sr.
tbe priniij tr Ul U t bmiil to tt
' eeive petition.? ... That a Hummer f
Jotig ejjvrience anu. caution ahould
venture to mAe an aaaeMiuo ao -.
founded, U one among; tit mattf previa
of the carelesaiiess, both a tt facts'
and argument, with which M impor
lant'iubKct liavbeett examined aud
dUcusaeu on that title.
' But it it not necessary torrosa the
Atlantic, or to g back to remote peri
od to find precedent for the rejection
able occaVionrand after full delibera-
t'n, A ahbrt time since, rejected a pe
tition: and awum? throw who voted for
""the 4ecttft-wiU be Jbaail JLhejumr I
.fat care f exclude .JTO Y..o w IiV of .the
most abjo a MKiilJnJBXWfc,
the Senate. I reier 10 me case ti rc
aolutions in nature of a remoii
stance from the ciiitens of York, Penn
ey! vania, approving the act of the' Pre
sident in removing the d-'ixwite. I
a.k heSet-y-o ad 4le juuinal a
on the occasion: '
the Vice President eotnmiiniested a pre
amble a I series ol funliHKMi adopted nil
ltng of the iiiKrt4 of Vnk county, reno
S) Kama, approving lh Svt ot the Bm re
moving the pMif money (mm the Hank of the
United St, and eiwl 11 the renewal of
uf the churter ut said llsnki wliMtlhsbaviiig b.m
read, Str I lay slip-sled to ill Itweptinii. Anil
a the q-wMiiwir bbU tltey. be reermtil! ifr.was.
deter si taw w-rtte wpiprtwjw V
" "On muti Kt f Mr. Prr'tin, Hie jeas and,
tan betnr Wiril br (m-fifm of ilut stenatois
prnViM bw4 lHtt'fl..tik, am.,
Knltihinn, SneidetTalltuaitze; I iitlun, A litre.
Wilkim, Wrtd.
"Mi-tars. Iliblt, .Mart, CHm, l-UyTCIaV-
m. Ku. rVeliinrhuvtm. Kent. Irfiirtt, Mno't,
ion. Urchin, SiUbee, Smiili, SiMil'l,.1.mgue,
Swift, Tunilunon, Wagjainsn, Wvbsler."
In citing this case it ' not my in
tention to ca'l in question the .consia-
-, - - teaie? y of .i5 ;, twemUe.cojft-lldftJtorij.1
would be unworthy of the occasion. I
doubt not the vote th-n gjsen was giv
en from 'a full con viction of it corrcct
ness, as it will doubtless be in the
present case, on whatever aida it may
bi found. My object is to show that
far from being opposed, i sustained
by prece dent, here .and elsewhere,,
ancient and modern.
In following as I have those opposed
M me, to Magna Charts, ami the De
claration of Rights, for the origin and
.1 the limits. ,f.the jig!t o
,s am not dispoed . .witiketoJierii
-4tjJe"'ffieT!!onatTt"a'tlon. I amcnt to the
position they assume, that the right of
petition-existed-before--the- Const ilM
tion, and that it is not derived from it;
but while Hook beyond that instrument
fr the right, I hold the Constitution,
on a question s to it extent and lim
its, to be the highest antWitv. The
first amended article of the Constitu
tion, which provides that Congress
shall pass no law to prevent the Peo
ple from peaceably assembling and
petitioning for a redress of grievances
was cliarlr intended to prescribe the
limits within which the ri-ht might be
exercised. It is not pretended that
t refuse to- receive petitions touches
n the Bjighest degree on these limit
To suppose that the framcrs of the
Constitution no, not the fiamers,
but those jealous patriots who were
not satisfied with that instrument as it
came front the hands of the framefs,
and who proposed this very provision
to guard what they considered a sacred
right, pcformed their task so bungling
ly as to omit any essential guard,
would be to 1 great injustice to the
memory of thoie nern- and sagacious
frnen and yet this is what the Senator
from Tennessee (Mr. Grundy) has
tentwed to--assert.- lie aaid that no
proviso! -was.
