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I
i 1 GIVE ME THE LIBERTY TO KNOW, TO UTTER, AND TO ARGUE FREELY, ACCORDING TO CONSCIENCE, ABOVE ALL OTHER LIBERTIES." Milton. NEW SERIES'
, R. I. WYNNE, Publisher. . - " - : . " -, - ' - ; :-- . - . . . . . ,
:"c. a raboteau, Editor. I RALEIGH, FRIDAY, JUNE 4, 1852?) Ay c - ' VOL. V. ttO. 21,
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O OfPICK ON PATKTTEVILX.R ST., ONE DOOR BELOW
rosr ornce.
,Tk Democrats and Amendments by
the , LEGrsLATURE. The constitution
first points out the only mode by which a
convention can be called by the people,
and then speaks of amendments by Legis
lative enactment. From the phraseology
of the portion relating to amendments by
the Legislature, the inference is, that the
constitution contemplates cases and those
only, where it is desirable to make one sin
gle unimportant amendment. It says that
H part of the Constitution shall be amend
ed, &c., and then points out the only pro
cess by which the Legislature can make
amendments. Where any important change
is contemplated, or any that directly affects
"any prominent principle on which the con
stiiulion is framed, or where more than one
amendment is proposed, or even agitated
among the people, so as to .make it appa
rent that several amendments are called for
by the people, it was certainly never in
tended that the constitution should be
changed by the mere act of the Legislature.
This must be apparent from the greater
authority and dignity and prominence,
which a convention called by the voice of
the wboie people has, than the mere au
thority of a Legislative body. This is ev
ident from the ver' nature of the case,
romthe more formal proceedingsin call
ing a convention, from the greater care in
selecting its members and from its being
.called expiessly for this sole object, and so
. those who look into the history of our
General and State Governments will find
it has ever been regarded.
Now in the first place, it is evident that
the Free suffrage bill does propose an im-
fortant change in our State Constitution,
n one point of view it touches the basis
of representation, although not in regard
to that which the East regards as of the
most vital importance ; it will not imme
diately lessen the number of representatives
in the Legislature to which the Eastern
counties are now entitled. But it will ef
fect the check and safeguard which the
constitution has formed for the protection
of the landed interest. The constitution
now requires that all who vote for Senators
shall be possessed of fifty acres of land.
What was this for but for the intention of
placing those only in the Senate whose in
terests would prevent them from voting for
any measure, that might be injurious to
landed property ? By Free Suffrage you
destroy this check and safeguard, because
Senators will no longer be elected by land
holders exclusively, but by the whole body
of voters qualified to vote for the House of
Commons.
Free Suffrage then does affect one of !
the important principles on which the con
stitution is founded, and therefore should
only be incorporated into the constitution, !
if at all, by the most deliberate and sol
emn mode known to that instrument.
But again, is it not apparent to every
man of ordinary intelligence, that what is
called the spirit cf reform, has now been
set in motion through the ambition of Gov.
Reid ? Is it not well known that several
other amendments to the Constitution are
not only talked of, but are as prominent
before a large ortioti of the people, except
that they have not yet been passed upon
in their primary condition by the Legisla
ture, as Free Suffrage ? Are they not ag
itated as much in the West, and as much
desired? Is the incorporation of free suf
frage into the constitution, or its rejection
by the f legislature going to quiet this agi
tation ? Does this spirit of reform, in mod
ern times, ever stop or turn back until it
has either accomplished its object or been
quieted by a refusal of the people in due
form to call a convention? Where is the
instance in our own country ? Did not
Governor Reid know when he slatted the
ball of free suffrage, that what is called
reform, would not stop there? Had he
not the experience in nearly every Siate in
the Union, North and South, to prove to
bun that reform when once started would
go forward and not be put off with merely
one amendment? He must have known
this.
But he professes to be opposed to any
general change in the constitution, from a
leaning to Eastern interests. What was
his scheme then ? Why to save utter con
demnation in the Eastern counties, for
venturing to tamper at all with this spirit
of reform, which had with much difficulty
been allayed fifteen years before, and had
remained quiet, he resorts to a proposition
to amend the constitution by the Legisla
ture. A plan obviously designed only to
meet single and unimportant pioposkions
to amend. , Governor Reid then in effect,
Tronoses to turn the Legislature, contrary
to universal usage, and to the spirit of the
constitution, year alter year, into a con
vention for amending the constitution.
