North Carolina Newspapers

ft AJLElCS IL 1 i! mmho CBBraiMnnanTi GIVE ME THE LIBERTY TO KNOW, TO UTTER, AND TO ARGUE FREELY, ACCORDING TO CONSCIENCE, ABOVE ALL OTHER LIBERTIES." Milto.y. NEW SERIES. R. I. WYNNE, Publisher. C. C. RABOTEAU, Editor. I RALEIGH, FRIDAY, JULY 30, 1852.-;;.' jU r-V 'rJ,v VOL, V: NO. 29 J ' TERMS. , The Times is issued erety Thursday, and mailed o subscribers at Two Dollars per annum, iu advance; Two Dollars and Fifty Cents if not paid in six mouths; and Three Dollars if payment be delayed to the end of the subscription year. 0 To Clubs, we will send Six Copies for Ten Dollars, and Twelve copies for Eighteen Dollars, When the nionev accompanies the order. ADVERTISEMENTS, Not exceed. nj fifteen lines, will be published one lime for One Dollar, and Twenty-five Cents for each Subsequent insertion. Court orders and Judicial Ad vertisements will he charged 5 per cent higher. A t-easonaiile deduction will be made to those who ad vertise by the year. lietters to the Editor must be post paid. Money for tho Office may be sent by mail at our risk, in pay Went for subscriptions, advertisements, jobs, &c. 0"OFFICEO.N FAVETTEV1U.E ST., ONE JJOOH. BELOW t-OST OFFICE . SPEECH OF : B. F. MOORE, ESQ., " BEFORE T II E YoUAG LIENS' SCOT? & GKAIIAM CLUB, Raleigh, Jult 13th, 1852. Raleigh, July 14, 1S52. Dear Sir : I luve received yours o! this date, witten on behalf of the " Scott and Gra ham Club," requesting ma to prepare for the Press, the remarks I made at their meeting on yesterday pveniiisj. ' I do not feci myself at liberty to refuse any thing, which, in the opinion of friends so true to our cause, may lend to disabuse the Whig Parly of calumny, or the distinguished gentleman whom it has nominated for President whose dia dem, bright ars it is, is his national renown, of the charge so humiliating both to himself and his ' country, of leading a factious fanaticism agiinst the integrity of the Union. '-. I shall take the liberty of adding some topics and amplifying others. Very truly youra, 13. i MOORE. Seaton Gales, Esq. Mil. PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS OF THE SCOTT AND GRAHAM CLUB: The candidates of t'he two great parties are now In-fore the public. I take the occasion to dissent in advance, from the presentaiion of any other Ticket, and to say, southern man as I am, that al this moment of time, I should greatly regret to see a Union Ticket, as is announced by the pa pers, spring up in the State of Georgia. Sir, there was an occasion for that ticket; but I thank n ' ind providence, it has passed away. The dan ger of disunion from fanaticism at the North is now felt by very few, and in truth, so distant, at present, do we all regard that perii, that we but give it importance by noticing it at all. True, it is wisdom to see and avoid danger at a distance ; but it is as unwise, to fall into a panic, and so in vite the danger, as to allow it to overtake us un- prepared. 1 should feel much more unhappy than do this night, if I thought that any danger threa tening the integrity of the Republic demanded a partv secession to ward off the hidden blow. Sir, the Shepherd who never watched his fljck but lost his sheep, and the Shepherd who eternally cried, in danger-ami out of danger, wolf, wolf, fated none the belle. To us all the Union must become cheap indeed, when its protection falls into the hands of one or two State. In the hour of peril, Georgia won from the Jrfouth a tribu:eoi" gratitude when she destroyed a party tendency to sustain the madness of her sister. 1 trust that her own domestic quiet does not now need this extra ordinary isola'ion; and :f that be not the case, I hope that she will nut continue to disturb the re pose of the Confederacy, by sounding in the hour of security, the tocsin of alarm fitted only to a wa ken in the moment of danger. For one, Sir, 1 do not admit that she is the Levite of the confedera cy, and, by authority invested with the great guar dianship of the Ark of the Covenant. Relieving that there is no danger to the Union except from those who may hereafter create it, nor seeing any thst is likely to spring up in the North, I can but regard the antouncement of" such danger, graveiy made, as a most unfortunate event, well calcula ted by first cheapening iis vulueultimately to destroy its bonds. Having embraced the political creed of a Whig 8s early as I dared to trust that my convic tions were the result of judgment; having at all times been a warm admirer of that mostdisinter csted pa not and noblest of statesmen, Henry Clay, jind never at any time having had such a pro found and venerated esteem and reverence for him, as in his last great struggle for the adjust ment ol the slavery question; sympathising with him in all his anxieties for the safety of the Union, and regarding the Compromise as the great achievement of his life, and fit to crown the great er repiiiatioi, I detarminej to ' support . no 1 man for President, who I did not believe would : snpport, maintain and defend the principles of the Compromise, as sacredly a he ought to suppurt, maintain and defend the Constitution of the Union. With much anxiety therefore to secure a sound Whig candidate for the Presidency, did I look into the character of those who were likely to come before the Convention. My preference for JIf. Fillmore was too decided to allow any other man to share it with him. He had proved to the Nation that he was abundantly equal to the task, both of bis head and his heart, to adminisier the government faithfully and impartially, in defiance of factions, frowns and favors, wherever they might be, or from whatever quarter they might come. Ca led to the Presidency by a casualty, and in the very midst of the alarming crisis when, tha elements of strife seemed ready to devour the Ship of State, he called to Ins aid as noble a crew of patriots as ever trod a deck in the hour of danger, and laying his hand firmly on the wheel, he put her head directly under the light of the Constitution. With unmoved eye and steady hand, which was bu' the better nerved by the im pending peril, he rode right through the storm, leaving on the one hand, the yawning gulpn of Fanaticism, and on the ether its no less dreaded fellow of Secession and Disunion, till he gained the smooth and open sea, and, once more, in an hour of joy from forecastle to stern, from her decks and from her yards, was heard the swelling shout " all is -well " There were on board' that ship many noble volunteers;but one there was by com mon consent nobler far than all, whose elarionvoice rung out from the tempest, words of duty, cour age and perseverance; that voice we shall hear no more; but its earnest tones yet linger o.i the ear like the memory of a fathers dying blessing. Sir, it was in this moment, when all might have been lost. by delay or indecision, that 31 r. lull more ascended to the chair of Washington. The mantle of the departed sage fell on his shoulders, aid al' was saved, feuch an exhibition ol patri. olic statesmanship secured my warmest adiuira.