n 4 VID OUTI- 4 W, ? Editors.
THUS. J.LEJIAr 5
ZLAXBIGH, II. 0. THURSDAY, PEBRUAIIY 25, 1636
VOL 22VII- NO 10.
3
-
TIIOTIAS J. I-EMAY,
PRoraiEToa axdpvbus"?-1-
T Kit. VI 3.
eifri-fT3TiirfrilnlHrt pee annumowe
annot h altie! to remain in irtMri Jniijrer
it.riHvMr.k wrwMi.tKirBtwhhontiiiU
.. i . i . . . ... . i ..
monnt of lh year' aubaet-iptina in advance.
$ i,rNe4tl.wVime;rnr
tv-fita mil lor each anntinmincF.
iii iwsii sminii t r t i - - . '
I.trrawt lo. lha Kdihr mnl be pol paM.
MR CALHCUIT'S HEP0nT
I XC EN D f A R Y PUBLICATIONS,
n Srnrtte.' Fth. 4, 183G.
Mr. CALHOUN made the follow
ins- rennrt. with Senate bill. N. 122,
wliirh w.r. rd ordered to be print-!
a a . . i t!if I
furnished fr the use of the Senate
'lf flISM t"B 7nfW - J
a t k s . it i u u i aui i liiui i .u i ur m lu:.
The aeloet eommtttee ta whom 'vraa referred
.that portion of the Prei Jcnt'a memajje which
Hate to the attenipcrtn circtihilc, through
the mail, inflammatory aprwHln, to excite the
. clave to insurrection, nibmit llie-. following
Sliirrn mTnTTfr'"! rrr?T swr nYrWtMt various nrticlm as.
, ., the President aMo the 'charartT ind
been Stle mptetl to bj circulattd in
Ji?MRU!brilU?rfL!n,L!na'Ji Par"
ticipatewith him nthelndTj;nanT
re jref wTiTctTTie"'expreRS:k aFc"onTucT
so destructive f the pence and harmo
ny of the country, and so repugnant
to the constitution and the dictates of
hiioianitr and relizmn. They also
concur in the hope that, if the strong
tone of-disanprobation which these
onenstitH.naliim-wked attenptfnd exlhecicliisivtJittthority-JuuLco
have called forth,, does ;not arrest
them, the non-slavehol.ling States will
be prompt to exercise their power to
suppress them, as far ns their authori
ty extends. Bjot. uhile they agree
with the President as to the evil and
its highly dang.Tos tendency, and the
necessity of arresting it, they liave not.
" been able to assent to tire measure of
redress whirh he recommends that
Congress should pass a law prohibit
ing, tinder severe penalty, the-trana-
-i4pif "ineeMiiany publieationaj.
through the mail, iotemled to instigate
the slaves to insurrection.
After the most careful ami deliber
ate investigation, they have been con
strained to adopt the conclusion that
Congress has not the power to pass such
a law j that it would be a violation ol
one of the most sacred provisions of
the constitution, attd subversive of
reserved powers essential to the pre
Nervation of the lotnestic .. inslit utions
of the slave-holding Statesj and, with
them, their peace and security. Con
curring, as they do, with- the Presi
dent, in the magnitude of the evil and
the necessity of its suppression, it
would have been the cause of deep
regret . to the committee, if they
thought the difference of opinion, as to
the right or Congress," would deprive
the slave-holding States of any portion
of the protection which the measure
recommended by the President was
intended to afford , them. On the
contrary they believe all the protec
tion intended may be afforded, accord-
, ing, to thejvicyg , tVj , fake of the pow-
er of Consress,
s, without mtrinaing on
on
any provision of the
constitution on
one side, or the rescfveil rights of the
States on the other. t
rThe "committeepwit!v"these pre
liminary remarks, will now proceed to
establish - the positions which they
have assnmed, beRinnins with the
'ffritthatltiyforiy
a4mua:.anxpxestpromipn
jBt the xonstitution,
In the discussion of this, point, the
committee do not deem it necessary
to inquire " whether the right to pass
; such a law can be derived from the
power to establish post offices and post
r roails, of from, the trust ''ofpreserv
' ingthr relation 'created' by the con
stitution between the States,' as sup
posed by" the President. However
ingenious or plausible the arguments
may be, by which it may be attempted
to derive the right from these, or any
other aourcesthey must fall shortof
their object. The jealous spirit of
r liberty which characterized ournce4mail woulit givet"the Government
. .i i t-ii it...i' I .i : . .