This is apparent from the fact that he must
have known, that propositions to ameuu
would not, stop with free sunrage.
But to put it beyond all doubt, Govem
nor Reid in his inaugural address, acknowl
edges that other amendments are agitated,
and commends them to the consideration
of the Legislature. The democratic scheme
is, to bring up amendment after amend
ment, and to incorporate them into the
constitution by the Legislature. This is
to be their hobby for retaining power and
office in the State, turning the Legisla
ture, as we said, into a biennial conven
tion to amend the constitution. Will the
people submit to this? Is it not better in
every point of view more in accordance
with the provisions of the Constitution
more republican and less expensive to
quiet this matter at once by submitting the
question to a vote of the people ? If the
constitutional proportion two-thirds of the
people, desire a convention, and say so
through the ballot box, who shall prevent
them? If not, why then the question is
put to rest. Ncicbcrnian .
Locd Voice from Edgecombe.Wc
condense from the Southerner another
communication over the signature of "a
conservative-" intending to present the
pith of his argument. We use this matter
against David Reid and his hobby; and
not because we agree with all the writer
says: indeed we differ from some of his
positions; but he deals good round blows;
and we think we know some of them are
pretty effective in his region of country.
"A Conservative" contends that this
Free Suffrage will break down the taxa
tion basts, and turn the control of the prop
erly of the Slate into the hands of landless
men.
If the non-landholders, shall be allowed
equal political power, in the election of
Senators, and shall desire to exercise it,
nothing is to prevent their electing both
the entire Senate and the House of Com
mons: And as those of the West, certainly
will, and many of the East, probably will
believe, that an equality should exist in
the representation, as well as in the elec
tive franchise, what more natural, than
the return of the required majorities, to ef
fect the object? Who, that admits the one,
can consistently object to the other? If
you say that property does not require re
presentation, you admit the present 'ba
sis" is wrong; if property does require it,
why should you give the power to the
non-landholders to elect the Senators?"
Assuming then, for I think I have estab
lished it, that a change in the ''basis of
representation," will speedily follow the
extension of the right of Suffrage; let us
look to some of the practical results. The
West now having a large majority, in
both branches of our . Legislature, may
make as many Rail, Plank and Turnpike
Roads as it shall desire; besides improving
all such Rivers, as may be deemed worthy
attempting; occasionally cutting a Canal
&c: the East being unable to prevent it,
n hpiPinfnre. The West will do the vo-H
ting, pass the laws, and lay the taxes; the
East, the property holders. of the East, will
have the privilege left, yes a little more
than privilege, but less than pleasure, the
onerous duty to discharge of paying the
most of said taxes! Have you any doubt
of this result? Look at the consequence
of the amendments which were made to
trio rionstitiiiion in 1835: and vou mav
iudfe from that little specimen, what these
alterations now coniempiateu win eueti.
"We are referred to the other States of
this Confederacy, as our guide on this
"free Sunrage .suujeci: i in turn, woutu
,-ofbr rnii tn their enormous wublic debts.
I .1 v i j v - " .i
created by making Internal Improvements;
and ask you it their exampe snoutu not
be avoided, rather than intimated?
Such is the natural result oitnis 'unnat
ural' stnt nf things. There is no iust re-
sponsibilily; one class of the people con
uaua. -ivi-.w - O , a
tracting debts, wnue nnouier ciass nas
Kfivi t nnir Whpn. the Government is
in the hands of the non-landholders, what
. . l i
is to prevent their making the lanus pay
all the taxes if they desire U? Not only
that; what is to prevent them from divid
ing the lands of the State among the peo
ple? The doctrine that "by nature every
. i 1 A
man is entitled to land," nas us aavocuies
amnnir sninA nfnnr would-be Presidents.
Say you the Constitution prevents it? But
they have the power of making the Con
stitution what they shall desire it to be.
