Who will ever hear of the President of the South Carolina Repnblic ? Whs will care a pinch ofsnuff for hitn ? That Republic will be a mere speck on the Atlantic coast, almost hidden from sight under tho gigantic shadows of this co lossal confederacy, and its officials will ho invisible except by the most powerful microscope. Its statesmen and its orators will lavish their wisdom and their wit upon empty boxes, and their voices scarcely be heard outside the narrow circle of heir Republic of Lilliput. Even the great Calhoun could not have figured to advantage within such a circumscribed tphere of action. The statue of a giant requires a giant's pedestal.nnd such a one the United States afforded to Calhoun, and still offers to other young Curolinians who inherit his lofty powers. Wa invoke, then our seceding brethren in South Carolina and Georgia, to abide with the other Southern States in the great American Republic. Let them not secede until we are all obliged to move in a body, an event which we devoutly hope will not take place for generations to come. ;; A TIIUE MAN. A letter having been addressed to the lion. Gar rett Andrews, a distinguished citizen of Geor gia, some weeks ago, by several citizensof Wash ington in that State, desiring from him an expres sion of his opinions on the several questions grow ing out of the present posture of public affairs, and particularly the following: "Whether, if the State of California, as at present orgahized, shall be admitted into the Union, and the remaining ter ritory acquired trom Mexico placed under Territo rial governments without restriction on the subject of slavery, would that state of facts present a proper occasion for measures of resistance, revo- tionary or otherwise, on the part of the slavehold intr Slates ?" th.C nenitoman n!l.,l In . Im,. OCCHDvlmrseveralcolnnmsnrnowerlnUnmnnf I in demonstration of the true interests and rights cf the people of the Southern States, commencing ,i. .- -j i. r i mminc iuiivwiiik ucuisivr opinion upon me par Ucular point presented to him : ' ''In answering your queotlon In the negative, 1 but say what til Georgia, nay, all the South, said twelve months ago. I but assert the right of self government. :. And however desirable it might be have California and New Mexico slave States, I am too much of a Democrat to wish to impose on a peoples government repugnant to their wishes. California haa chosen to prohibit slavery, and I presume no one doubts that if the question were repeated to her annually during the balance of the century, her answer would be the tame, I appre hend, if we were to belie our republican profes ticni to far to try to force on her institution of sla very, that we could not. Let no man who wishes to perpetrate such a tyranny tell me that he loves sell-government on principle. Ha may, from sel fish motives like to live under it, but is ready to play the tyrant when it may be to his interest and in hie power.'' - It i to tht close of this letter, which derlvet ad ditional consequence! from the judicial character of the writer, that w desire to direct the ret-dersV-wbole attention, and admiration. - It is at (oll0W:'!tr'.i.' i.3.-i nr',i;rsi , -. (.-.? "The Union party it taunted with being 'tub mission.'.. The old nullifiera tried lhat slang oa the old Union party, to drive them from their propriety.. Thank God (here was a large and (jiumnhant ma jority of voters in Georgia then, who had moral courage enongft Mnve the Union and country m iletj-1 iiq of.all such slander and vituperation. And thank God here are enough of them, I hop flti ll alive a nd faithfiiDo their principles and (lieircoiint rt Hi do h agaiiir l never heaf the epithet 'sub- missiiiiiist' and'nwy' bat I tee tile matk af the old Nullilicraml DisuuiouisL fur ihoe who were j Union men then, there is nnexcuse for desertion o the cmi im Ti, rt..: .i.... - .l. I sake of the Union onKmiitoJ i . ...; ...m.i. i. ' . uinun iiinu men, lor we j believed to be oppressive, and imposed by a majority in isoiigrcssj against nis Consent. We are not asked now to submit to any thing imposed On us by Congress. We are required toabide by nothing but what the South has asked for and always maintained was right. The Mexican war was'a Southern measure. The .South contended that the Mexican'e-ritory sl-tild be ceded us without inter vention on the subject' of slavery, and afterwards that the people of the country should form their governments without intervention bv eongress. This we maintained and obtained. And if we cannot please ourselves, let vs complain of