- tion, and my ondying gratitude, ana, tsir, I em brace with these sentiments every man who brought his tribute to the altar of the noble cause. High in my favor, and as high as Mr. Fillmore, stands that man of three score and ten, the giant of intellect, in statesmanship without a superior, in patriotism as large as his country, in eloquenca. now without a rival, who brought to the trial, on behalf of that country, all that God had given htm, and all that fortune, had bestowed. - Nothing -nothing, Sir, but a desire to reward the well tried merit of the President, and to encourage a similar devotion in others, influenced me to postpone the claims of Mr. Webster to those of Mr. Fillmore. Nor, Mr. President, can I forget the gratitude I owe to the Chief of the American Annie , who, though all his lite, he has abstained through a feel ing ot commendable propriety, from an effort to ex ercise theinflucnce of hisgreat position onthelegis la live affairs of his country, nevertheless deemed that to be an occasion , fit for an exception to his gener al ruie of conduct. That ardentdevotion to hiscoun try, which has marked his great and honored ca reer for forty four years of a service, performed without the Union, as vt3'! as wilMii every part of it, did nt.t allow, when the integrity ofhis Country was menaced by internal discord, that hand to bs idle, whose great employment had been to de fend it. His advocacy of the Compromise meas ures, with all his influence, was so open, ardent and constant, that it became obnoxious to many of those who sought to engraft the principles of free-snilism on the legislation of Congress. Gov. Cleveland, a distinguished leader in the democrat ic wing-of the free-soil parly, in a recent speech in Congress, thus bears testimony against Geu'l. Scott. . " " General Scott was, by Mr. Fillmore, placed temporarily at the head o"f the Wsr Department, and, in that position, coupled with his great mil itary fame, was able to, and did, exert a powerful influence in favor of these Compromise measures. " I desire to do justice to the man who has been arraigned here, and charged with hostility to these measures, or at least that he did not, or does not, commit himself in favor of them. Justice to that distinguished Whig requires of me that I should say he could not have done more. He was as ac tive a man as could be found in getting these Compromise measures passed. I was here, and heard from every quarter that General Scott was as active and energetic m his efforts as any man in Washington, and never did a man labor har der than General Scott t prevail upon the Free soil membe.s of the Whig p:irty to abandon their position and to adopt the Compromise as a meas ure ol the new administration. . " These measures were passed mainly through the influence of Clay, Fillmore, Webster, Scott, Foote, and Cobb. These were the men who car ried them through, and every man who was in the last Congress knows it." Now, Mr. President. I think it more than likely, thai, if" I had bem a Whig of Massachusetts or of New England, I should have supporled Mr Web ster in preference to any man living. The great distinction of the Chief Magistracy which he had so riciily earned was to be bestowed in this cam paign, or, in all probability, never. Nor, is it a matter of wonder with me, that General Scott, who has been a VVhig from the earliest existence of the party, through all its fortunes, should have been the choice of New York. There is no State in the Union that owes him so heavy a debt of gratitude, and none which, at all times, has been so ready to g'eel hispresence. Can any one who knows the American heart, or can appreciate with proper sensibilities, the greatest favors, feel astonished at such a preference? The war of 1312 is not yet forgotten. The insult to the fhig of the Nation with a series of continued wrongs had fired to the highest heat of indignation the heart of America. - Weak in her maritime, with an immense defenceless coast to protect, it was the early and favorite policy of the Administra tion to strike the enemy on land. The Canadas lay on our borders, and a river only divided them from New York. The invasion and subjugation of those provinces was resolved on. Under a be lief lhat the subjects of the British crown wan led only a pretext to declare their independence, our material for war was cencenrrated for the great enterprise. Proclamations" were issued to. invite the people to revolt; and such was the gasconade of these papers, that the Nation was in vited to look for splendi I victories and extensive conquests before a hostile foot had touched the suil. Rut the first news was that of defeat, sur render and disgrace outrage heaped on outrage remained unavenged and our bold threats h"d but sunk us in deeper disgrace. The army was gone. The borders of New York were open lo the enemy; and the spirit ol the Nation fell, as her flag was trailed in the dust. Jn the midst of, t his humiliation a young soldier appears on the stage of War, in rank but a captain, but in ardor enthusiasm, daring, hope, energy, patriotism and skill, every thing. In an instant the banner is raised aloft on the fields of its d shonor the younr officer proudly bears it in the storm of wir. The fear dies away that American soil will drink American blood -but ci British soil he pours out his own, as from victory to victory, he speeds ids onward inarch over the bloody flights and ensan guined plains of the confines of Canada. The people of New York freed from the alarm of Ihe invader witness and share the splendid achievements of ihe young caplain. With their own eyes tney see his deeds, with their own fiands they engage under bis lead, a.i together they re joice again to behold ihe ensigti of their country, wasneu ol its insult, in the blood ot the foe. Jew York has never forgotten