... i .i
Suppose among other things they snouiu
ever desire to abolish "slavery" in this
State; they have only to engraft a provision
on the Uoustitution coniernng uie power,
and nroceed to exercise it. But who be
lieves they will ever act so unjustly? I
believe them to be as honest and as just,
as the free holders; among them are some
of my nearest relations and "best friends,
and I am willing to trust them as far, and
with as much, as any discreet person would
desire; but'l am not willing to give them
the power of controlling my lands. I
make rio charge against them of bad inten
tions; they are no doubt as good as frail
human dature, under similar circumstan
ces, is capable. Bui I know not, they
know not, what succeeding generations
may desire; when all tlie leveling .doc
trines, now in their infancy, shall have
.,r in mnturitv "Lead US IlOt itltd
temptation,1' should at all times and under
all circumstances, be our prayer." .
"There is one significant fact of which
.' desire to rAmin d the tneonle of Edge-
w w - i , r
5n.iR"?t mh p.n thfi nuestion of ai-
tering the Constitution, was submitted to
them, (although among the alterations
then proposed, was th.Ui by most people
deemed much the more republican mode,
of electing the Uovernor ny me peopie in
stead of the Legislature;) what was the res
ponse from this County? Why nearly
unanimously, in opposition; from the e
1 eel ion precinct, in which I reside entirely
unanimous. Now what has occurred to
convince 37ou, that you were then wrong?
Nothing, unless the want of a few thou
sand votes, in the election of a Democratic
Governor, shall be deemed and held to be
such an occurrence. Therefore, say to
these disturbers of your quiet, that if they
cannot manage, to be Governors without
destroying the best features of our Consti
tution ; a Constitution made by those at
least as able and patriotic as they are, you
Relieve more so; to keep their hands off, as
you will see them in., before
you will consent to it." ;
"You know there are two "classes of
rights,' oath requiring legislative protection ;
those of persons and those of property. In
the House of Commons all persons are,
or presumed to be represented. It is there
fore its especial duty to provide the means
for the ample protection of the personal
rights and liberty of all, whether -rich or
poor; as however, there is a majority of
"landless" men, of those called poor, as
contradistinguished from rich, I use the
term in no disrespectful or offensive sense;
that majority s presumed to have elected
the members of the House of Commons.
The Senate is elected by free-holders,
those presumed to have property, and it is
its duty to see that property is protected.
And it is a matter of little consequence,
whether either the members of the Senate,
or those of the House, are property holders.
The responsibility of either will be to the
majority of those who elect them, and
they always should and usually do repre
sent them correct ly; all their wishes, inter
ests, and even their prejudices should be
consulted. With this exposition of my
views, was 1 not right when 1 said, that
"each," the "rich" and "poor," had "a
House in legislation?"
.But sir, if tlie "landless" desire to ,'iave
an exclusive House one in which the
freeholders shall have neither part nor lot;
the Members, as well as all who elect them,
to be "landless," I do not believe I would
object to it. True, I have my personal
rights and liberty, and they require as
m uch protection as those of the "landless"
and might claim to be represented in their
House; but as we are identical in this res
pect, they by providing for themselves,
provide forme. Not so however, in the
Senate; that body should represent proper
ty and if a majority of those who elect it
are destitute of it, property has no protec
tion. jThese may be unwelcome truths,
but they are as unalterable, as human na
ture! - . '
But you are anxious to make us believe
that "free suffrage" is all that is desired,
at least, that a change in the "basis of rep
resentation," is not desired, nor can it fol
low. So said your "leader;" but remem
ber this 'basis' question has been agitated,
and you Sir, in the editorial now under
consideration, express the wish for altera
tions. Upon the whole, when I see one
so zealous and capable as you are, unable
to point out a single practical, tangible ob
jection to our present Constitution, (your
theoretical, lanciful and transcendental
ones, will not stand you in hand, with
such "Old Fogies" as I am,) it confirms
my former opinion, that none can be
pointed out, and that no reasons exist for
disturbing it. -i ijonscrvanve .
May 18th 1852.
From the Raleigh Register.
THE BASIS OF REPRESENTATION.
The attempt that has been made to in
Anrt tTifi iwmlfi of the E tst to believe that
the late Whig Convention was in favor of
altering the basis or represeniauou, is oi a
m a a wi tl othfir ImisreDresentations to
which the Locofoco leaders and presses
. - m i
will resort to perpetuate tneir power, x ne
hv that Convention se
cures the Federal basis from alteration, by
declaring that the Uonvenuon, u caueu ut
all should be elected on that basis. If this
be done, how is it possible that there can
be any innovation upon that principle in
our Constitution?