added
to "-'lard against
thr rejfection of ittttoft83TiuMtje
"'"'feu'tTffTolffrrecer
clear thitit was ileeined unnecessaryi
:lTlwheiT
accordtna; t. tne standing pri'clTceTf
- - that Vime,- Parliament was in the con
stant habit, as has been shown, of re
fusing to receive petitions a practice
which could not nave been unknown
to the authors of the amendment: and
" ' f roin Wch r "mar bdfatrtf fnfefred
thali'iao
tion should be received, tt was not
Intended to comprehend their recep-
- tion in th right of petition. -- - -
.. -1 Have bow, l-trastf sfablished, be
yond all controversy, that we are not
" bound to receive these petitions, and
that if we should reject them we would
not in the slightest degree infringe the
right of petition. It is now time to
look to the rights of this body, and to
ace whether, if we should receive
" them. when it is acknowledged that
the only reason for receiving is that
- we are bound to do so, we would not
establish a principle which would
trench deeply on the rights of the
Senate. I have already shown that
where the action of the benate com
mences there also its right to deter
mine bow and when it shall act also
- commence. I have also shown that
the action of the Senate necessarily
i .. .1 - : . .. r ..
urgias on ine presentation oi m- peti
tion; that the petition la then before
the body; that the Senate cannot pro
ceed to other business without making
some disposition of it; and that, by the
24th rule, the first action after presen
tation is on a question to receive the
petition. To, extend the right of pe
tition to the question, on receiving is to
expunge this rule to abolish this un
questionable right of the Senate, and
that for the benefit, in thi ease of the
abolitionists. 'Their gain would be at
lihiloaa of this body-! :hltf "OtfSi
. pressed myself too strongly.. , Give the
right of petition the extent contended i
for decide that we are" bound under
the constitution to. .receive these in
cendiary, petitions, and the very mo
tion before the Senate would be out ol
order''' If Constitution makes it
our duty to receive, we would have- no
discretion left to reject, as the motion
presupposes. Our rules ol proceeding
must accord with the Constitution.
Thus Tn the case of revenue bill
which by the Constitution must w'S1
nata in the other
House, it would be
and it has accordingly been ao decid
ed. For like reason, if we are bound
to receive petition, the present mo
tion would be out of order; and, if such
nresi
and to arrest an tanner uicusiuh on
the question of reception. Let us
now turn our eyes f,or. a moment to the.
nature of the right which I fear 'we are
T . ii r .i '. .i-
about to abandon, with the View to
ascertain what mu t be the conse-
nuence if we should surrender.
1 - ... t
Ut all the rights belonging to a ue
liberativcbo'ly, I know f none more
univers.il, or indispensable to a proper
performance of it functions, than the
richt to determine at its discretioiV
what it sh"ll receive, over what it Khali
exUnd its iurisdiction, and . to what it
aTuTT rdlritr it's' (ft nbci a tion - 'ami "at-
tion. It is (he first and universal
Haw tP 1F- sticlr btn t rr wrf- extern
ivot o-vltie pttlitiuiH, but t . rpr
... ... ... ..... ......... . i .
to bills, ami resolutions, vnneu oiuy
in the two latter "iii the form of the
question. It may be com oared to the
fttHCTtotll'lir f h "Hi mal ecotiunt r t " wiilr
which all livinjrereafuresare endowed.
if aeTec(Tna "" tlirouiTi WelhslTricT of
taste what to receive or reject, and on
which thu preservation of their exis
tence depends. Deprive them of this
.funtlimu. and .the ... oisonnus .as well
as the wholesome would be indifferent
ly received into their system. So with
deliberative bodies; deprive them of
the essential and primary right to de
termine ut their pleasure what tit re
ceive or reject, and they would become
4lw.paarife.ret&pjto&er,inlifo
all that is frivolous almm!, unconsti
tutional, immoral, and impious. a
well as what may properly ih-inand
their deliberation and action. Estab
lish this monstrous, this impious pr'm
ciple'Yas it would prove to be in
practice, ami what must be the con-sqVenw?,To-wTiat
init otuselvesj JfLa- etitiunjihoultLbe
presented praying the abolition of (he
(Constitution which we are all bound
by our oaths to protect J according to
this abominable doctrine it must be
received. So if it prayed the aboli
tion of the Decalogue, or of the Bible
itself. I go farther. If the abolition
societies should be converted into a
body of Atheists, and should ask the
passage of a law denying the existence
of the Almighty Being above us, the
Creator of all, according to this blas
phemous doctrine wc would be bound
to receive the petition, to take juris
diction of it. I ask the Senator!, from
Tennessee and ... Pennsylvania (Mr.
Grundyrand Mr. Buchanan- would
they vote to receive such a petition?
I wait not an answer. They would
instantly reject it witn loatmng.
What then becomes ol the unlimited,
unqualified, and universal obligation
to receive petitions, which they so
strenously maintained, and to which
they are prepared to sacrifice the con-
suiuiionai rigiti oi ims oooyr
I shall now descend 'lrom these
hypothetical cases to the particular
question before the Senate. What
then must be the consequences of re
ceiving this petition, on-the principle
that we are bound to receive it and,
edr i have considered this question
alinfy in mil itr bearmgrand do not
Hesitate to pronounce mat to receive
wouui ie lO'Viein iu ine auonunniia
all -thaVtbeniost aansuine-coultrfor
the present hope, and to abandan all
the outworks upoo which we of the
South rely for our defence ag4nst
their attacks here.