tiie hour of her peril, nur the vxan thai delivered her: and to say that he owes his popularity, Uiere, to Seward, is lo slander her gratitude or be ignorant of the common history ol the timet. In my humble judgment, to-day, and in this canvass, he could snatch that State from the united efforts to the contrary, of Seward and both the Van Burens. backed though they might be by the presses of Greely and Bryant." Twenty five years after the war of 1812, when the whole State of New York became inflamed at the affair of the Caroline, and by her course, caus ed the most serious alarm to be felt by the Gen eral Government as to ihe maintenance of peace with Great Britain-and when to them there was no'hing which was likely to save us from the is sue of war, but to appease the popular passions of aa aroused mid determined people, General Scott was tiie man selected of the whole Nation to effect this delicate object? And why? Sir, why was not some one of New York's own fa vorite sons who had long enjoyed the confidence of the p?ople? Only because there was no man in the Union who had such ' unbounded control over the popular will of New York as Winfield Scott. . f '-. ; The mission was performed with consummate address, and elicited the highest demonstrations of public approval; and in no place, was he mo'e warmly greeted than in the Capitol of the Stale, daring the then Session ol the Legislature. At nc time from the war of 18V2, to the war with Mexico, has General Scott passed through New York, without meeting, at every step, with the most lively public exhibitions of a deep seated affection for his person and unbounded admiration for the lustre he had there shed on the American name. How much higher position he holds in their bosoms, since he laid open the gates of Mex ico, I need ask those, only, who have heart en ough to rejoice in ihe renown ol tiieir own bene--.. iJCUrr aiid ihuac of their cuuulrv. I have not, Mr. President, set myself to the task of spreading before you the achievements of General Scott, but to show that, above all men he was likely to be, and, in fact was, the favorite ofNew York. She owed him a debt of gratitude, whichi as iu the case of Mr. Webster, was then to be paid, or never, with the Chief Magistracy. The charge that he has been brought forward by Seward, is as baseless in fact, as the original motive of making it vas cunnrng and unjust. It is vastly nearer the truth, lhat Seward is but blowing his breath into sails already inflated with thepopular gale, than that he is iEolus.him- self. Scott has never stooped unsoiaier-itue, io living man; nor abased himself, for favor, lo any power that has ever existed in the land. His whole public life has been a scene of arduous duty and splendid resul s; and, if the partisan critic may here and there gather up an indiscreet expres sion, I defy the efforts of opposition lo point lo an unwise deed. . Recalled from the Florida war, and subjected by President Jackson to a Court of in quiry, because he did not finish it in a single cam-, paigii, ho breathed the spirit of a-.freeman too. proud, and too indeppnjenr, ever to be led by Sewatd, when, in his noble defence, he dared to rebuke the intolerance of that temper which had prostrated, under the odium of the popular feeling, (which General Jackson could so power fully command to execute all his purposes, the mighty names of Clay and Calhoun and Webster. And although there Was a triumphant acquittal, too proud was that man of; the iron nerve, and too obsequious to follow in his footsteps, was his successor, to retract the wrong, End restore the Coh.mander in Chief tu his lawful position in war: and it took six more years. with able gcuerais to lead,-to. end that onecavpaigri war. Anu, Mr. President, hi what period harmony with this littleness of partisan and persona! rau cour, was the conduct of him, who, as ihe young hickory of Hie Nation, sought, first, to snatch away the legitimate command of the army in Mexico, by the appointment over Scott, of a Lieutenant General, who might bear off the laurels of the war; and when the wretched scheme had been indignantly rebuked by the people and his glory in that war had ascended to its zenith, next sought to obscure its effulgence, by humiliating and harrassing the veteran with court martials, both abroad and at home. . " I am sorry lo know, that this unbecoming spir it of persecution, like ail the other bad passions of party, has descended as an inheritance; and, among certain leaders, is violent just in propor tion to his prosper of success. Let them rave tin; Scott's fortune is far above their reaehjhis history is written on the scroll of" our Eagle; and where er that Eagle may go, on whatsoever land, or over whatsoever sea, the name of the daring young captain of Queenstovvn bights, and the snowy hea ded Chief of Churuhusco, as it is home along in his flight, will but make our emblem bud mount yet nearer to the sun. Mr. President, our opponents began this strat egy with no small degree of cunning. Conscious that they had some, and a large proportion of the very worst material bf free soiiism in their ranks, and having ascertained that Seward, with the great body of New York, would support General Scott, Ihey sought to identify the General with the odiou- name of this Senator; first, that they might escape reproach themselves; and secondly, that they might destroy . the Whig party of the South: and forthwith with a mst extraordinary degree of assurance, they hoisted for themselves the Compromise flag, and for Scot'., the flag o! a free-soiler. Se ardent was our attachment - to Fillmore, that we were even content that they should decry Scott. Our object was to secure our preference; and so long1 was the Democratic press permitted to play this game unrebuked, that, while they were at all" times ready, with all their host of fiee-soiiers torailyaround their nominee, whether he might be among the known or unknown, wi found ourselves, on the nomination of Scott, brought right up to a stand still. -Long ago, in private conversation. I denounced the scheme to m v friends. I saw, thai on the meeting of Con gress, the Whig party had, in their : caucus, passed resolutions approving tiie Compromise, and thai our opponents, in .their s, immediately ' following, had failed and refused to do so. To me the purpose was obvioti-: it was to entice the free-soil Whigs to break froni their party and stand aloof on