Rut ppprv spr.tion of the State, which
mav havp. anv fears on this score, should
pause before it lends its aid to the adoption
of the Free Surlrage measure ; ior u is
f thnf the. vArv moment vou break
down the check which the Senate, (as it is
. . -i i i.i m
now constituted,) anorus to Dotn me i nx
atinn nd Federal basis, vou eive the pow-
prtnthA r.ftaislature to alter both. Take
for instance, any set oi counties in uie
. y-. i- .L.
f ;Antr or ftast. and it can at once De seen
how it will operate. The representation
in the Mouse or uommons rests on me
PVrtpral basis that in the Senate on Tax
ation. In most or the largest tax paying
and slaveholding Uounties, the vote or uie
nnn-nrnnert v holders preDonderates. If a
bill is introduced to alter the basis, either
of the Senate oi House of Commons, by
Legislative enactment, will not the Gen
eral Assembly possess tne power to mane
ItAratinns ? There beinff the same
constituency to -each branch, there will be
- a -t . I 1
nn i-hAz-ir. and should me senate stanu oui
against the populaf action of the House of
Commons, one session, there will necess-
1 ... . . .i r J "
ftnly arise a conflict between tne oanui
ilatA fnr irA two Houses at the next elect
lion, and there could be but little doubt as
to the result. The Senators would De o
anA ihp. Commoners triumph
IsK aa.aa.4s-K "w
ant The thiee-fifth and twothird Vote1,
norAwmrv tn nArfAct anv amendment, will
he no difflr.nltv in the wav if a conflict
were to arise between those who pay tax
... 1 .1 U
on land and negroes, ana mose whu yaj
but a poll tax. We do not wish to be un
derstood as predicting that any such cod
flict will arise. We trust there will be no
such issue. But must it not be apparent
to every man who has reflected on the sub
ject, that if you give the Senate and House
of Commons the same constituency, they
will be governed by similar principles, like
prejudices and wishes ? Under such a
state of things there would not be as much
safety to the basis in the Legislative pro
cess of amendment as in that of a Con
vention. The Whigs propose to submit the ques
tion to the people to say whether the wish
a Convention, called on the Federal basis
The House of Commons stands on that
basis ; and, should free suffrage become a
part of the Constitution, the Senate will,
also, virtually and to all practical ends,
stands on the same basis for, having ex
actly the same constituency with the other
branch what possible check can the taxa
tion feature be ? We ask then, once more,
of those who dread the alteration of the
basis, how can they consistently support
the Free Suffrage measure? The Loco-
Convention takes ground against the alter
ation of the basis directly, but they laud
to the skies a measure which strikes indi
rectly but surely at the very foundation of
that principle, both in the Senate and House
of Commons. :
The Locofoco organs, here and else
where, calculate, that by misrepresenting
the position of the Whig party, on the sub
ject of State Reform, they may gain an
advantage in the pending contest, but we
trust that, by vigilance and zeal, our inends
will be able to foil all such attempts. We
stand on the broad the Republican plat
form that the PEOPLE are the source of
all political power They have a right to
alter their fundamental law in such partic
ulars and in such way, as they may choose,
without the dictation of political aspirants
and demagogues, whether in or out of the
State !
Installation of Prince Lucien Murat
as Grand Master of the
Freemasons. -It
is now forty years since the Freema
sons of France have had a Grand Master,
the Fast who presided over them being Jos.