ourselves, notofothen. "Because I have forborne to speak oftlie glory and power of the Union; of its past renown, pres ent prosperity, ami future hopes, you will not sup pose lhat I do not appreciate it as a citizen of the United States who is and should be proud of the flag oftlie 'grand Republic' I would not give the common glory and renown of that flag at Bun ker's Hill, Yorklown, Lundy's Lane, New Orleans, Buena Vista, andon the road from tho castleof San Juan d'Ulua to the grand plaza of Mexico for all the gold of California and 'Southern cnivairy ton. But it tn not for all these that I prizo the Union mobt. It is security it has affor ded me as a .Southern slaveholder. It has prov ed its faith and strength for seventy years, and if the great mass of thinking men in this country will, as they can .control fanaticism and disunion," I will trusty it for seventy times seventy. "Some twenty years ago, during the Nullifica tion assault on the union, we were told it was a curse; thai we were staves in it, and we could never prosper until it should be dissolved. At no period of our liistory has the South, with the rest of the country, prospered more than during the last twenty years. Our arm have triumphed over our enemies, our commerce has extended over seas, and our Union has been bound tngether by sinews of iron, and made sensitive with a net work of wire nerves which makeB the whole literally one hoihj; and the limb that shall be severed therefrom will surely wither and die. "Respectfully, yours, Sir. "GARXETT ANDREWS." REPEAL OF THE WILMOT PROVISO. Those who ate denouncing the Texas Boundary and New Mexico Territorial Hill would do well to recollect one thing, which they either wilfully or ig norantly (we know not which, .but it is bad enough cither way,) overlook. It aduulhj repeals the Wil mot Proviso which was inserted in the Texas an nexation resolutions. By the resolutions annexing Texa it was provided that slavery, or involuntary servitudc,should never exist in any" territory belong ing to IVxas north of 36 .30. This provision is ex pressly repealed, annulled, and made void, by the Texas and New Mexico Territorial Bill, in express ly declaring that the territory, or any part of it, when hereafter, admitted iiito the Union as a State shall be admitted with or without Blavery, as the constitution thereof may prescribe at the time of admission. The territory of New Mexico, as form ed bythebill,goesfarnorlhof36.30. Itgoesto38, And from all the intervening scope of territory the Wilmot Proviso, which had been Dut on by n Southern Democratic President and a Deinocrot C Congress, is taken off duriug the administration of a Northern Whig President. But this is not all, The Utah Territorial Bill al so expresily declares that that territory, or any part of it, when it shall hereafter be admitted as a State, shall be admitted with or witliout slavery as the constitution thereof tlmll prescribe at the time of admission. Thus retaining the whole of this vast territory, lunninp Clear up to Oregon, in lali tnde 42,tothe people of every part of the Union, the South as well as the North, and which would have been given up forever to free soil, if the councils ot the iNorthern abolitionists or Southern disunion irts had prevailed, or the Nashville Convention line of 36. 30. been adopted. WAsHlNSTOsJIuxin bis letter to Mr. Granger, says: "Mytitnchmerittnthe Whig parly aud its prin ciples rests upon the conviction that it is empir ically the party of the Union and the Constitution; identified, in all its aims and aspirations, with the perpetual preservation of both." "You and 1 have witnessed the patriotism and true national feeling evinced by our Whig breth ren oftlie South, during years ol personal associa tion with them in. the halls of Congress. I is im possible that we ever should be separated from them in feeling or political principle. It will not surrender my claim to live and die in the same n- tional party with Clay and Crittenden, , Bell and aiangum.oiamy.andlienlry, , r . - , "There are peculiar incentives to the union unit harmony at tho present crisis, We have a Whig administration worthyof our highest confidence, in lh ur national and State a-overnmeiitH. We "' TI' mem Will. CHlfliency in Car- rv ntrnill fllA niMDiirM Fn ...I. k ... I I.. I I ,r . v., r-..ii.u jva imK luuurcu through so many years of effort and vicissitude.! 