lors Bi ine prru woen inc t"iinniuinni
was adopted, forever closed the door
by which.the. right. mighr.be Implied
from any of the granted powers, or:
any other ,ource, . If there be any
other. The. committee refer to the
amended article ol the constitution
which, among other things, provides
that Congress shalt pass no law which
hall abridge the liberty of the press-
a provision which interposes, as will
bo. hereafter shown, an insuperable
objection to the measure recommend
ed by the President That the true
meaning of this provision may be fully
comprehended, as bearing on tht point
under consideration, it will 1m neces
sary to recur briefly to the hwtoryof
the adaption of the constitution. C
- tils well known that great opposi
tion was made to the adoption of the
constitution. It was, acknowledged,
on all sides, at the time, that the old
confederation, from its weakness, had
failed, and ' that something must be
done to save the country from anarchy
and convulsion; ; yet. so high wan the
- Spirit of liberty jealous were- our
ancestors ofthal Jay, of power, that
the utmost efforts were necessary,
under all the then existing pressure,
tu i obtain the assent of the States to,
the ratification of the constitution.-
f mnr the MianV obiectlOnS t its
te man? ODiecuons to iw
adontion. none were -more .successful-
Iv urged, than the aosence in me in-
,
. . . .
which; experience, bad shown to be
necewafrio uajd.. JfefU.Hlt.W.r.kt j
i ... i . i e i
ireenonr -w
I prCSS and of 8neechTttlTTKt'C.
nfitlie
press and oi speech, tnrTTSmiaiEU r,I,.!J?p,SUS,JhmPi,
kcience, oi trial oy jury, ana otners
of like character. It was the belief
of those jealous and watchful guar-
dinns of liberty, who viewed the
adoption til the constitution with so
mucli apprehension, that all these sa
cred barriers, without some positive
provision to protect them, .would, by
I liA wnwawriC nniili'iirtuin l iimtoi.
t ---
luw ls y v.l vi vviiou vv iimi'i .ay v .v
mined and prostrated
bo strong was
this apprehension, that it was impos
sible to obtain a ratification of the
instrument in many of the States,
without accompanying it wiih the re
commendation to. incorporate in the
amen.dlncnt, ieh3TeTnveTKis'
apprehended, oy placing these .impor
tant rights beyond the possible en
cmachnient of Congress Oii- of the
moTsrimpnmnrofthei
stands at the head" of the list of amend
el articles, and which, among other
things, as has been stated, prohibits
the passage of any law ahridsin"; the
'freedom of the. press, and which left
that important barrier against power
trol ol the States.
That it was the object of this pro
vision to place the freedom of the press
beyond the possible interference of
now ad
vanced for the first Time. Ir is the
ground taken, and so ably sustained
by Sir. .Madison, .in. his .celebrated
report to the Virginia Li-gilature, in
1799, against the alien and sedition
law, and, which conclusively settled
the principle that -Congress lias no
righ in anyyWm-
to interfere with the neeaom tit the
press.- The establishment of this
The article i in the following words: '
"ConoTesi ilmtl make no law respecting an
extablUhmcnt of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom
of apecch, or of the prew; or the right of the
people peaceably to assemble, and to petition
the Government for a red rem of grievance."
principle not only overthrew the sedi
tion act, but was the leading cause
of the great political . revolution which,
in 1801, brought the republican party,
with Mr. Jefferson at its head, into
power.