Bonaparte, King of Spain, brother ta the
emperor, since which time the order has
been kept together under the control of va
rious deputy grand masters; but of late cer
tain irregularities m the proceedings of some
of the lodges having brought the order into
disrepute, and called for admonition from
tliA crovernnient. it became necessary to
to - " ' . - -
place the grand orient of France on a firm
er footing, and under the domain of some
eminent brother of weight and influence suf
ficient to control its acts and cement its au
thority. Under these circumstances, Prince
Lucien Murat, cousin to the President of
the Republic, and nephew to the late and
last grandmaster of the order, was unanim
ously elected to that high office, and the ce
remony of his installation took place on
Thursday, at the Salle Barthelemy, which
had been richly recorated for the occasion
and brilliantly illuminated, a full military
Hanrl Anlivpm'nir the scene. Upwards of
one thousand members of the order, from
various parts of France, attended, in every
variety of masonic costume, and when, al
ter the preliminary ceremonies, the grand
master elect was announced, and all the
brethren stood to order, the coup d'eil was
magnificent. The" only member of English
masonry present, was M. de Bernardy, de
puty provincial grand master for Monmouth
shire, who was conducted with the usual
ceremonies and placed at the right of the
grand master. After swearing fidelity to
the Order, and to maintain its privileges.the
grand master was saluted by all the breth
ren, after the usual custom of masons, when
he addressed the grand orient as follow, his
remarks being listened to with profound at
tention, and evidently causing a deep im
pression on all present:
" If I have with pleasure accepted the
high charse confided to me by the grand
orient of Fiance, it is less to enjoy the hon
ors which it confers, than to prove my at
tachment to that noble association which
has always been the object of my liveliest
solicitude. At an early period I appreci
atArl thA hicrh mission of our order.and since
you have been pleased to choose me for
your guide, permit me to reckon on your
co-operation. It is in practising among us
the fine maxims on which we build our ed
ifice it is in giving to each other a mutual
support that we render our task more easy
and more agreeable, and our common ef
forts more fruitfnl. Let us take care not to
lose sight of the object to which we tend
let us never deviate from the path which is
traced out for us. Let our discussions al
ways remain aloof from political passions:
Lend an ear to every moan in distress.frTsm
whatAVAr nart it mav make itself heard
nff.. th Kanrl nf Riiccor to misfortunes 6f
every kind assist all distress, whatever
may be its source, and wherever it may be
met with in a'word, shed benefits over the
whole of mankind. Such is our mission.
The developements of the mind and the im
provement of intelligence such is our ob
ject; and, be assured , to go beyond these
limits would be to break forever the bond
of our organization. Our motto will always
be "Charity and Fraternity." A new.socie
ty is to come forth from our hands. Humble
artizahs of a great work, let us continue in
;i.ii nnf iipac.pful labors: andiffresh suc-
shnhlrl crown our efforts, let us only
give to him who lends us the intelligence
and activity necessary to that sublime act of
regeneration to the great architect oi me
universe. The future prosperity of masonry
is no longer doubtful the new era will be
propitious to it. We resume our work un
der happy auspices. The government, which
in its just solicitude, requires to know what
we are, will see us always animated by the
best philanthropy it will know that our in
stitution is the school of every virtue, and
it will support us; for generous and enlight
ened, it cannot refuse a kind support to
those who, like itself, seek with so much
eagerness for opportunities to db good.
Thus, free from any impediments, we may
display our banner; the moment has arrived
when masonry is to show what it is, what
it wishes, and whtt it ean do. The mea
sures of rigor necessitated by too guilty aN
tempts offers as the opportunity of exercis
ing our sublime ministry. Let us show that
equality, charity and brotherly love exists
more particularly among us. The other bu
siness of the grand orient then proceeded,
and at eight o'clock nearly 500 persons sat
down to a splendid banquet. In the course
of the evening, M. -de Bernardy was pre
sented to the Prince Grand Master, who ex
pressed himself in most gratifying terms as
to his experience of English freemasonry,
particularly during his residence at Gibral
ter, and his hope that the universality of the
order might be ever preserved and cemented
by the perfect union of the brethren of every
clime and country.
From the Illustrated, Family Friend.
Value of Energy and Persever
ance. This wras an unexpected blow,
and, in my state of weakness, might have
been a fatal one, but for my having found
at the bottom of the heap, a letter in the
hand writing ol Vincent. This excellent
man, as if he had anticipated my vexations
wrote in a style singularly adapted to meet
them at the moment. Afier slight and al
most gay remarks on country occurrences,
and some queries relative to my ideas of
London, he touched on the difficulties
which beset the commencement of every
careerand the supreme necessity of patience
and a determination to be cheerful under
all. One rule is absolutely essential, wrote
he, "never to mourn over the past, or
made over the future. 'Sufficient unto
the day is the evil thereof,' is a maxim of
incomparable wisdom. Never think of
the failures of yesterday, but to avoid them
to-morrow ; and never speculate on the fai
lures of to-morrow, but to remember that
you have outlived the failures of to-day.