" onf art
House with their petitions, entertain
the slightest hope that Congress would
jMtit'a-nw-irt'fftwnine-ifl-tMish
slaveryitt -thi-Dtrictir Inlatoated
as they are, they must see that public
opinion at the North. i not yetp rcican we hj o gain that would justify
pared lor so decisive a step, ami mat
seriously to attempt it now Mould be
fatal to their cause. What then do
they hope? What but that Coiiijresi
should take jurisdiction il the subject
'of abolishing - slavery should throw
open to the abolitionists the halt of
legislation, and enable them to estab
lish a permanent position within their
walls, from which hereafter to carry
on their operations against the institu
tions of the slaveholding States, If
we receive this petition, all these ad
vantages will be realised to them to
the fullest rxtcnt. Permanent juris
diction wnxld be assumed over the
subject of slavery nqt only in this;
District, but tn the states themselves, '
whenever the abolitionist might j
choose tn ask Congress, by sendinz
their petitions here, for the abolition
of slavery. in the- States. We would
be bound to feceive such petitions,
and, by receiving, would be fairly
pieilged to deliberate and decide on
them." Ilaving succeeded in thi
point, a most favorable position would
oe Kained.
I he centre ol operations
, ' . . I
would b
transferred from Nassau I
11,11 tn th 11.11. r -1mriimf Mnininn. - Tn-rsllr aneh ."
.i.:. ' - .i . "T- " i: ".'
...... ,y , a uvi 1391.. V 1
una viMiivi.vii nuu b., lllU . JUCCHUiarv I
publications or the aby(itionit would
flow, in the torm, of petitions, to be
received and preserved amongr. the
public records. Here the aubject of
abolition would be agitated aession af
ter aession, and from- hence the as
saults on the property and institutions
of the People of the glaveholding
States would be disseminated, in the
guise of .speeches, over the whole
Union.'
Such would be the advantages yield
ed to the abolitionists. In proportion
Whtihwitrowtd",be'OTissv-
What would beyteldedto them wouiu
be taken from us. Our true position,
that which is iudispensable to our de
fence here, is, that Congress has no
of sjayjryeitner here or elsewhere.
ine reception oi tins pennon surren
ders this commanding position; yields
the question of jurisdiction, so impor
tant to the cause of abolition and so
injurious to us; compels us to sit in
silence to witness the assults on our
character a nd institution s, or "to" e n -gage
in an endless contest in their
defence. Such a contest isfceyond
mortal endurance. Wemustln the
end be humbled, degraded, broken
down, and worn out.
The Senators from the slaveholding
States, who most unfortunately have
commuted--themselves -to -for-.-f
ceivinz these incendiary petitions, tell
us that. wheer the attempt shall be
iua4.e to. abolish sUvery tbAj-wUV join
with us to repel it. I doubt not the
sincerity of their declaration. We all
have a common interest, and they
at the same tune their own. Ifut 1
annnonce to ttieorthat theyare now
calleu on to redeem their pledge.
The attempt is now makiiiifr The
work is going oh daily and hourly.
Xbi.-MUO?ge.djnQtpMyJn.jJi.fe.
most dangerous manner, but in the
only manner it can be waged. Do
they expect that the abolitionists will
resort to arms, and commence a cru
sade to liberate our slaves by force?
Is this what they mean when they
ry? If so, lt me tell our friends of
the South who differ from us, that the
war which the abolitionts wage against
lis is of a very different character, aad
far more effective. It is a war of re
ligious and political fanaticism, mill
gled on the part of the Jead er.a.wilh.of .the-abolitionistsrwe-then might be
amtthiftnr;artd theloveof notoriety, and
.Wj!gejInot'8ga.intour..liTsbttLonr.
character. The object is to humble
and debase us in our own estimation,
and that of the world in general; to
blast our reputation, while they over
throw our domestic institutions. This
is the mode in which they are attempt
ing abolition, with such amplo means
and untiring industry; and now is the
time for all who ars opposed to them
to meet the attack. How can it be
successfully met? This is the impor
tant question. There is but one way:
we must meet the enemy on the fron
tier, on the question ot receiving; we
mustsecurc that important pass it is
our jriierinopyla;. The power of re
sistance, by a universal law of nature,
is on the exterior. Break through the
shell, penetrate the crust, and there is
no resistance within. In the present
contest, the question on receiving con
stitutes our frontier. It is the first,
the exterior question, that covers and
protects all the .others. Let it be
penetrated by receiving this petition.
and not a point of resistance can be
found within, as far as this Govern
ment is concerned. If we cannot
maintain ourselves there, we cannot
on any interior position. Of all the
questions that can be raised, them is
not one on which we..can-. rally- on
ground more'- tenable ftfr onreIverf or
more untenable lor our opponents, not
excepting" the ultimate question of
about oiv tn the states. t or our Tight
to reject this petition-iaas clear and
unquestionable as that Congress has
no right to abolish -slavery in the
States.