5 These are paragraphs which distinguish a Un ion n nig trom a JJisunioii or Abolition Whig, and which indicate the tound national man who can be safely trusted with office and honor from our people. Confidence is expressed in the Whig Pres ident, a Whig Cabinet, and for Clay, Crittenden, and Whigs of that old school. The Wo Foco party were the first to bring the patronage of the Government into conflict with freedom of Elections, They were the authors of the doctrine, tint to the victor belong to the spoils of office., la General Jackson's day tlify com menced their work of proscription upon parties,' and their enmity to til free opinions, by the estab lishment of Jacobin Clubt at the aeatof Gofern-S ment, and by the avowal of the creed of rewarding friends and punishing enemies. From that day ,to Ihe present, as often as they have held power, they have been most unsparing in the execution of the Democrat law of proscription for opinion's sake, ni af the siime time equally warm friends of taxing every officeholder for tho support of party . VVe are ready tdVve Whigs taught their duty up on all these matters, but not by such sinners as the Wofoco patty. ;V. V. Express. ' " " ' .- - i' 1 i.-'ij t i Prshtice's LAST.The newt from ahnott eve ry part of Mississippi it g nod. Gov. Quitman' treasonable proclamation find rm sympathetic res-' pone In the hearti of the manses." Mfoitaippl, It is true, repudiated the bonds of the Union Bank, but siMfrill not reprfdiate the Ko-ult V the Vfon Usey. Lauiitillt JoumiX ' - OHIO CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION. District. ; Members Elected. 1. Hamilton David T. Disney, Wo. 2. Butler, Ate. Lewis T). Csinpboll, ing. 3. Montg'y,&c. Hiram Hell, Whig. 4. Logaii.ctc. . Benj. Staton, Whig. 5. Lucas, &e.. A. Edgerton, Loco, 6. Seneca, etc. Frederick F. Green. Wo. 7. Brown, etc. Nelson Bii rrere, Whig, gam. 8. Ross, Sic. John L. I'avlor, Wing. 9. Fairfield, Ate Edson B. Olds, Wo. 10. Franklin,&c. Charles Sweetscr, Wo. 11. Richland.&c. George II. Bushv, Loco. 13- Athens.Aic. JolmVVelch, Whig. ; 13. Morgan, Ate. James M. Gnvlonl, Wo. 14. Munk'm.&c. Alexander Harper, Wing. 15. Belinont.ctc. Win. F. Hunt r, W hig. l fi. Conhoc.on, &.e. John Johnson, independent.. 17. Jeffurson.Atc. James .Cahell, Wo. 1. Wayne, &. David K. Carter. Loon. 19. Summit, &c. Ejien Newton. Fr'p.jl Whig. 20. Ashtabula, Ate. J. Pk. Gkliliiii s, Free-soil. 21. Wain, Ate. Norton S. Towns-end. Ab. Loco. So stands the new Congressional delegation from Ohio. We lose Ficnk by a sn,l defection in Wash ington. It is possible the official vote will change the result, but hs at present unused we think Gay- lord :s electi it. JohtKlin. IiwleneilTni iuolrttn.t in r,nm-.et, .i ,m? - - vmB' .! the 16th district over Hoiiglaml, : The result-for Congress is-!) Whics : 9 Democrats; Giddings, Freo-soil , Townsend, Abo lition Loontoco ; and Johnson: IiideDendent: So much for Ohio in 1850 Columbus Mule Jaurnai,Ollh Ohio Electioii. The following is fiven .. . summary of the election in Ohio. The Democratic candidate for Governor is elected hv about ll.nort majority. The Congressional delegation stands 10 VVI,iMn ii n. -..I,.- ; " "ftn uu i ui-1 uun a li, ,iiiu daiiiu ii, in imc pres ent Congress. Gaylord's majority is C2j Sweet zer's 111; Olds 220. The Senate comprises 18 Wrhigs, lSDemocrati and 2 Free Soilers. House, 33 Whigs, 33 Demo crats and 6 Free Soilers. A later dispatch to the Washington Union Bays that the Legislature stands on joint bnllot49 Whigs 48 Democrats, and 11 Free Sutlers. - NEWSPAPER POSTAGE, itc. Congress was in session ten months, the greater portion of which tune was taken up by the Agita- tora K..rtl. n.l S.l, ki.... ":.. , , " I 1u"""" fn flin innlAf nf . .l -..!.:.-. - njjii.v.fc j, aiinuDv cvuiy uioer suujeci save their own per diem The Howard Gazette, in re ferring to the long session, makes some remarks which are just and true. The Gazette says: " In about two months they will meet again, when it is to be hoped they will address themselves to the consideration of the many important sub jects that will be brought before them. Among those is the reduction of postage on letters and pa pers. The people hava a right to this. They de mand it, and Congress must listen to their voice. We speak now in reference to newspapers as well as letters, The present rates of newspaper post age are not only burdensome but unequal. They are too heavy. They restrict the circulation of knowledge among the people. Newspapers are the people's school -masters, and they should be abroad everywhere, and every impediment should removed that prevents every family in the land hav- ing one or more in its midst. Individual enterprise is doing much for thin. No department of business it making