" With these remarks, the committee
will turn to the sedition act, in order
to show . the identity in principle
between it and the act which the mes
sage recommends to be passed, as far
as it relates to the Freedom of the
press. Among its other provisions.
it inflicted punishment on all persons
wnosnouiu puoiisn any laise, scan
dalous, or malicious writing against
the Government, with intent Jo defame
the same, or bring it into contempt cr
disrepute. Assuming - this provision
to be unconsmmionar, as aumiging
the freedom of the press, which no one
now doubts, it will not be difficult to
show that if, instead of inflicting pun
ishment For publishing, the act had
inflicted punishment for circulating
through the mail, tor the same onence.
it would have been equally unconsti-
TttiflnnaT.ITieronrWtfrJir WC -
bridged the freedom of the press asjmail. necessarily involves the right
effectual! v as the other. The obTecl
of publishing is circulation; and-to
prohibit circulation is, in effect, io pro
hibit publication." They both, have a
common object the communication of
sentiments and opinions to the public;;
atfd ' the'" prohibition;; tf ' onej may 'a"
effectually siippresil such communica
tion as the prohibition of the other,
and, of course,' would as effectually
interfere with the freedom of the preES,
and be equally unconstitutional.
But to understand more " fully the
extent of the control which the right
of prohibiting circulation through the
over tne press, it must oe oorne in
mind, that the power of Congress over
the Post Office and the mail is an ex
clusive power. iniiit also ; be re-
membered that Uongress, in the exer
cise of this . power may ' declare any
road or navigable waur to be a post
road; and that, by the act of 1825, it
is nrovided '"that no itage, or other
vehicle which regularly performs trips
on a post road, ' or on a road parallel
to it, shall carry letters.. The same
provision extcnos to packets, boats, or
other vessels, on vavigablc waters.
Like provision may be extended to
newspapers and pamphlets; which, if
it uc admitted that Congress has the
right to discriminate in reference to
their character, what papers shall or
what whall not be ' transmitted by tlie
mail, would subject the freedom of tlie
press, on all subjects, political, moral,
and leligious, completely to ; its will
and pleasure. It would, in fact, in
some respects, more effectually control
the freedom of the press than any sedi
tion law, however severe its penalties,
The manJate of the Government alone
Would be su Helen t to close the door
against circulation through the mail,
and thiis, at its sole" will and pleasure.
might intercept all communication be-
tween the press ami the people; while
.uwuum require ine intervention 01
courts and juries to -enforce the pro
, . ,
visions pi a. seumon law, wmcn ex-
' passive and willing instruments in, the
3nj ?f CienmenJjc(t,ilii-.freej.
uom of the press is concerned. :
1 TS .1 - . . .
parent mat io prnniDit publication oi
parent mat to proniDit publication on
one side, and circulation through the
mail on the other, of any paper, on ac
count of its religious, moral, or' politi
cal character, rests on the same princi
ple, ami that each is equally an abridg
ment ol the Irccdom ol the press, and
a violation of the constitution. It
.ulijlinleel have been but a noor
triumph J'or the cause-of liberty 4 in the
great contest of 1799, haJ the sedi
tion law been put down on principles
that would have left Congress free to
leuppress the circulation, through the
mail, of the very publications which
thatodious act was intended to prohi-
der claims on the gratitude of posleri
tv, if Jheir victojy over the encroach
ment of power had been Jcftaoimacr-
It will, after what has been said.
require but fi v remarks to show, that
the same principle which applied to the
sedition law, would apply equally to
law punishing, by Congress, such
incendiary publication's as are referred
to in the message, and, of course, to the
passage of a law prohibiting tljeir trans
mission through the mail. The Prin
ciple on Which the sedition act was
condemned as unconstitutional, was a
general one, and not limited in its ap
trl tea tion to that "act. It "withdraws
from Congress all right of interference
fwith t
w hatever; and the sedition law was put
down ns unconstitutional, not because
it prohibited publications against the
Government, but because it interfcr
ed. t aljwilh thcr. press. Tliepro
htlHiion of any - pubUcation- on - tlie
ground of its being immoral, irrelt
gioas. or intended to excite rebellion
or insurrection, would have been e
qujlly unconstitutional; and from par
ity of reason, the suppression of their
circulation through the mail would be
no less so. .:: . . t !.'-
But, as conclusive as these reasons
are against the right, there are other
not less so, derived from the powers
reserved Jo the States, w hicb the cohv-
tuittee will next proceed to consider.