Such is the importance of taking
ou.r stand immovably on the question
now beforlf tisVShcfre-fhe-Mdvari?
entice, and the abolitionists would
gain, were we to' surrender that import
tant position by rwmtnyth is petition.
AVha4.inoUKea-hav.e-ye 'for- niaktng'ao
great a sacrifice? What advantage
uf
t W'e are told of the great advantages
of a strung majority. I acknowledge
it in a good cause, and on sound
principles. I feel in the present in
stance how much our cause would be
strengthened by a strong and decided
majority for the rejection of these in
cendiary petitions. If any thing we
could do here could arrest the pro
gressofthe abolitionists, it would be
such ; a rejection. But as advanta
geous as would be a strong majority
on sound principles, it i in the same
degre,e dangerous when on the oppo
site when it rests on improper con
cessions, and the surrender of princi
ples, which would be the case at pre
sent. Such a'" majority must in thi
instance be purchased by concessions
to the abolitionists, and a surrender.
on our part, that would ; demolish all
Our outworks, give up alt our strong
positions,' and open alt the passes to
the free admission of our enemies.' It
is only on this condition that we can
hope to obtain such a majority a ma-
jonry wnirn most oe gamerea together
, I! t. . . - .1 . 1 .
from all sides, and entertaining every
M "? ... I " " - . . . I
.a "I- .ti' c...r.. f.; "WT" .1"
lunivii n j, inw unii nmii a cuiiav i-
vama baa lallrn oo.lbe device, to
ceive this petition, and immediately
reject it, without consideration or re
flection. : To my mind the movement
ooks like a trick a mere piece of ar
tifice to joggle and deceive;" 1 intend
no disrespect to the Senator.- I doubt
not bis intention is good, and believe
ii feelings are with us; but I must
say that the course he has intimated is,
in my opinion-, the worst possible for
the siavelioiuing states. It surren
ders all. to abolitionists, and gives
4floriMttgj4f'rnritfla9
least advantage to us. Let the ma
jority for the course he indicates be
ever so strong, can the senator hope
that it will make any impression on
ti1jMditiais
to maintain his position of rejecting
tMrpl!TitTft
against themf Does he not see that.
in assuming jurisdiction by receiving
their petitions he gives an implied
pieoge to inquire, to aeuueraie, aim
decide on them? Experience will
teach him that we must either refuse
to receive, or co through. I entirely
concur with the Senator from Vermont
Mr. Prentiss) on that point. There
is no middle ground that is tenable,
and least of all that proposed Jo be
occupied by the Senator from Penn
sylvania, and those who act with him.
poses is calculated to lull the People ot
iheslaydoldiii ,.,S.tAteJ.ntoaXalse.
ecurityriwd4fcth
iorlh''1anclfcl'fafe'd ttrtnttke'r
that there is more -strength here
against the abolitionists than really
does exist.
" Bu t we areloTd TO tTierighr of pe
fitron- is--pnpolariir-ttre" wtb,--an
that to make an issue, however true,
which might bring it in question, would
weaken our friends here, and strength
cn the Rbolitjonisls,. 1, have no doubt.
of the kind feelings of our brethren
from the North on this floor; but 1
clearly see that while we have their
feelings in our favor, their constitu
ents, right or wrong, will have their
votes, lioweverwe may be affected.
But I assure our friends that we
"would nofiilS "Tiny'lhtngV'ifK'n'gly;
which would weaken them at home;
and, if we could be assured that, by
yielding to their wishes the right of
receiving petitions, they would be able
to arrest, permanently, the projivss
induced to yield; but. nolhing mort
of the certainty of permanent security
can induce us to yield an inch. If
to maintain our rights must increase
the abolitionists, be it so. I would at
no period make the least sacrifice of
principle for any temporary advantage,
and much less at the present. If there
must be an issue, now is our time.
-We never can be more united or bet
ter prepared for the struggle; and I,
tor one, would much rather meet th
danger now, than to turn it over to
those who are to come after us.