snch si entices lor tho benefit o( the country as that of newspaper publication j and no department has less pecuniary reward. Far less effort in other branches of business -leads' tn com petence nnd wealth; but newspaper publishers rarely acquire it, and too frequently but scantily secure the blessings of a common promise. ' Thy bread shall be given thee and thy water shall be sure.' Then let a barrier to a double benefit be removed. Let heal newspapers, at least, be cir culated free of postage, and while the people are instructed, the publisher's cruse will nm run nut. We shall continue our mite from this time till it is accomplished, and we say to our brethren of the press, don't despair but still ' KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE.'" SIR JOHN FRANKLIN. The telegraph transmits nsthe following iiems of intelligence received by the America, from Eng land, at Halifax ; Painful Humors respecting tlut Sir John Frank lin Expedition. Desiutchee have been received from Sir John Ross, stating that on the 13ih of August, tnree Esquimaux were fouui in the ice off Cape York, and, on being qnestfnned, stated that in 1846 two ships were broken by loe in the direction of Cape Dudley and Diggle, and afier wards burned by a fierce tribe of natives ; that the ships in question were not whale's; and that ep- fie"" were worn by some ot Ihe wvte men. -r.L. j i j i an oi me crew were urnwneu, ana me reint. inner were for some time tn houses or tents apart from the natives. The white men bad grins bnt no balls, and, being in a weak and exhausted condition, they were subsequently killed by the natives with duru or arrows. The paper from which the above is copied says that the whole tory is a gross mis conception but what the reasons are is not sta ted. '- - -' "J ' -- " Thb Americas Expedition Tin American ships "Advance" and "Rescue" hid penetrated as far as any squadron. At the departure of the last advices the Advance had got aground. Nosoriout injury is apprehended. PoptJLAa Mount, Oct. 9th 1 850. GEti'L. M. T. HawKM : . , , , Sir I received last Monday, the 7th inst. your letter of that date notifying me of your intention to con test, oiy right to a seat in the Senate at the ensuing session of the Legislature, unless I should "think proper to submit tbe election to the people for a true expressionof their will.". . . In this matter I do not feel at liberty to consult ruy own feelings, and am actuated solely by a sense of public duty in informing you that 1 de cline to assume the responsibility of referring the election again to the people. . It ia therefore left to yourself to pursue that course ynur tense of right and duty may indicate. In regard ta the alleged "unfairness" in the flection, or tho sufficiency of thegrounds upon which you rely to vacate my seat, no one it less Informed than myself, but I presume that.iipnn tn Investigation-neither can be made to appear) ;" , ' ' "' . . t Very Respectfully. ' Your ob't. Serv't. . . W. N. EDWARDS. , The Mavsville (Ky.) Eaclc savs it is advised that Mr, Cass has been invited to attend the Union barbecue to he given to Mr. Clav, without distinc tion of parly, at Lexington, on ihe 17th instnnt,and that, it is confidently expected he will accept the invitation. Bountv Land Law. The Secretary of the Department of the Interior has derided that, by his construction of the law recently passtd tl.n same person shall not receive more than one war rant, although he may have perform' sn ;'. which, if rendered by severa l imliviihu ts, .." ' entitle each to a warrant. Riot w Camden.- L-s' n .. v stable from GlouceMerv aV1';-. r charg d with stealing t. '. . . ; . ': ; while passing a srcnrn-i" '-- - . , - i'ed by colored people , v.,.'. hers of them, who took it l.ir 1 ; was a fugitive slave, and surreJ, J r. i . . ; him from custody. The Sheriff rnuir1(J ( scene w'th a atrnn? force, hut the m,,l. h-'A !...' . 1 , , - .. . eu, anu mucn excitement prevailed npfo ..s'ere -.r r. . ,, . . - .' "' L"e " 1 . '.- thf ring lenders of the riot.- Newark D-ih l.V .. FACTORIES- STOPPED' We regret to gay that sever -.! of the Factories' i abo1" ),r" have st. r.ped lor some time. To? rea son assigned t cotton is too high to justify their living T-hi Sienv a?ri' Vl-fP to-' Mit':- ! '" h"U U" ,h" F '"",r lis first sold and lie should be able to buy it, al't r it r(i',!; ed 4000 miles, reshippe.l four or fiv costs and charges and ..''commissions thereto. There must be something ' Ui S, V!-itli wrong. Is there variety enough nmnitg imr factories or do, they all furnish the same style of goods ? .