national politics, or by leaving open their door, to quietly introduce them into the Democratic fold. So commenced the gams for the free-soil vote. The Whigs were the first to plant themselves on the high ground of the Compromise, and this stand .as followed invue dia.tely by a Democratic refusal to imitate the ex ample. Even then, with this beam in their ye the Southern Deinocra's had the hardihood to dent if) the Whigs with Sewardism. Mr. President, it is time that We should treat the Bubj'ect of slivery with more philosophy. We know that every man in a lree State bdJs slavery to be un evil, and, if General Scort has said that much so has General Pierce. So had Martin Van Buren, (and voted it too.) when he was elected to the Presidency. So did Robert G. Walker, although a Senator from .Miss:ssip pi. In fact, if ; we mean to exclude from the Chief Magistracy, every man who entertains thai conviction, it is most certain, that more than half the people are politically disfranchised. Now, Sir, those who are for excluding from their party, at this lime, air the free-soilers of the country, must, if. they have reflected, have contemplated the certain dissolution of the Union; and are en gaged in employing, in my judgment, means.the most effectual to that end. ; The free-soil party of the country is a very large body of men, who have among ihem all the elements for a National greatness; they have wealth, education, industry, manufactures, commerce, agriculture, arts and science, courage and religion nevertheless, they are opposed to the introduction, by their votes, of any other slave territory into the. Union; thiseppo sition.withsome, is political, with others, religious, with others, as they say, natural ; with more yet, it is political, religious and natural. But, whether arising from theone or theother or all of these great impulses of human action, it ia capable of concen tration into the highest intensity of zeal, of becom ing the f-ne and the' ony-idea .of humanity- Such is Ihe. material with which a Union' man hui to deal, m his political associations, in this confederacy. But these freesoil-men are also alive to the gene. ral policy of the government, respecting the numerous subjects of legislation which affect man in all other relations of life they are grow ers of bread and tnanufacturers of cloth their various pursuits to attain the comforisand happi ness of existance originate a thousand differen ces of opinion, which, in their judgment, should Tegulate the actions of governmeut. On these subjects they are divided among themselves, and each of (he divisions fondly seeks a union wiih similarity of sen' iment in whatever quarter of the country it may be found. . - ' Now, the whole question With a Union.-man is this : Is il policy to ostracise the enure free soil parly ; to disown them, and deny them a com.' nron participation -with U3 in the eleclion of a President, and so drive them sa way iuto a party , with one idea for iheir motto, and one persecuted sentiment for .their rallying point? Or, is it better to divide 'them among the two great parties ; which, not differing as to anything, except what, in the judgment of each, may best lead to the great ends of government, may take alternate tri umphs, without loss of liberty or Union, It those who compose that portion of ihe confed eracy were, to-daVj excluded from an equal and constitutional participation in the jifiaira of the government, they would, in a month, make a par. ty, whose fanaticism, stimulaled by ihe indignity, would control, or shatter the Union into frag' ments. My policy therefore, is to manage fhem to divide . them, arid thus conquer the danger, to engage them on other matters of policy ; to magnify other ideas, and so to weaken that of freesoilism. ; And I take it as a providential favor, that these men cannot see alike on the other in teresting political subjects. To-night, if in my power, I would number every soul of them, and make an equal division between the parties. 1 would give Seward and take Rantoul ; or if my political opponents in their candor should think the bargain for them too good, I Would allow them to keep one of the Van Burens as boot for the present. I would divide the Presses too; and, to make the trade even, 1 wouio put on one side Horace Greely of tho Tribune, with the next best to him, and T ant of the Post, on the oth er; and, as to all other ot the said free soilers. I would weigh ...and. deliver thera equally to the parties, according to the strictest rule of equity; and to keep up a perpeti'al balance, 1 would re new the division at every presidential election. Mr. President, most devoutly do I thank God, that they are not only divisible, bnt actually dii vided ; and here lo night, I promise on behalf of Gen. Scoit, lhat he -will take a great deal better care of Seward, than President Polk did of Mair tin Van Cnren. Such is the disposition which I would make of that faction, and so the relative strength of the great parties would remain cnaflecled, while that of the faction would be annihilated. , But there is indeed, little prospect during this canvass of any division ot the kind. The. reported sen timet, i ' of Gen. Pierce, uttered as recently cs January fast (and published at the time) in a public speech de livered at New Boston, forbid the hope. The free-soilers who deify the one idea of negro eman cipation and pursue it aa ;he end of living, can do nothing less than give to him iheir support He who avails hitnsolf of a public occasion to de clare in the midst ot the home ot .fanaticism.':.. 7 : " I have been asked if I liked this Fugitive Slave Isiw. I answered JVo. I LOATH ED IT. I HAVE A MOST REVOLTING FUELING AT THE GIVING UP OF A SLANE THE LAW IS OPPOSED TO HUM AM'i'Y," wili and must gather around; him every one of the faction whi venerate their fanatical principles more than they do the dignity end honor of their country. ' Mr. President, rny attention within the last fortnight, was called to a rumor stolen from the wires, that some dreadful stroke, was preparing to descend on the Whig Party. In a few days afterwards, appears a cird signed by eertain rep. resenlatives in Congress, anion'-whom I recog nise names that 1 have loved lo admire Ste phens and Toombs of Georgia, Kit Williams and Gentry of Tennessee. Believing fully a3 I do, that the ticket is entirely safe, notwithstand ing this defection from its snpport, nevertheless, the failure of such men to act with the pirty, in which they have shone as brilliant lights, was enough to induce me to read most attentively, their reasons for so unusual a course. I have done, so; aud, with all respect for the judgment of these distinguished men, I announce my unhesi tating conviction to be, that thev have been un just to Gen. Scott ; unjust therefore, to the coUii-r try, whose annais rre has so mucn adotneu; anu unjust to themselves. Their reasons are briefly, but fully slated, and when specified, are four : 1. That Gen. Scott absolutely refused, up to the time of his nomination, to give any:, public opinion in favor of the Compromise. 