But putting theieviewa aside, it 'oei seem
to me, taking genera! view or the sub
ject, thai the course inlimated bv the Sen
ator from Pennsylvania it radically wrong
and muat end ut. disappointment. The at
tempt to unite all must, aa it usually does,
terminate in division and distraction. Il
will divide the South on the question of re
ceiving, and the North on .that of rejection,
with mutual weakening of both. I already
see indications nf division amonr Northern
gentlemen ou this floor, ven in this stage of
the question. A diviaion among them would
give a great impulse to the cause of aboli
tion. Whatever position the parties may
lane, in the event ol such division, one or
the the other would be considered more
or less fatorable to the abolii'ion caue,
which could nut fail to run it into the poli
tical struggles of tlie two great parties
of the North. With these viewvi hold that
the tiAly possible hope ofarresiinrthe prop
rest of the abolitionists in that quarter is to
to keeplhe.two gi eat pan tea i here united
against them, which would be impossible
ifteytrMdehe?r
Senator trom Pennay.lvania will effect a div:s
ion here, and, instead of uniting- the North;
and thereby arresting he proirreis nl the
aboliiioiiit, as lie snticipaies, will end in di
vision and distraction, and in gi'ir-g thereby a
more powerful impulse to their cause, t
must say before 1 close my remark in this
connexion, that the members from the North,
ft seems lo me, are nut duly sensible of lite
deep interest which they bavein thiaqnesiion,
nnt only s. .T(rrluiv W tnW bat awii 'e.
laiesimmdistely and direcily to.lheir parii
tt1yie"eii'onl jr'? sfeiif1Bl, iorei7
theirs is not lens - If the tide continues
roll on its turbid waves of folly and fanaticism,
it nrosrin-the Tnd protTaTe IhThe Norih alt
institutions thai uphold their peace and pros
perity; and utiStnaleW overwhelm all that , is
eminent, morally and intellectually. ..
I have now concluded what I in' ended to
say on the question immediately before the
Senate. If 1 have poken earnestly, il ia be
cause I feel the subject lo be one of the deep
est interest. We ate about to tirke the fitat
slept lhat must conlml all our aubsrquent
movement. It it should be such at I fear
it will, if we receive thi petition, and there
by establish the Principle that we areoblig-
ed lo receive all such petitions, if we shall
determine to lake permanent jurisdiction o
ver the subject of abolition, whenever and
in whatever manner the abolitionist may
ask. either, here or in the Slates, I fear that
the consequences will be ultimately disas
trous. Such a course would dettmy the enn
Sdence f 1 he People of the alateholdir-jr
States in this Government. We love It cher
ish the Uniont we remember with the kindest
teeiingtour common orgin, wit n pride our
common achievments, and fondly anticipate
the common greatness and glory that, teem
lo await us.) but origin, achievement anil an
ticipation of coming greatness are to Ut a
nothing, compared to this question. It hi lout
a vital question. It involve not only our
liberty, but, what is greater (if to free
men any thing ean be,) eiistence itself. 1 he
relation which now exit's between thei
two races in the slaveholding Stales ha ex
itted for two centuries. It has grown with
our grout h, and s'renethened with our
strength. It has entered into and modified
ail of institutions, eil d poliiieal.
None
oth-t n be, substituted. We ill no, can
not perma It lobe destroyed,
P"u it to lie destroyed.. If w were base
1"" w rw hi sewttwi et
L. . .1 I 1 a. . ., I
aeiinn. In nurul... r.n'.l... .,! ...
rt-'posterity, ftitouraniiou desire to protect
I
and preserve this relaiou by the Joint action i
of the Govern me t and the confederated
States of the Uniont but il, instesd of ctosmg
the door if, instead of denying all jurisdic
tion and all interference In thi question, the
tfimrt ot-Cflftffteie are ro be ihrowfl opens ana
il we are to be es posed Here, in tlie Jiean oi
the Union,' le an endlesa' attack on our
right, our character, ami our institutions) il
Hie other Matva are to stanu ana looK on
without attempting toupnreasiiee attacks.
originating within their bordrs and, finally,
if tins is lo be our nxed and parmanent con
dition as membeis of this Confederacy, we
will then be compelled to turn our eyes on
oursehe. uomc wnai win. suou u n coat
every drop of blood, ami every cent of prop
env. we must defend ouraehe. and if cum-
pelled, we would stand just.fnd by all laws.
human and divine.