The French philosophers are now preach
ing around the world, that knowledge is
power, and it is, but His only as gunpow
der is power; a dangerous invention which
blew un the inventer. It requires to be
wisely managed. English experience will
tell you, more to the purpose, that perse
verance is power; for with it all things can
be done, without it, nothing. I remem
ber, in the history of Tamerlane, an in
stance, which to me, has always had the
force of tm apot hem. In early life, and
when reduced to the utmost distress, de
feated in battle, and without a follower, he
one day threw himself into the ruins of a
Tartar caravanseria, wheie he resolved to
eive up all effort and die. As he lay on
the ground sunk in despair, his eye was
caught by the attempts of an ant to drag a
grain of corn up to its nest in the wall.
The load was too great for it, and the ant
and the grain of corn fell to the ground to
gether. The trial was renewed, and both
fell again. It was renewed ninety and
nine times, and on the hundredth it suc
ceeded, and the grain was carried into the
nest. The thought instantly struck the
prostrate chieftain,- 'Shall an insect strug
gle ninety and nine times until it succeeds
while I, a man and the descendant of he
roes, give up all hope after a single battle?"
He sprang from the ground, and found a
troup of his followers outside, who had
been lookiusr for him through the wilder
ness. Scimitar in hand, he threw himself
on his pursuers, swelled his troop into an
army, his army into myriads, and finished
by being the terror cf Europe, the conque
ror of Aia, and the wonder of the world."
The letter finised with general inquiries
into the thinirs of the day, and all good
wishes for my career. It is astonishing
what an effect is sometimes, produced by
advice, given a! the exact moment when
we want it. This letter was the 'word in
season' of which the 'wisest of men
sneaks: and I felt all its influence in my
rescue from despondency. Its simplicity
reached mv heart more than the most la
bored language, and its manliness seemed
a direct summons to whatever was manly
in mv attire. I determined , henceforth,
to trv fortune to the utmost, to task my
Dowers to the last to regard difficulties an
ja y the exercise that was mtenaea to gives
me strength, and to render every success
nnlu n cten to success higher still. That
. . . - , i ,
letter pushed me another stage to man
hood.
Thr California Fugitive Slave
Bill. The bill which has passed tha
California Legislature, in relation to fugi
tive slaves, provides for the surrender, to
their original masters, of all colored people
in California, who were slaves before they
were brousfht into California,- thus virtual
ly repudiating the doctrine that California
was a free territory , by virtue of its bid
Mexicari law",- and that slaves could not be
held there to service after the conquest;
Dr. King at Athens. We learri from
tt e New York journal of Commerce that
Dr. King's fifteen days of imprisonment
having been" completed, that gentleman is
now living unmolested With his father at
Athens. The Greek Government seems to
hate no intention of enforcing that part cf
the sentence inflicting banishment from
Greece '-'::
THE FRATERNITY
We. had the pleasure while in Raleigh
of making the acquaintance of several of
our editorial brethren. First was Holden,
of the Standard, not a very bad looking
man when dressed up'; and one qf the best
political editors in the country. He is well
informed.and industrious, and a self made
man. . .
Next there was Gulick, of the Goldsbdro'
Pat not, a fat, good natured looking fellow,
with ah eye indicative of much shrewd
ness, and a head big enough tb hold a ca
pacious brain ; and very well filled; too.
Culick is decidedly art industrious man,
watchful of what is going bh about him
ar.d inquisitive-enough to find out.
Then there was Bryan pf the Faye'tte
ville Carolinian, a pale, dreamy looking
young man, with a bright, intelligent eye
far better fitted, judging from his physi
ognomy, for the calm retreats of literary
pursuits than for the storms and tempests
of jxilitic'al watfare.
Next comes Starke, of the Democratic
Pioneer, away down in Pasquotank. Starke
a fine looking man, good natured and jol
ly, and just the fellow to enjoy the good
things of life, both mentally and physical
ly. "Dog it," is his worst word, and it.
is worth a day's journey to hear him say
it three times. He is one of those whole
souled fellows who will have" friends
wherever be goes, and waim ones too.
We also made the acquaintance of Rab
oteau, the editor of the Times, and the a
ble advocate of a reform Convention. We
found him a very intelligent gentleman;
with fine conversational powers. In all
but his political principles we wish him a
bundance success. Of Whitaker, the Gi
rafie man, we have elsewhere spoken.-
We regret we had not the opportunity of
making the acquaintance of the other Ka
leigh Editors, and especially that of Gor
man, the able editor of the fepint or tne
Age. Mountain Banner.