2 Nor has he since Vie nomination, made any declaration of his approval of those measures, as a final adjustmenioJ the martersthereinemttraeed. 3. lhat he had in substance said, (it) a letter or I suppose) ;hat slavery was an evil, and, 4. Thai his policy, if elected, '".'would be .warped and shaped to conform to the views of the Free soilers. . Lt it be borne in mind, that these gentlemen are entirely satisfied with the Whig 'Platform. Now sir, I propose demonstrate that each and every objection is without any foundation, if we could suppose, even, as they do, that ths " known incidents" of his long public lite, bear with them no evidence, that he would be loyal to the Constitution, and the peace aud happiness of his country. 1. Gen. Scott 'did not reluse, either absolutely, oro.herwise, up to the time of his nomination, to give any public opinion in favor of the Compro mise. -- And now to the proof. t ; 1. In the midst of the exertions of Mr. Clay upon his measures of Compromise, to. wit : On 25:h Feb 1850, a very large meeting of ihe citi zens of New York assembled at Castle Garden. " lo consult upon measures fjr lh( 'preservation of tho l iii'in." Three resolutions were introduced. The first declares an ardent devotion to the Union, and denounces its destruction as ' a t;i- ijanticcrimeajainst ilte peace, prosperity andjree- uom of mankind. The second calls the attention of the lovers of tht! Union to the preamble and resolutions of Air. Clay- - "; The third is as follows: llcsolcel, That, in view of above considera tions, He acceid an ilte has is of a Compromise, the preamble and resolutions as introduced by Mr. Clai, in the henale of Uiz L ruled Mates, on the Villi of Jan. 1850. Gen. Scott was present, and this was ih&rfirst party meeting he had attended in forty-two years. Hisspeechontheoccasioii hastheseexpressions: "I am charmed with the good feeling, and uni versal patriotism which this meeting lias exhibi ted ; and God grant that you may devise some plan losave the Union to which we all, in heart and soul, are so much attached." . " Feeling that it (the Union) was in jeopardy, and that the meeting had assembled io promote harmony and preserve the Union, I came here." "I am not an Aboliliouist, uor an adcocafof Slavery. I came not here as a Democrat or i'uiy. But when the cry is that the Union is in danger, and a rally is made 10 support it, I icould liare beenacoicardand ' recreant, i if ' I had ntt also rallied "Of whatsoever value may be the remainder of uiy life, I would give it in support of the Union I hope I may not live to see its dissolution ; but, if unable to avert its fate, I would be buried be neath its ruins !" . ."The meeting then adjourned wiih three cheers for the Union and Compromise." .' ! No sir, will 'any fair-minded man assert that here is not a public endorsement of ihe object and proceedings of that vast assemblage of pairi otic citizens? In explicit language, he tells the public, that the purposes of this meeting drew him io it, after abstaining from party meet ings for ioriy-t wo years. Did he attend any Free-soil meeting, or give them any encourage ment by his presence? No sir, he went there with his heart in his hand. . t- - A"uin Did he not allow his friends in Con gress, time after time before the nomination, to rise and speak, aa of their knowledge.thal he was prepared to endorse the uompromisfras i; nan passed: and is not this equivalent to giving pub licity to his opinion on the subjeet? : What man of honor would not scorn to allow his friends to fill the country with falsehoods on his behalf, to the end that he might betray both theiri had the Republic ? t . :"-':. 1 "- -4 -" - Again Does Gov. Cleveland af.snrt falshood when he -says: f nyis here (in, Washington, D. C.,) and never did a man UOor harder than Gen. Scott , to prcn.-nl on the Free-soil members of the Whig I arty to abandon tictr posuoii, and to adopt the Compromise, as a measure of the new Administration. . , If these be not incidents in a man's life point ing to something, and that something definite it is difficult to iuow -'what an incident is.: 2 Gen. Scott-has since the nomination, made a declaration of his approval of ihe Compromise measures, as a final "'adjustment:- of ihe matters therein embraced if good Eng!ish4bo yet the standard vehicle of a, man's thoughts. And now to the proofs. ; '": - 1. Ha declares: Iaccept the nomination with tiie resolutions annexed," Of this language I have something to say presently. 2. He declares : That the political principles and measures laid down in the resolutions, (Plat form) are so br --ad, that tut little is left for me to add! And then proceeds to suggest and add two measures, of which the Platform had not treated, to wit: The dposal to be made of the Public Lauds and a rale for naturalizing foreign er3, w-ho have served faithfully in the Army or Navy for a year. What does he mean by fuldiny two new measures to the Platform ? Does he mean to subtract any or all the ethers from those 1 When he adds the measures of his own suggestion to those cf the resolutions of the Con vention, does he not make the whole his own ? Is that the; language used lo effect a division of the question ? 