If I ft el alarm, it it not for ourselves, but
We 'Uiooii; and the InitJfiitionrof the coon
try, to whiclufbave ever been devotedly at
t stehe ds 4roweeea4HsiiUil jumI slimUcrcd,
Frw have mude greater sacrifices to maintain'
them, and none is more autiuus to perpetu
a e them to the latest generation! but tlrry
can and ought to be perpetualed only on the
coiid lion that lite v fulfil the great object
for which they were created the liberty and
pro eerion -ot these $lefc-
As for ourselves. 1 feel no apprehension
I know lo the fullest extent the magnitude
of the danger tht-t surround us. 1 im mil
disposed to underestimate i. My colleague
has painted it truly. Hut, as great as is the
danger, we have nothing to fear, if true to
oursilves. We hsve many and great resour
ces: a numerous, intelligent, and brave popu
Utiou; great ai d valuable staples) ample h-"-
an entire exemption trom lliose clangers on
criiiat'inir in a conflict, between labour and
tliesemay be added that we would acl under
imperious ieeeiiw There would be lo
u but one alternative to triumph or perish
as a people We would land alone, com.
pelhd U ..djR.fe!jdJifecl;aracjer and institu.
tion. A necessity so stern'and Tmperidhi
WoiiTjj Ujfp lo the toll alt thepatquah
tiea of our nature, mental and moral, requis
ite for defence intelligence, fortitude, cour
age, and patriotism; and the je, with our am
ple mean, and our admirable matetial fur
the constrwctitmtrf durable free Slates, woukl
insure secuiity, liberty, and tenowi'.
With these impressions, I ask neither sym
pathy nor compassion for the slaveholding
Stale. We can take rare of ourselves. It is
not we, but the Union which is in danger II
is that which demand our caie di mands
that the agitation of lliis question shall cease
L&er 4 bat you sh It refuse to receive ; these
petit trmavsrd dechne--alt juruHMeiio. t
the subject of abolition, in every form and
shape. It is only on these terms that the Un
ion csn be safe. We cannot remain here in
an endless struggle in defence of our char
acter, our properly, and institution.
. I shall now. in conclusion, make a few re
maik as lo the . -coutae 1 liall J'f el myself
compelled to pursue, should the Senate, by
receiving-ihi petition,- d terroine, to. enter
lain jwriiMel oi-oer the- qualioioA-aboU-
tion. I hinkingasl 00, 1 csn penorm no
act that would countenance so dangerous an
assumption j and as t participation in the sub
sequent proceeding on mis pennon, anuutu
it unfortiinatclv be teceived, might be o
construed, in that event I shall feel mi self
constrained to decline such participation,
and to leave the responsibility wholly on
those who may assume it;
Twcntf-FoMrth Cbngrfs.
1 " . . .j ..,.,.-
. H'elntduy. March i)
The Senate was occupied chiefly in dis
cussing he bill to admit Michigan as a Sta e
into the Union,
In the House of Hepresf ntativrs Mr.
Urnmgoole, from the select Committee vo
whom that part of the President's mcssige in
relation to the election of President and Vice
President devolving upon Congress and fix
ing the duration of the Presidential term, &c
waa referred, made a report, accompanied
by a joint Resolution, in com for mil y to the
President's recommendation, which weie
read and ordered lo be printed
ThurnUiy, March II.
In the Serate, Mr. Walker, of MissihS ppi.
on leave, i.nttoduced a bill lo reduce and
graduate the price of the public lands to ac
tual settler only ; upon which discussion
took place, tth,ch las'ed until 3 b'cTiicS.
In the I Ioue of Representatives, Mr, Haw
kins, from the Committee on election, re
portfd resolution directing the tick of
the House to pay to Hand Arw'ant, Eq.
i he same turn for per diem and mileage, aa
n snow en to roemuer i -congress.
to be
cumputed fron the day of presenting hit Be.
Uio4ohe 0tMf,nwit
rimes firalium, T.-q. to the 29th ini-t. inrlu
sive. The rcnolution was sdopted 124 lo 54.
Friday Jlpril 1.
In the S"nale, the silting was rincipally
ronsomed in debate on the question of admit
ting Michigan into the Lnion.
In the House, nothing of importance w
transacted.
Saturda y April 2.