-. Eay, Communicator. THE GLOBE. .4 Cajressono) gric:tltvrrtl,and Literary; fiewspnver. - The nndersigneil snlimifs to the pnhhV hir-'nro- ! v,""r- ? " r,,P"" "t the- next ssesMoiiolUoiiiiiti,.-. L ope resshs now sj liberally , . :..l.e .... i . : i : " paironiseilttie mi, r'akn t-t -t i aIIHip establish. cd asa staniffird U'oik wnirj.y ofi'.soll'i i;. 1 iiiipriina- tur leesthi un.if-rjiw- t:ils'inhis'dutv. Thin will not iw :h" ...ii t e rt',rt ,., avail. The GloBSifti;- f... . . ( ... . ..'ii, fVi-rtis'i full renurtt ) P'l-.'ee.l iis rt.,(i .( ; . (,f (LAtvn, i;0iies of Coiigr H;&iriviiiij rH-elvrtrlinr sanction assuch the bent Report. rB 'will tie 'engaged to write out the 'debiies ol'rach, day which will i.ndergo the revis- ' ion of the Members, '! he work, slur jiassing through the Dailt Globe and receiving correction will be presented, asjtinished, in ihe Congkbssiona J ' Globe and Appendix , The debates will pmbably' Increase in interest during the next session. The one subjert which engrossed the last, will doubtles give way to others of great variety which, in this progressive country, the conflicts of party and the ambition for place and distinction, necessarily produce. Vat inter ests will be at stake upon the decisions of the next Congress; which will be evoked in their discus, sion. All the honors of the Republic, dependent' on the succession to the Presidency, a? well as all the great and permanent interests which go to the advancement of the power of the country, will give impulse to the action ot the next session of Congresa. The Daily Globe will be published daily during , the session of Congress, and weekly the remainder' ol the year. It will contain full and faithful re-' portsoftliepruceedingsof both Houses of Congress;' and miscellaneous articles on those general sut ' jectstotthich it is devoted, .'.''.' The Wkkki.v Globe will contain Agricultural, and miscellaneous articles; and will occasionally give debates ofsuch importance as command nni'- vcrsal interest. '; The price of the Wekki.v Globe is redncedto one dollar, witii a vii;w to uUiin a inoie general ' circulation. -- The Conkkkkioxai. Cloee will embody, as it has done for the last seventeen years, Congression al proceedings and debutes exelnsively. ' - The Appendix will embrace the revised speech es separately, and the messages of the President of i the United States and the reports of tbe Heads ot. the Executive Departments. ' ihe CosGRsstonAi. Globe snd Appendix wit! be published as fast as the proceedings of On-1 gresa will make a number. Subscribers may ex. -pect one number of each a we;k during the' -t. four wei ks of a set-8ion,and two or'luce ntimhrira ' ofeachaweek afterwards, until tlieeu! oV. ' session. i -. ' - - ...... t : Complete indexes to the droit sesvw is, Cii - s and Appexbk will lie tent U si.i--f., ,f-. ter Congress adionrns. ' ' Nothing of a political rtorl;- r.-.'.tl-i' '.";:! :-,rP.',r! In the Globe save that which will be found m the ' Congressional reports. A paper assuming to be ; an impartial vehicle for all sides, cannot uiamta4n i its character if the editorial colunwit rejlfct a par ty hue. ' . ' TERMS. ': ' For one copy of the: Dailt Globs (daily during',' the session of Congresa, and weekly during the recess) a year, - , i, : r. jj(k) For the Dajlt Globe for less than a year, at the" rate of 84 cents a month. . .. , f For one copy of the Wieklt Globe for one , year, 1 00 For one copy of the ConoitEssniUL Globe ,!u-. ring the session ' fiOi For one copy of the Appbitdix during the seta- ' Pio" V-' ; ;,' r-,'fi.. - - .-l.ofto I or four copies of either, or part of boih during thesestlon : . , 5 00. For ten copies oftitherer part r.f both luring the.?iHi ,t ,, ; v WOft, The prices for these paper ar-e to hW, tflat dv vauce paymentt are indispenssble to carry tbem' on, and no order will be attended tb unless tW ONiney acrooipauie. it. 1 , , 's Subscriptions may he remitted, by mii, : Br risk, in inonty -atpar in Um aeetiwi f trw couiiirJ" where subscribers rside.Vj r , -j,. Tbe CoaoassatoBiL Globi.' nd Amntf r. the Daily Globe, a.they roaykwi, ji4 J,,, ti-sll editors who may publish lint ProHnet, often as three times, before the first ir.lay uv Decemlier, snd send tis one ropy f their aanet! containing it distinctly marked aruund with L tW loairtt our atteution to it, ' ' ashujt.. CrtT.Oct. 15, lefiO. - Hi? ''ii,?-- ii Il'l-
Raleigh Times [1847-1852] (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Oct. 25, 1850, edition 1
1
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75