The message, as has been stated,
recommends that Congress should pass
a law to. punish the transmission,
t hrough the mail, of incendiary : pub
lications intended to instigate . the
slaves to insurrection. It of. course
assumes for Congress a i ight to de
termine what papers are incendiary
and intended to- excite 'insurrection.
The question then is, has Congress
such a light? A question of. vital im
portance to the slaveholding States,
as will appear in the course of the
discussjon. ' , . 1 , , '
After examining this question with
due tlelilrerat'ron in all it bearings,
the committee aieot opinion, not only
that Congress has not the right, but to
ad niitit, . would be - fatal io those
States. Nothing is more clear than
that the admission of the right, on. the
part' of Congress, to determine what
proTubit .their circulation through the
to determine what aie not incendiary,
. n.i . r, :
ii cii.iui c tncii vii vu ifti iuii. iur
is it less certain that loaUmU suctra
right, would be virtually to clothe
Congress with the power to abolish
slavery, by giving it the means of
bipW(ijfjrftjift;jf"j th;b'diers1iiji
the slaveholding States have erected
for the - protection of their lives and
pioperty. It would give Congress,
without regard to the prohibition laws
ot the States, the authority to open the
gates to the Hood ot incendiary pub
lications which are ready to break into
those States, and to punish all who
dare resist as-riminls Fortunate
ly, Congress has no such right The
internal peace and , security of the
States are under the protection of the
States themgeirfg, to thai entire ex
elusion otall authority and control1 on
the part of Congress. It belongs to
them, and not to Congress, o deter
mine what is, or is not, calculated to
disturb their peace and security, and
of course, in the case under considera
tion, it t belongs to the slaveholding
States to determine, what is incendia
ry and intended to incite to insurrec
tion, and to adopt such defensive mea
sures, as may be necessary for their
security, with unlimited means. of
carrying them into eLect, except such
as maybe, expressly inhibited to" the
States by the constitution.' To es
tablish the truth of 1 this ? position so
essential to the safety of. those States,
it would teem sufficient to appeal to
their constant exercise of this right, at
all times, without restriction, or qaes
tion, both before and since the adop
tion of I he ; coustitution. But, on a
point of so much importance,) which
may. involve ! aafcty, If pot .lhe ex
litence luci:, or an entire iect;or cf
the Union, it will be proper to tract it
to its origin, in order to place it on a
more immoveable foundation.
That the States which form our Fed,
era! Union are sovereign and inde
pendent communities, bound together
by a constitutional compact, and are
possessed of all the powers belonging
to distinct and separate States, ex
.CeptU)g.ud).'s arexjlelttgatcl'4d be ex
ercised by the ueneral Government, is
i assumed as unouestiona'de.-The com-
pact it9e!l expressly provides that all
powers not delegated, are reserved to
the States and the people. To ascer
tain, then, whelber the power in ques
tion is delegated or reserved, it is only
necessary to ascertain whether it is to
be found among the enumerated pow
ers or not If it be not among them,
it beXonjrRi of course, to the reserved
power
tion, it
On turning
to tnc constitu-
vi ill lie seen that, while the
ill
power
of defending the country a-
gainst external danger is found among
the enumerated,- the ..instrument is
wholly silent , as to the power of de
fending the internal peace itnd securi
ty olJ im WefWSti "ol coulrirTTe'S'
sryeiVO the .;; Stales ?tWs4impoftftnt
power, as it stotnl before the adoption
of the constitution, with r.o other ITm-
ttatirjfTr5dtotem
as-are expressly
prescribed by the in
strument jtself. From w hat has been
stated, it may be inferred that the right
of a State to defend itself against in
ternal dangers is a part of the great,
primary, and inherent right ol self-dc
fence, which, by the laws of nature,
belongato all cwmtrHTes?atd sojeali
ous were the 'Mates ol this essential
right, without which their independ
ence could not be preserved, that it is
expressly provided by the constitu
tion,0 that the General Government
shaltThot assist ; a S (atelevf nth ciiseTof
domestic violence, except on the an
plication of the a othorttie of the State
itself; thus excluding bf a necessarv
consequence, its interference in ail
other cases, - - ,
Having now shown that.it belongs
.toJheslavehid
titutioiw ai4n- tlaiiger
Congress, as is supposed by the mes-
sage, to determine what papers are in
cendiary and intended to exciteiinsur
rection among the slaves, it remains
to inquire, in the next place, what are
the corresponding duties ol the Gen
eral Government, and the other States,
from within whose limits and junsdic
tion their institutions are attacked; i
subject intimately connected with that
with which the committee are immedi
ately charged, and which, at (he pre
sent juncture, ought to be fully under
stood by all the parties, the commit
tee will begin with the first.