.. In the
.8ena?;;b
nortnern ooundirrv
ot . Ohm, and to provide
passed, and. sent to the other House, ,C ,inVoV 'HZ.. "i1";
ItZT" "ff r of hi, tachifiej'bT
Monday, April 3
Tn the Senate, The bill for the adin;!nii
ot tlie State of Arkansas beimr reail jl third
lime, passed, and ent lo tlie other House,
In the House of Itenresentatives. M
Wise, moved lo suspend the rule to enable
him to offer the following' resolution, which
was re rosea vu 10 8, i
Resolved. That a select committee be an.
pointed, with power to send for persons
and papers, to inquire into the agency or
mode of selecting the banks of drposite for
me puhtic money, and into the cortract
with the Treasury Department, by which
they are regulated, and into the manner in
which, and the persons by whom, such con
tracts are madrt and to inquire whether env,
and, it any, wnai connexion or relation, ofli
cial or unofficial, exists or has existed' be
tween a certain Reuben M Whitney and the
Treasury Department of the United 'States, or
between him and the bank of drposite of
k. ...ki:. i ... .. ' ... i
i.c ,umv ,iirj, ami mm ne extent of ni
agency (renerally, in keeping and controlling
inepuuiio wieney, ann into tlie amount of hi
compensation, whether the same be paid out
of the public Treasury or by the deposite
banks and that said committee have leave
to report by bill or otherwise.
7W, y, April 4.
The Senate proceeded to consider th
expiingingwsoliilion offered by Mr, Denton,
Mr. ligh resumed his observation. After
Mr. Leigh concluded his - peech on, motion
of Mr. Benton, the resolution was laid an
Hablej and ortlvred tn be printed.-
in tne noose of Hepresenlative.. Mr.
Wise ask el be offrr the rewlirtioe pre.
eMed by- him vestenlaVr ObieMinn hv.
' beeti-vrntde, her WieVed"rto ' simperir! the
rultsi which was again refuted 91 to $9.
TIIK STAU
RALK1G IIt APRIL H, gj"
SUPERIOR COURT FOR WAV
Nearly the whole of the week
with the trial of capital cases. anJ tK-
did not adjourn until late Saturday nitt, i?
Tuesday, James Baxhford was tried fcir ik.
dcr oi on oroiner. . i ns Allornrv Gmi
I a .1 ;. - mt a . .
not press for a conviction foe any thing b Jj
laughter. He was defended bv Wm. H 2
wood, jr. Esq. lie waa convicted of al
On Wednesday, Jones Kiu, a free ner .
bout 1 8 year of age, was tried for a, raps si
colored wom0 nearly 80 years of ace. at,
II. Haywood, aiirned a counsel by tin CmJ
On Thursday, John' Murphv alitu u..
Suggs, 'arrested some time since in Alalia...
was put on bis trial for the murder of
nut uiaiv 4t r t -w sui-rsitj
ne was laoonng unuer mental toenails, Ki
the Jury summoned to' pronounce npoa ft,,'
fact, found that be was not insane. Thetri
lasted for suinrthiiig like 16 hours; duriDtahia
time Judge Kettle remained on the bench,
Jury, about 1 1 o'clock Friday, rendered i.
diet of not guilty. For- theriroseratkm: 1,
Attorney General Daniel; for the priaontr 1
H. Haywood, jr. and George W. Hira-ed
Esquires, The defence is spoken of L ku"
terms of commendation by those. who htnrd h
n., v.'..i xi;i m;ii. l- . 1
v.. . ..vk-j, ,..,.v. iu, unnuira
al, anirconvicted tor the murder ojf John Whii
aker. A motion for a new trial bavin b
made and overrule!, an appeal was tska toa
Supreme Court, on.the groundthat thers.l
s ttfinritmn of the Jarya- Weitractc Qrooi, J
Register the following paragraphs in rttatioa in I
the presiding J udgc and , tius. Attottw.y Gtnmi I
VVe. cannot:concfu
wilhout paying passing tribute to hit fti
or. Judge ALrMyMg9rd4
rode Ihi Circuit', who has presided jv
. . ... t :ir. .. .. .P
greater accepiaoin-y ine r uurssion atiu
nuelic. UiK'inginsUed by urbannvot miitn
" dl ffllff on thTr rlenehj end prompriinde MtJ-
deih s, t l-juime Uim, j4 l
gably industrious in the.labor of of Uii t
fire. . .-
' To the attorney General, who sppetrtdr:
the fiirst time, in this Court, in a Capital h.
