Newspapers / The North-Carolina Star (Raleigh, … / July 12, 1837, edition 1 / Page 2
Part of The North-Carolina Star (Raleigh, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
1 bcr. tid fr f.k! 1 eMerta s!ron an rtachment-'-lha trtnr, Wciu ' w, ir fn imfif - mmr. In iror win . tVs qaes'wn, I am ut iniKioi i Uftf long standing cin(itutionul 'V j?cr' tf- t'ti bank, on lb roand, t ut this. w . intended to be, as it is oiially expressed, hard money Giv erniient a-Government whose circH Jtting m?dijtn was intended ij consist of th preciou met a, and for which i'jij ;t the powe' of coiiiingmonyjind res'Jliting the value tVreof, m eT - - - i j es!y conferred tfy the Constitution. xniw how long .and how sincerely l1iisnnTi. " en ier bow nirfy dhncultie it basWn m liamed. . It is n t, my intention to attempt thinge any opinion snLfirtn- ly fixed, bit I. may be. permitted t . eiJajLvyoWrvatinns. in order to present whst.appear to me to be. toe tr"ie qiirstios fa reference to this con- atituMonal petal in order that we may f!lr comore'iend the circumstances uodrr 'which we ' placed in refer? eijctf to it. , With this view I do not lero if neressary to inquire whether, li c inferring the power to roin wtney aid to reg'i'ate trie value thereof, the ...... i- I ... i:.: .. lended to limit the pow- oiBin-'gAney aw I reg't-' , or wh -tUrr it. iotewd- more "ennral ryiwer o- frttfttt tj to cui nttt latinnts value e.U i cotif -r a ver tbo currency nor do I intend to inquire whether" thj word coin i limit el jtlsnpjy t the metals, or in ty be cx mWA)fHwtitan'ce, if ihruatih, a nitni.ctiinTP thpv m.ir bPCVMZ the YieworM. I pass these, point.-Whatever opsfiion there nuy be entertained t'i reference to them we ail mast t 'rce. s -6tediwiwip4 tint the 'power und.-r rons!IrratTim7 like other political power, h a trust pwer, and that like, jjll such .power it mutt be so exercise I 4V to aJct the iect r t'u truiTt a- ur a ft m ir ae p actirab!'. Nor can we di-n-irce that . t'ltf.- iddticLflf-lhe-piUKer.-ttAiJj. juco U these S!ates ft safe, uniform and sta bit cttrrencr. The nature of Ihc pow ei- the terflia-med to conrey itj the fiistory of the timesj the neresnify with the creation of a common Govern. u'B wf Jmviig a ronii)io'i a-aw farm circulating medium and the pa'v- y- onfefre to - pun h- thus who, by cauhteiftfttln, may attempt tit debe and dj;raiU this rota of the country, . ail proclaim this to b tbe.-obj-ct.. His not irtr purpose .'to itiqitre whether, admitting thia to be the ob ject. Congress is not bound to use all the means in it power tu give tliis aafety, this stability, thU OTiiformity to the currency, for wlmb the power was conferred -nor to inquire whether the .States are not bound to ahntufn from acts on their pavt inconsistent "wilh these 6bjW er the right of banking, on the part of a State 4oes not directly, and by im. ediate cwiequrfnccs injuriously aflVct (be currency whether the eiecf of basking, is not to expel the specie cur rency, which, accord inglo the assump tion, that this is a hard money Oovern ' ment, it was the object of the Cubsti . tutipn to furnUb, jn conferring the riljr tend to diminish the value of spe cie currency as certainly as clipping at reducing its weight wou)dj and whether it hat not, in fact, since its in troduction, reduced the valae of the coins one half. Nor do Liuiend to innare whether Congress is net bound to abstain f om all acts on ill parf,cal- latet-to-ftSfect injuriously Uie speciertbut on whirfTjrdttferynf Rruutid. 1 1tay I ,tt hi t utn nil wlk..rni. th rurniviiinr . ... a ... J of any thing but specie, in ils due must not necessarily ca affect it by diminislving the quantity in rirculation, and depreciating the value of what re ' mains. All these questions I leave open I decide none of them. There If Congress has a right to receive any ihing-e f rtThaff ip? tie haritnl u?frthe7 Jhave.. tberishtto regula.teUa italue xndhave a right,, of course to adopt all necessary and proper means in the tanguage'of the contstitution, to efToct he object It matters not what they ; receive, tobacco or any thing else, this right must attach to it. I do not aJTirm the right of receiving, but I do hold it to bo incontrovertible that if Congress vre ta order the dues of the Govern liie nt to be paid, for instance, in tobac co, they would have . the right they . would be bound to use all necessary and proper means, to give it a uniform and stable value; inspections appraise ment,, designation of qualities, and whatever ehte would be ueceary to that object So, on' the same princi ple, if they redeive bapk notes, they are equally bound ta use all means ne cessary and proper , according to the peculiar nature of the subject, to give -vnilormity atab'dity and aafetyvThe very receipt of bank notes on the part