It may not be entirely useless to
premise that rights and duties are re
ciprocal; the existence of a right al
ways implying the corresponding duty.
ii, consequently, me ngni to protect
herinternal peace and security belongs
to a State, the General Government is
bound to respect the measures adopted
by ker tor that purpose, and to co-operate
in their, execution, as fur as its
delegated powers may, admit or the
measure may require. Thus, in the
present case, the slaveholding States
having the unquestionable ridit to nasa
an sucn laws as may ue necessary to
.ii . l i ' " i " r
maintain me existing relation Between
master and slave in those States, their
right, of course, o prohibit the circu
lation of any publication or any inter
course calculated iahtttfbWiteiWSf
that relation is incontrovertible In
the executionoLibe""
may be adopted by the States for this
purpose, the powerpfCongiessover
the-.mail, and ot regulating commerce
with foreign nations and between (he
States may require co-operation on the
part ot. the ueneral tjoveemenU jiiu
it is tfiursdv in caB'fijrmity'tothe pr4n"
ciple established, to renpect the laws
of the State in their exercise, and so
to modify its acts as not only to violate
those of the States, but, as far as prac
ticable, to co-operate in their execu
tion. The practice of the Government
has been in conformity to these views.
ijyine sci ot the BBth February,
ISfjS. entitledJtAnjct to prevent the
importation of certain persons into cer
tain States," wheie, by the. laws of
those States, their impor?ation is rro-
hibUed, roasters or captains of ships
or vessels are forbidden, under severe
penalty, "to import or bring, or cause
to be imported or brought, any negro,
or mulatto, or person of , color, notbe
a native, op citixen, or registered
seaman of the United States, or sea
men, natives of countries beyond the
Cape of Good IIope,l Into any port or
place which shall be situated in any
State which, by law, has prohibited', or
shall prohibit, tho admission or impor
tation of-such negro, mulatto, or other
person of coIor, This provision
speaks for itself, and requires no illus--
tration. It is a case in point, and ful
ly embraces the principle laid down.
To the same effect is the act of the
25th of February,- 1799, respecting
quarantine and health laws, which, as
belonging to the internal police of the
States, stand on the same ground.
The act, among other things, directs
the collectors and all other revenue of
S4thart;U4di.a(ti
i2o cf dtt tenM'tutioa.
Gcers, the masters and crews of the
revenue cqtters, and the military oRi
ccrs in command on the station, toco-
operate faithfully in the execution of
the quarantine and other restrictions
which the health lawa of the State may
The principles embraced - by- these
acts., in relatian to tlie commercial in
terxourse. f tUs-c ouotry, are equall v
applicable to the intercourse by mail.
! There mar, indeed, be more difficult v
in co-operating with the States TTie
latter than in the former, but that can
not possibly affect the principle. He
gardiug it then as established both by
reason and precedents, thr committee,
in conformity with it, have prepared a
bill, and directed their chairman to re-,
port the same to the Senate, prohibit-
ing, under the penalty of fine ami d.ig.
mission from office, any deputy post
master, m any St'e, Territory," or
District, from knowingly receiving and
putting intif the mail any letter, pack
et, pamphlet, paporor pictorial repre
sentation, directed to any post ofllcc
or person in a State. Territory or DIs-
so prohibiting, tinder a Iike penalty,
any ddiruff 'i)bslniaMer1irsair'SfateJ
delivering the same, except io8a"neM"W'hWemrn"
sons as mav be authorised to receive)
them by the civil suthorityyof said
State, '"rerritnry e fiiwieirt. j
It remains next to inquire Into" the
duty of the States, from within whose
limits and juiisdictionthi internaljhUiuonA h.a, ji.x ery imrverlect
peace an conrepti n of the institution, and the
ates are, endangered .