3. He dselares : " For my strict adherence to the principles of the Whig party, as expressed in the resolutions of the Convention, and herein suggested, &c,'I can offer t:o other pledge or guarantee, than the known incidents of a long public life." Again, he introduces the measures suggested by himself, which he proposes to add to the PLi form le-iolut.ons, and otters precisely the same pledge for loth - Now, what are the incidents of a man's long public lite, but the material for his public charac ter? They constitute the character itself. And any man, not seeking ; for quibbles in language, interprets the phrase to mean a pledge ot las public character for a strict adherence to the "Whig principles as expressed in the resolutions." The card makes Gen. Scotr speak folly. It says, " among the incident? of his life, there is not one, so far as we are awareof, in favor of the principles of the Compromise." Did the Gen., mean to say, I pledge the battle of Chippewa, or of Chspultepec, for a s::icl adherence to Whig principles? These are incident. Or did; he mean to pledge the fame of his long public life? How could one interpret the expression in the meaning of the card ! Or if such interpretation were admissible, we eould not expect to find the principles of the Compromise in the great iiici denis that constitute a '-hero's life, unless th.?y might be found in his admitted devotion to ihe Union ; or in that declaration of his at Castle Garden, that he was no Abolitionist: or, in that other declaration there made, that he does not call himself " a citizen of the North or the South, of the East or West;" or, in tiie fact thai he attended lhat great gathering, tssesnlled to re commend the Compromise measures' of Mr. Clay ; or in the fact, staled by Gov. Cleveland, that," in that position, (Secretary of War.) coupled with his great military f.jiue, he was able to, and did exert a powerful influence in favor of the Corn pioiuise measures." 3. The third charge that he had,in eubs!ancc,pro nounced slavery an evil, I might leave without a word. I introduce it but to show the character of the commentary by the signers' of the card. It is a stretch of opposition which neither party has ever made or can make, without striking sixteen States from all fu' ure candidacy for President. Exclusion to this extent, is DISI'XIOX! 4. The charge, that his policy, if elected, irould bo tcarped end slittped'tv coujorm-io the civics of the frec-soiicrs, is calculated . to surprise every than who knows that the signers of the card were wit ling 'to trust to the pledges of GcG. Scptt. One compliment the card bestows on the General. True, it is given .by implication,'- but It is given anil given slring!y. That 'compliment is to his truih. He will nut open his '-mouth, s ay they, to endorse the Compromis :, because ho has not re solved n I'. ocitii it. Now, MV. Piesident, there is not a man smong all the freeS Kl party, who did not certainly know that President Fillmore was prepared, if need tncre -might have been, to execute the fugitive, law, with the' whole army of the Union; and that Sec' t was n ady to lead it to the siene, where, ever it might be.; . .' Nor was there one, who, on the 21th day of Juno 1S52, did not know that that bw was still in force, and had received every where, the judi cail sanction ot its constitutionality from the high Courts of the laud. Now, hear what Gen. Scoti says in his letter of acceptance, of that dale. Convinced that harmony or good icill t-et ween the diff-re.it quarters of our bro-td country is essen tial to ihe present and future iniereUs of the lie. public, and with a devotion to those 'tnteftsts that can Lnuw no Huuti anu no Aorlti, l siiouu iieaner countenance nor tolerate any sedition, disorder, faction. or resistance to the law or toe Luton, on any pretest, in any part, of the land; and I should carry into the civil administration this one princi ple of military conduct obedience to the legisla tive and judicial departments, of Government, each in its Constitutional sphere.' Who will say- the free soil party did net under stand this part of the letter? W hy if there were ob scurity elsewhere, here is a light ih it opens every eye and leaves th:it faction no oleam of hope "to ihape his counsels or 'conform his views. But sir, I will return to dispose ol the Second charge, thai, he has refused to endorse the platform. " accept," says he, "the noni i nation with the reso lutions annexed." " That is," says the card, "he lakes the nomination cum oniie, as an individ ual lakes an estate with ulialever incumbrances it may be loaded.' This really smells so much of the special plead ing of an advocate, that a man might well begin to doubt, before he began to examine. ; None but a cj viiling critic would ever have so miscon strued plain good English. By what authority is it declared that the expression, '-'with the resolu tions,"' signifies incumbrance ? When the reso lmions are proved lo be an incumbrance to Gen. Scott,' then we must adm.t them to be so, bad English as the phrase would be. Pray, what dif ference in meaning is there between."-these ex pressions ' I accept the resolutions with the "nomination," and '! accept the nomination with the resolutions ?" If the former had been used, would the English sense have been lhat the nomination was an incumbrance 1 If not. the coinmentarv of the card is silly. We may now expect to hear the Gene'ial asked if he realiy meant what be said ; or with being charg ed with saying what ho did not mean. Retook bread wiih wine ; isthe wine an incum brance? It is a common phrasej and means exactly that he look bread and wine. It is a common mode of employing the preposition "uifi,"in the place of. the conjunction, "and .' So that, he accepted the nomina:ion and the resolutions.' But in what ever form you cast the phrase, I assert that if Gen. Scott understood the words used by himself, he has endorsed the platform with his heart. 1 did not, Mr. P., suppose, till I saw ihe card, that seven members of Congress, of the acknowledg. ed lasroin public speaking which .throe of thein, at least, enjoy, could be ignorant of the universal meaning of the word accept. -According lo Walker and Sheridan, it means lo take with pleasure, to receive kindly: Ac cording lo Johnson to lake Willi plessure. to re ceive kindly to admit with approbation ; Ac cording to Webster to take or reteive what is offered with a consenting mind,toadmit with ap probation or favor According to Daily to re ceive favorably or kindly. If tfaeWhigs of theSouthlosltheirchoice of men, their conventiondid neither abase thoirdignity, nor betray their constituents. TheSnge; ;:f apublicopin ion,most dehberatelyespressed, pointed to exalted namesonly, for the Presidency. f'Mlmore.JWeb. ster, Scot t, were names of reno'. h, not only a.. cross the continent, but beyond ti e wide waters of the seas.