AiwrrnoTF. nv Admiral Blake. One
unhappy incident had occurred to dash his
oTAnt nnhlic trinmnh with a private erief.
1 J - l o
His brother Humphrey, removed from the
Hoard ot Frizes to tne command or a r rig
ate, saw his first real service in this most
trying engagement, and in a moment of
extreme agitation failed in his duty. Af-
iAr the. muster-call in the offinsr. whispers
v ... v tJ X
be?an to circulate through the fleet that
the General's brother had not done his
part like an English captain; and certain
voices accused him openly ; of cowardice.
TTnmnhrAv seem'? to have been one of
those jovial, plastic and good natured men
whom every one uses, ana no one res
npris: Onlv a few months in the fleet.
I' - - j .
he was ah eady a favorite with his brother
officers; and when the accusation first a-
rose against him, they tried to stifle it, and
hv AVArv means in their nower souehl to
j . j . j t 1
prevent the affair from coming under the
. - ... T1 . .1 .
notice of a court-martial, uui tne great
Admiral was inexorable. Humphrey was
his favorite brother; he was the next to
him m age, and he had been nis cniei
playfellow in boyhood ; when on shore he
alwavsi shared with him his house, his table
and his leisure; but above and before all
private affection for histavonte Drome i rose
r . . . . .... . , r 1-1 -
up in his mind tne stern sense oi puonc
duly. For years it had beeri his office to
purge the navy ol all ungodly, umaiiniui
and inefficient officers, with a rigorous
hand; and how could he spare his own
blood? The captains went to him in a
body, and endeavored to show him that
Rumnlirfiv'a fault was neelect rather than
a breach ofdutv; and that the fen da of jus-
tice would be met without the disgrace oi
a public sentence. They ventured to sug
gest that without taking formal notice of
ihe scandal which was abroad in the fleet,
he might besent away to England until
his fault was fogotton. Blake looked
grave and angry. inty neveruieiess
pressed their suit, Deiievmg mat nature
itself would prevent a failure of their ap
Thev annealed lb his private
affection they glanced at the offender's
want of experience at sea. isut ,
to no. purpose. Blake answered that his
first duty was tc the service. Their very
reasoning proved most clearly that this was
rnt a msa vvhirli could be allowed to pass
into a precedent; and, at the conclusioujof
. 1 . . . ii
the interview, he oroerea a ouri-xm uju
to be sumrrioned. , "If none of you," said
he ttmiW nrr.nsp. him: I must mvself be
his accuser." The officers forming the
Court could only give one sentence on the
evidence laid before them ; but they sent
with it a petition, signed by tne enure
rJnurt. to the Admiral, mavine him to re
mit the. sentence, and allow the culprit to
return to England in his bwn; ship. This
prayer was granted; as it would have been
in any ordinary case; but the Commodore
added to the Painful document the stern
words -"He shall never be employed
more." Yet to the brother thus sternly
rebuked he le ft the greater part of his prop
erty. .
Boston; May 22d. -Gov. Boutwell has
sio-ned the liouor bill without the clause re
ferring it to the people, and it will become
a law m bU days. . .
The legislature adjourned sine die tH
day. A person should not be epieC:ied to take
off his gloves preparatory io shaking hands
With another; atly more than to take off
his boot when about to kick a man.
He that hinders not a mischief when it
b in his power is guilty of it:
The Call to PrxvUvi. Among" the
many beautiful allusions, tb tlie solemn and
soothing sound of the 'church-going bell,'
as it rings out on the Clear morrjiingr air of
the Sabbath, commend us tb..lhe follow
ing quaint, yet surpassingly effective hom
ily, from the pen of the gifted Jerrold, the
well known author of 'St. Giles and St.
James.' ... "
. There is something beautiful in the
church bells. Beautiful and hopeful.