.
ly
' 1
In order to comprehend more fully
the nature and extent of their tlutv, it,
win oe necessary to make a lew re
marks on the relations which extatbc
lweirth'e''STates6r'iiirTeileral Union,
wi th the iightsa nd obi tjja tion . ret in-
rocarty resulting troirt tuttfTeiaiioiis.
It has already been stated that the
States which compose our Federal U-!
mon are sovereign ana indi'peiHUnt
communities, united by a constitution-!
-i - . i r... i . i. . i
lawaof Muon distinguishes one 'race of men "7
obligation, except as altered or ipodi.1fr6tn anlther.Knianci
lied by the compact; and, flf course,
Ihe States possess, with that exception, the masters of their property, and sub-
all the rights, and are subject to alt , vert the relation, social and political,
theduties, whit ii separate and dutittct; that has. existed between the. races ",
communities possess, ur to which they from almost the first settlement of tlie ,""
are subject Among these are com-Southern States,
prehended the obligation which 'allf-j It is not the, intention of the com
States are under to prevent their citi-J mittee to dwell on the pecuniary an
iens from disturbing the peare or en-pect of this vital subject; the vast a
dangering the security of -other State; mount of property involved; eqaatat "
and in case of being disturbed or en- least to 8950,000,000; the ruin of fain- '
dangered, the right of the latter to de- ilies and individuals; the impoverish
mand of the former to adopt such mea-! mentand prostration of an entire ste- .
ures as will prevent their recurrence, tion of the Union, and the fatal blow ,
anil if refused or neglected.Tto resort that would be given tn the prnd'ic tion
to such measures as its protection may of the great agricultural staples, on '
require. 'I his right reinsins, of course, which th commerce, ' the i.avigatinn "
in force among the States of this Union, the manufactures, and the revenue of
with such' limitations as are imposed the conntry, "alinot entirely depend. '
ext-ressly by the constitution. ;Vih-' A great as these disasters would be "
in their limits, the rights of the slave- they are nothing, compared to what must
holding States are as full to demand follow the subversion of the existing re
of the States within whose limits and Ution! between the two races, to which. '
jurisdiction their peace is assailed, to
adopt the measures , necessary to p''e -. marks."..; . v -. 5
vent the same, and. if refused or ne-1 f Under thh relation, fha twoj-aces '
glected,' to resort .to . tneanato protect have Jong lived in peace and prospejci- J .
themselves, as if they were separate .ty.anil if not 'disturbed, would long t'
and independent communities. -s : jconUhuero i Eu-
lliQse...Stafeapn..ihe.. other band, ropean race has rapidly increased in '
are not only under all the obligations
wiucninaepenueiit communities would time has. maintained an equality at -be,
to adopt such measures, but also least
the obtrgsrtorwW
tution superadds, rendered more sa- . States, the African race has multiplied'
cred, if possible, by ' the fact fhat,with not less rapidity, accuiupanied by
whiTe the UH56itmp(i8rjS tmprovement,- )4ytcaHyafTfi tiw-'--
on the right of the slaveholding States tcllectually. and the -enjoy ment,iifa - -
to defenilTthemselycs, it affords theldogrce of comfort with, which the la- "
medium through which their peace and ! boring class in few countries can com- -
aevuiuj arc nanaiieu. , ji i not tne
iiiienuoii in ine cummiiiee to innuirctio
wJvat tlmse'restrif CwiM V'jiiVdi'l.wati
are the means which, under the con
stitution, are left to the slaveholding
States to protect themselves. -The
period has not yet come, and they
trust never vvill, when it may be ne
cessary to decide those questions; but
come it must, unless the States whose
duty it is to suppress the danger shall
see intimeitsTnagnitu'de ond the obli
gations which (hey are under to adopt
speedy and effectual measures to ar
rest its farther progress. That the
fullfurce of this obligation may be un
derstood by all parties, the committee
propose, in conclusion, to touch briefly
on the movements of the abolitionists,
with the view of showing the danger
ous consequences to which they must
icaq u not arrested.