- Their ripe fame had been al. ready transferred to the page of history to confer the presidency on any of them, was to reward ex traordinary merit and great public service per formed for, and acknowledged by, millions of free men. Out of these three, the country expected a selection, and so the selection tvas made. Tho struggle for the choice was long and harassing but ealm aud dignified. Under the high impulse of patriotism and mutual forbearance, they pre served their temper and discretion, and when ihe protracted contest demanded a sacrifice, it was made with grace to themselves, and '.without in dignity to the rejected, or insult to popular pre ference. The name lhat was selected may be re peated with pride, in whatever laud our country is known. But how humihating to the country are the re sults of the opposing Convention. Willi as many as four men of high distinction before the public of admitted ability, of wide renown, experien ced as statesmen. tried and greatly approved in high office by the party, and tried on the Com-' promise, they were all presented as favorites of the people, and all discarded by the Convention. I And why was this done? Not thai it was expected or "wished I7 the people, nor that it was the calm and considerate decision cf the Convention. -That body had bailotted thirty seven times ben tween these great leaders of the party; and by the collisions of rivalry, had degenerated into little ; factions with heated feeling and partisan hates, too jealous to unite, and too obstinate to yield . ! Each faction in its turn, demanding aud refu ing concession, the voice of the people and the dictates cf patriotism were alike unheeded; aud Mt last 10 end the ignoble strife and save each clan from ihe disgrace of a defeat, they agreed to sac rifice lite wush.es and expectations ol the people 0,1 theaitar of faction. They immolated Cass and Douglas, jjuchanfin and Houston, their he roes and fT.eir sages, r.nd sought for a man loo obscure to have, or to be a rival. Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire was the man, the untimely biilh of petty factions! A gentleman. Who hy descent, education and public opportunity, had been stimulated to' exhibit his utmost capacity, and yet. at the age of fifty four years, had done not a single deed with his pen, his sword, or his tongue, that raised him above the level of a hun dred thousand of his countrymen. Such a fruit was the legitimate production of petty factions,that had not patriotism enough to to make for the good of their country even a sacrifice to rival' merit. ' This is the second example, within the last eight years, of deliberate insult to talents, merit and great public service, lis baneful effect on the honora ble aspirations of 'faithful - publis men, cannot go long without" repressing all praiseworthy ambi tion for distinction, and '.withdrawing from the national head, the profound respect" which ever attaches, to the chief .Magistrate of a nation gov erned by public ser.ttmont. The action of the Ci nyentious has passed into Ilislorj. Let the nation read it with profit, before it be too late. t Mr. President, no one in ihe State has yet been unwise enough to assail ihe character cr Whig sentiments of Gov. Graham. The services of his younger days have been performed before our eyes, as those of Scott were enacted iu the pres ence of New Yoik. And as it is easier lo strike at Gen. Scott with all the shield of his national re nown around him, at a distance, than at Gov. Graham at hand, 0 tho party who have ever met an overmatch in the Gov., resolve now 10 pros Irate him for ever. The opportunity ia too tempt ing to partizans, who have received so many de feats at his hands, and whose prime of life and eminent talents, and solid popularity, place him directly m the pathway of nil their" hoDes. Let 'thf. J'rkrJt of Graham, lhat purest of public men, bew'ire ;' his insidious fas. . Tiie opponents', of Scott have attempted to a ro'use tiie jealousies of the citizen against, milita ry chieftains, 'the alarm is affected, the warning is hypocrisy. If it bs sincere, they were disloy al io the republic when first they broke on the sa cred ground with the hero of New Orleans and gave up the country captive into his hands. Ever since that day, the struggle against military chieftains has been growing weaker, un til the popular mind has been so much fed with the glory of battle, that the objection is now only felt by a few. I, Mr. President, am one of.; that few. But where should 1 go to iook for a rally ? Among the democracy 1 They are ail too busy in lauding the fame of Andrew Jackson, and in flating the military adventures of Franklin Pierce. If I turn to the Whigs, their answer is, that in that issue they have been conquered by their op ponents, and the question is settled.- What then am I to do? To disfranchise myself of ail par ticipation ;n the choice of a President ? I shall not do that, but rather, when two generalsare in the field, will I select the general of eminence. "Since the preparation for the press, of the foretroins. the Standard, with the appearance of dissent from the meaning I have given to tiie word accept, proffersto lend ihe Club Crabbe's Synony mes. 1 had consulted thai book before, but only to ascertain if there could be found a single work on the definition of words, that questioned ihe received meaninst of "accept." I accept Crabbe. He says, "10 receive, simply excludes the idea of refusal; to accept, includes the idea of consent. We may receive with indifference, or reluctance; but we accept with willingness." Thus, as fre quently happens in Legislative proceedings, one offers a proposition, and another an amendment, which, if it please the former, he accepts. And this is the lerm universally used to signify that ihe amendment is agreeable to ihe first proposer: tSo extraordinary was the nomination of Gui. Pierce, lhaf.bis biographer has deemed it necessary to attribute it to a providential escape of the coun try from the "intrigues" .and "demagogueism'' of the political aspirants of the party at Baltimore. At chapter 43, page 45, of his life published by Cornish, Lamport, & Co., II. Ixing and Brothers, New Y"ork, on the 9th of June, it is thus accoun ted for: "The fact is, that the time had come in " this country, when we had been surfeited with " statesmanship, and demagogueism had nearly " proved the ruin of the Republic. The strugoles "and the strifes vf cliques and intrigues,! he tricks " of political juggler!;, and the corruption of fac ". lions had gone so far prominent public men .'' were either