They talk to high and low, rich and poor;
in the same voice jthere. is ttsquild in them
that should . Scare pride arid , eiivy; and
meannesg of all sorts fiom the heart of
mari i that should make him look oh the
world with kind, forgiving eyes ; that
should make the earth. 6eem to him, at
least for a time, a holy place. Yes; theHi
is a whole sermon in the very sound of
the church bells; if we only have the ears
to understand it ; there is a preacner in
every belfry that cries' 'Poor: weflry strug
gling, fighting creatures poor human thing3
take rest, be quiet. Forget your vanities;
your fb'Ilies; your week-day craft. .,
And you, ye humari vessels, gill and
painted, believe the iron tongue' nat tells
ye that; for all your gildin'gi all your col
ors, ye are the same Adam's earth,- with
the bfip-frara in Tour yatesJ Come awav:
DD j o l
come, cries the church bell; and" learn td
be humble : learrt that however daubed
and stained about, with jeweh, you are
but grave clay ! Come, Dives, coine,and
be taught that all your glory; as you weal',
it, is not half so beautiful in the eye of
Heaven, as the sores of the uncomplain
ing Lazarus : ana ye; poor creatures nv-
id and faint, stained and crusned by tne
pride and hardships of the world come;
come; cries the. bell, with the voice of art
angel-7-co'iTife and learn 'a hat is laid up for
y. And learning, take heart, and walk
amidst the wickedness, the cruelties of the
world; calmly as Daniel walked among the
lions. i
FEMALE BEAUTY.
Nature in many of her works, has scat
tered her beauty with an unsparing hand;
but tibhe of them impress so strongly up
on the mind the idea of beauty a3 the fe-
male countenance. I ne nower may De
more delicate in its formation, and may
show a more exquisite tolor, the wide
spread meadott may display its beauty,aha
fields, and groves, and winding streams
may variegate, the scene ; yet all that ia
here presented, fades before the female
countenance. 1
In the countenance of man; there is a
certain majesty of look, if we might sd
term it, which is not found in the other
sex ; yet where is that softness; that sweet
i i . : i . i. . .. 1,;.
neavenijf smite uiai piujo ujuij mc i. u un
tenants of a ferriaie; where is that sbleri
dor that dazzles the eye of the beholder ;
that expression that baffles all description.
The more we etrmpare the female couii
tenarice with any other object j the more
shall we be inclined to give the lormer tne
palm of loveliness and the mbre ready td
exclaim with nature's sweet poet :
"Where is any author iri the wtirid, .
'leaches such beat ty as woman's eye."
As among females there ate some which"
are supenor to others, so there are also
some seasons when the female countenance
excels In loveliness. 1 have seen her
shine at the bali-rooin; and m all the vi
vacity and splendor of the assembly, par
taking in the common gayety and enjoy
ing the pleasures of the scene; with all the
ivehness of youthful spirits, j I have seen
het at the fireside, attending to (he rhahage
nierit of domestic concerns; while her
presence seemed tb banish care arid her
converse enlightened the family circle; I
have seen her-reposing m gentle Sleep;
when her eye was unconscious of my look;
when the gentleness of het slumbers told
that innocence was seated in her breast
but never 3-et did I see female so lovely as
when affliction had rent her bosom; and
had chased the smile from her cheek. :
Affliction, however; though it had deprive
fed her countenance bf its vivacity; had
ntess. Her eyes were uplifted; in cairn re
signation; as if imploring help from Him;
who is the father of the fatherless; and tne
comforter of the afflicted: !
A Paris letter states that tlie iadies of
that city have left off masks iat the balls
and assumed them in the streets. Thela
dies (he says) how wear oh their bonnets
a small black veil; which falls below the
chin, and is covered with such thick em
broidery that it i3 impossible to discover
the least feature of the face With that
they wear paletots of velvet or tloth; which
conceal the shape as well as the most dis
creet ddmiho, and absolutely; prevent the
lady being known by her shape. In this
costume, all of them seem cast id the same
mould : f
Horrible 'Death. Mr. John F.
Burn '8 a grocer iri -Baltimore, died ori
Tuesday last frot'il poisori tommunicated
to his system! by a horse afllcted with the
glanders'. About two weeke since', it ap
pearS that (he deceased during ah admin
istration of medicine; thrust id the animal's1
liiouth his hand; the middle firiger of which
had been previously tut, arid flesh laid 6
pen; Through this wound the poisonous
virus was absorbed, 1
Richmond Dispatch.
There is a man iri Troy so mean that
he never has anything to fit him. In pur
chasing boots or breeches, he always takes
the largest pair he cafi get for the money:
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