Their professed object Is the eman
cipation of slaves in the Southern States,
which they propose . to accomplish
through the agency of organized socio-'
lies, spread throughout the n.-m-slave-holdig
Stales, and a powerful press,
directed mainly to excite, in the other
States, hatred and abhorrence against
the " institutions and citizens of the
slaveholding 'States, by 'addresses.
lectures, and pic t oral representations,
abounding in false and .exaggerated,
statements. T ."'::;fjj' v-,
1 If the magnitude of the mischief af
fords, in any degree, the measure by
which to judge of the criminality of a
project, few . have ever been devised
to, be compared twith the present,
whether tl) end ba reprded, or the
meant by which it is proposed to be ac
complished. The blindness of tanati
cisin U proverbial. With more zeal
than understanding, it constantly mis
conceives the. tsfiature ot the object
at which it aim, -and towards which -
iLru)di with -bead long--violefini-re'"
gird less of the means by which it is to
be effected. Never was its character v
more. fully exemplified than - trr the
present instance, Setting out with
the abstract principle that slavery is an
itrwrffnatteit
once to the conclusion that it is their
duty to abolish it regardless of all the
disasters which must - follow. - Never
was conclusion more false or danger
ous. Admitting their assumption, there
11
e innumeraoie mings wnicn, regar
d in the abstract, are evils, but
whkliit. wouM.be madnfs.toat-j
tempt to abolish. Thus regarded Gor
eminent itself is an evil, with most of -its
institutions intended to protect life
and property, tomprehemling the civil
Slwcll as the criminal ami military,
code.Svhirh are tolerated only because
to abolish them would ba to increase
1mtrar1qflft
case under consideration,; to illustrate t
wluqhrs few remark! I
tin ilaveff,' n It:
. "He who rg:rds alsvcry In those X
States aimply ; under the relation ofj
master and fttavpras Important as that
relation is viewed merely as aonestion
of property to the slaveholding section -
impossibHity of abolishing it wit
disasters unexampled in the liistoi
it- . . .1 I -n ... i . .
thout
disasters unexampled in the history of
the world. To understand its nature
snu unporisnce tuny, jit must be borne f
in 'mind thai slavery, as it. rxLsU Ja
the Souvfiern States, (including under ',
tlie S.Hi thcrn. all Jhe 'slaveholding.
States,) ift votvel 5nbf only the relation
ot master and slave, nut, also, the so
cial and political relations of two races, r
l nearly equal numbers, from diner-
ent quarters of the globe, and the most
......:.. r .il ' . . '
dt?stroy these relations would ilivest
the committee will confine their r-
wealth and numbers an at. the samo
pare, anu coniesseuiy greatly superior
o what ' the free "people" the same ' v
i.i.. . ii .. , . ...
oiaics. . vi may, umeeo, oe saiety as
serted, that there is no examote in his- -
tory in which a savage people, such a
their ancestors were when brouzht in. 1
to the country, have ever advanced in '
the satno period so rapidly in numbers '
and improvement 4- ---" -
Tu destroy the existing relation,
would be ta destroy 'Jiiapmsperitr, , and
t- place the two races in a state of con-'
flict, which must end in the expulsion 4
or extirpation of one or Ihe other." No ! .
other :can be substituted, compatible'
with tj.wr peace or security. The 1
difficBlty is in the diversity of tne races.
So strongly drawn is the line between
the two, in consequence of U and so
strengthened by the force of habit and
education, i that it is impossible for
them to exist together in the samo
community, where their nuinliers are
sonearly equal as in the slaveholding
States, under any other relation than
which now exints. Social and politi
cal equality between them is impossi
ble. No power on earth can over-
come the difficulty. Tlie causes re
sisting lie too deep in the principles of "
our nature to be surmounted. But,
without such eqnality, to change the
present condition of the ' African race,
were it possible, would be but to
change the form nf slavery," It would
make them the slaves of the communi
ty, instead of the slavey of individuals,''
with less responsibility and interest iv
their welfate on the part of the com
man: ty than is kit by their present tnas-v
i