-fltctir-ent,--we tntler!rn--a-nf'bi
- - : .1.... i. - i -ir- .
jiihiicc in saying.) niai nc ia kti rtiiciVHri
aealuus Proserin ing Ofhcrr, and marisgeila
eases with skill and ahilitv and w.hilt k
does full itisticero the 8t'e, never tb
o press conviction, where the evldestt
does not justify it "
Th triginul ' -Jaekiien partthi prrtnt
.?MJ?Jf9.j!VKtSr''JI'Jf-.ft. "ill reailfeaj
in our paper of the24tli of March, wesnuner-l
ated some of those promises which were nsjc
and some of the principles which were nrofea
ed by the original Jackson party. W attempt
eu to sncw a wide and manliest ditterenet a
t ween these and the practice of this aJmiinV
tration. We again resume the suhicct, Om4
the practices of Mr. Adams, and one not tai
h-ast condemned, was the appointment of m
-ber of 'ongrtw to Ee('utiim-,- Gn,
Jackson himself had -pointedly condemned thi
practice, and regarded it as an evil of suflicirnt
mngiiittide to reuuire an amendment of 1st
Constitution. Placed by that mstramtnt a
watches upon Executive misrule and encros.
mont, it was, as we conceive, well ftared, tbj&!
vigilance might be lulled, their eyes charmed Hi
steep, by the official power and the subrtaiaV:
emoluments at the disposal of tlie Preuideitb-j
Has th present administration acted out tlij
.principle! Have thev redeemed thi plrdp!!
ti . . .... . I
in-y iiBTc uircriy uiareganied tne one ande!
temncd the other. More members of Conttn
have been appointed to office durinir thkaL
ministration than durine the ad
all preceding President together. "T'his is
stuKborn fort, and cannot be denied. Dut iJ
this all! Have we not good reaaor to tnr, ftiJ
power oi appointment has been eirrrhri M
a, view to influence the action of Congress!-
vt nave. An honorable member from Virp's
ia, in the face of the House of Representstira
and before tlie whole nation, has made tbt
charge, made specifications, named the verv b-
dividuals who have been thus ooernled nans.
and who was found to gainsav it! Who dini
contradict him! He affirmed that the Depoeal
question, a great constitntianul question, on(l
me most important which, for years has spa-1
too mission to hngland. 7'his proves but l
clearly how well founded were the PrecideinV
apprehensions of this practice m comiptmt
tendencies! bnt it also unfortunately estalihMw
that his doctrine is dne tliinir his practice u
ether, and quite a different thing.
A gaim the whole -coomtry "rnnjiilfiijV
onngcr oi tne line or s:fc nreretlenM. v.
was said it would soon, to all practical purpe
es, give to the incumbent of the preajoViitW j
chair, thpriomt
the sequel! It is well known, no man candenj
l JWr.- an Burcn ia -advocte4eunj.
jaerettnd that tha President Jesiwis hi aha
tion. To the more hrnorsnt and ereduloot psn
of the community, this spp-al is eonstantlT
madct Gen. Jackson i your friend, be knows eh
will do best, and he Is' in favour of Van Bum. !
TtetmirMmsepatroWai! &4mtwwni;6
unexampled frsonal ' oopularily at
, 1 uiii.tu owim, ninrrnil Hum limf. Van H,,ri.'. .1 .1 . . . i-..
im j iiim uemi lueM necks p th yoke, ww :
it not be introducing into this government t
gal power, which no limited monarchy of moi ,
Bo roj Merates, aniwhich Is only Jtaowl
under the iron despotism of the Russian Ab i
crat! What will the empty form, the lill p-
geantry of electing our Chief magistral ti i
worth, if we are mere puppets, to be mured i
Ibe will of our master! " f I
. MNAiJanjs was roudry condomnad (brkb '
latitudinaria Mnatraclioa of the Ooettort,
a entertaining high toned Federal dacrn!
and-we were promised that the government
should be administered according to the prim! J,
pies of Mr. Jefferson. How have these to :
promises been complied with! HaVe da
pledges -JwoA redeemed! Ha. tha avatani f
Internal Improvement bacu nmatratMU A MN
rJid and brief review of the past wilt (urouk
me nest answer. The proclamation of I
PresMr-nt of the United States ean caiwlT
havenSeen forgotten. It is not likely soon to
forgotten. A highly remibliran docume nl Wh
ly! Wonderftillv accordant with JerTsraoaUa
jprinciples! , . . ...
Again: the proteat is another Irvlv Jefien
nlan Slate paper! Both these, according t bi
promises, gentle reader, and those of hi n-lli
whilst be was yet A Jackson, a private Indirkh
usj. and before his bead was torned bv tttf
giddy height to which he had been mixed T '
grateful people, yon. would suppose contend
ft the strictest eonatructioo of th Conntittn
tion. Ttiis oply shew your simplicity,
how little you are versed In the wiles of polilh ,
cian. So far from Its Heine so. we boldlv ve
tUre lb asertion, larid challenire eontratlici
fft. will, ud B - it fii.4lif(H.
thomsHvee-no two docometits' have ever n
nated fromany Tuibrie- man- more hieh
more ultra-Federal, more at war with the rrf "
brat4 Virginia 'and Kentucky fssululions.-