suspected or disliked in various sec " tions of the country, or, pure anu noble as many " of thera may have been, they had been so long " before the Nation, that it is not strange that the " Baltimore Convention shou'd have left the im " mediate circle ot active and prominent politi " cians, and looked a way to a distance, to see what f raan Heaven had trained up and been leading by " its mysterious hand to the summit of power." Within my recollection there has been, besides this, bul one oilier instance of such obvious in terference by Providence iu the affairs of the par ty; and 1h.11 was -in the selection of the Heaven born Amos Kendall to bi fourth auditor of the Trea&uty Urpaitotuul. If lean do no better thing, I will approve my gratitude to hiru.who has conquered the enemies of my country ,and spread over the wide wcrld :ls military renown to hfm wto in tl'e battle field is themountain storm,' andin ihechamberoi afflic tion and death, the gentle a.igelof charily id turn who wins amidst ha70S and blood, the lau rels of war ; and in the silent and dreadful scenes of plague, receives a garlaad from the hand of pity. In thus bestowing my choice, I cul not insen sible lo the high civil qualifications of Gen. Scott. For twenty five years, have I known his public career, and during all lhat iirtie, he has enjoyed the reputation, not only of a preat captain, but cf a profound public'st; of being well versed in tho political affairs of his country, and deeply read in its history. Such acquisitions were absolute ly necessary to a commanding general, whose p'osition as chief, placed hiui substantially over the bureau of war. 1 I doubt not his ample ctri ;ia?icaf6'JW" ybrtitr" tfjice ; and tkat he vastly exceeds Gen. pierce in every requisite to constitute the gruat funiiionary of the nation in time of peae. J. doubt 1101 ijia entire devotion to ihe Uniou- nor do I doubt lhat he will faithfully guard, protect and defend thocs great measures of compromise, which the dying patriot bequeathed, as his last gift, 10 his country men. And as, throughout fcis life, his private character has been without reproach, and as a cit izen and a soldier, he has always bowed before ihe luaiesly of the lav.' with the reverence of the" heart, I doubt not he will ask of hi3 fellow citizens no other duty thansuchas : is performed best, vhen performed in the imitation of his own esample; Such are mv views; and under iheir ini!uen:e, I invoke lo the banner we lmfo raised of Winfibd Scott and William A. Graham, cTcry man who would reward high public' merit with public honor, the friends of ihe Compromise, and ihe, fiienda of the Union, every man thai yet t:eaos a high er stepas tie hears ot thegnlUnt fields of Lundy'a Lane, of Fort George and of Niagt!a. fdycoun-, try men, your otvn Graham calls you to duty; The V State olTJorth Carolina honored, thus for the first . time by the National will, demands your voice. Heed not the tale that humbles in the dust the grey hairs of him who has never taken himsslf nor given to his countrymen, any but the post of honor. Leave the task of rovilinghhaiotheparti san critic. Be it his task to write down the faults of the hero with a ragged pen of iroD; chanty sha! 1 draw her soft brush over thehqanles3 record, and in its pkee justice shall grave his eulogium with a pen of gold, in letters of light, on the hearts of his country men. Florida. The Whig paper's of this ta are coming Warmly into the support of Scott and Graham. The idea thrown out iri a let ter from Nelson published Tuesday tiia "General Pierce comes from too far North ; we want no more Yankee Presidents," ia becoming the common sentiment thro'oui the South. Van Buren's; trickery is tod fresh in the public recollection. He was -the dearest and best friend the South liar! ; and yet he was the candidate of the ficcsO'l party in 1S48 ! Pierce was a Van Suien ite all the time he was in' Congress.- He was the. pupil of Isaac Hill, and the admir er and follower of Van Buren. If the mas ter played a Yankee trick open us, can ye expect anything better from the lackey? I Rich, Wlilir, The Thunderbolt ! The report fronl New Boston (says the Kichmond Whig) ia producing an immense commotion in the public mind. The papers in all directions are taking it up. All fair and honest peo ? pie are delighted at the exposure of the sys tematic game of deception attempted to be practised upon the American people. They experience the same sort of satisfaction that persons do when an engineer is hoist witH his own petard. The "Fredericksburg Herald" caila is a 'Taixhan Gun". and its effecti will proba bly be more disastrous to the Peir.otiracj than the 'Peacemaker" wa3 to the Prince ton; Hoxey a Cues for the Gravel. -A number of years iio, srij's a correspon dent, I was much afflicted with tbs gravel twice in serious danger. ' I met with ti gentleman who had been in my Gittintiori and got rid of it by sweetening bis tea with half honey and half sugar. 1 adopted this remedy and found it eOectiial. After be ing fully clear of my disease about tori years, I declined taking honey,' r.nd in a bout three months I had a violent fit of my complaint. I then renewed my practice of taking honey in ray teaj and am ilow more than three score and ten, and have not for the last twenty years, hat! the' smallest symptom of ihe-gravel. 1 have recommended my prescription to main' of my acquaintances and' have never knovvr it to fail. ! SIimxix, Pa., July 17. .' A man and woman died here this morn ing of Cholera. Another man is now ly ing at the point of death of i the same dis ease, and cannot live; through tho morn- A miserly old farmer, who had lost one' of his best hands in the midst of hay-nia-kiug, remarked to the sexton, as he va3 filling up the poor fellow's grave: "It's a sad thing to lose a good mower, at a time like" this but after all, poor Tom was a dreadful great eater." ; The Ohio Statesman says that "Gen eral Pierce at the head of the Denocratic forces, Will niake a most overwhelming charge upon the Whigs." Slay be, in the very midst of the fight, he will chance to fall from his horse, lie was never very firm in his saddle. Prentice. : "What are the chief ends of man ?" asked a Sunday School teacher of one of his pupils. 'Head and feet', was the prompt reply. , SJ" Mr. Holeman, of Person, is out as an independent, aiili-caucti3 candidate for the House cf Com mums. ' ;.;' -''.. . - .':.'-. ... .; :' -..'' '".".- X f