of the Government, in its dues. Would . it is conceded, make' them money, as far as the Government may be con cerned, and by a necessary conse quence would make them to a great : extent the currency of the country, I lay nothing of the positive provisions in the Constitution which deUre that, all duties, ; import, 'anil excise, shall be-uniform throughout the United States,' which cannot be, unless that in which they axe paid should also bare, as nearly as pracffcjWe, a. uni form value throughout theonntry. To eff ct this, where bank notei are re ceived, the banking power is necessa ry and proper within the .meaning of tbf Conititution; and consequently, if th Oiternment ha tWiright to r- ceive bank notes in it daes, the power k.j. ....i;n;M.i . fl. i: sa;d Jlr. t;., . the rear con qaetion has the Government to recejv bank notet or notf ..Tui ihe qurstion is not upon the mere power of incorporating a bank, at it h been commonly argued; though even in that view, thero would be as great a const tutional objection to any act on the part of the- Executive, or any other branrh of the .Government, "which should uo'rta 'any, association of . the State Banks into one system, as the bility t ibc currrncy which the Con- suiunon inienua 10 corner, jjic crj act of so jassociatipg or incorporating them into one by whatever name call eJ, or bv whatever department per- lorineu, wouiu oe in iaci an act o corporation. ; jj'it, sail Mr. Callioun, my object, as I jiave stated, is n it to d incus the constitutional question, nor to deter ininj whether the bank b' constitution, al or not. It is. I repeat, to show whee the iifieulU 4i a diiBculty I which I have frit from the firt time I came into the nablic srvii e. 1 found came into the pablic s-rv'u e. 1 found -theMta-BOWr-the-cwrenry of4e tfoun-. try conitins tm'wt entirely of ban', notej. 1 found tite government inti- tnately ronneclea wuh this system, re cminjhank notes in it dues and pay iiilflhem away tin ier itsappropriations a cash. I iiauta4-w?oa4-4wf-coi irn:: u existed io:iuciore m.y tune, oi ioiijj u-i're nj uihc, i4 j bhu jiu cum mic.i iuihiv iiKit ct t and- i w,n eom:eKyhteee-'fmviTUifht"fo ba clveiTT t7?rartfeti;te leil t- act on the without ttciuing on tin; rainy quea. tinj winch 1 have su;rifste I a coa- a- IT" d i R : i i f 2 o pi niirnv" N a frti aTi pay I hi regard to precrdont than I do acting here in nay .representative and didile rative character, on Ical or constitu tional questions; bit 1 have ffTTfroin I MIC I'Vtf (! lull IUI ui lUU ui- tlie Iciinjiin2 the full force of tlio dis- ator lnm Virginia (Mr. li'igii ue. twecn doing and undoing an act, and which he so strongly illustrated in th case of the purchase of Louisiana. Tho ctinstitutionality of tliatact was doubt eJ b -a t44it- tmt'f-a ml among - others by its author lyoiselfj yet he won i a oe ewnstuerew a manraan, wno, coming into political fue at tins latu perio.l, would now seriously take up the qucAtiun oi the constitutionality ol the purchase, an.l coming to the con clusion that it was unconstitutional, should propose to rescind the act and cj"ct from the Union two flourishing Sfite, and a growing territory; nor would it be the act of much less mad ness thus to treat the question of the currency,' and undertake to suppress the system of bank circulation, which has been growing up from the begin ning of the government; which has penetrated into Mid connected itself with every branch of business and ev ery departmen t of - the go vernment on the ground that the censtitntion intend, ed ft specie circulation; or who would treat tire constitutional question as one to be taken up do novo, and decided upon elementary, principles, without reference to the imperious state .of facts ,Bu tin. raising .tba question .wbethr- my friends of the ijtate Kights party can consistently vote for the measure which I have suggested, I rest on the ground that their constitutional opin ion in reference to the bank, iserrone bu. ' t assume their opinion robe cor rect I place th! argument, not on the constitutionality or unconstitutionality, it dowa as an act to bo Oncpnstitution It,anfltrchrnstari5 that it cannot be reversed at once, or at least with out involvingsuch gross injustice to individuals and distress to the commu nity, that it cannot be justified; we may, under such circumstance, vote. u-A(4Jkmps flomg craauiTTy, aslhc only practica ble modeot terniinaling.iconsistent'T wilLlhe stricieat-coji slit uiiooal objec tion. 1 he act or the last session, ad justing the tariff, furnishes an apt illus tration. All oi us believed that meas ure to be unconstitutional and oppres sive, yet we voted for the act without supposing we violated the constitution in so doing, although it allowed op ward of eight years for the termination of the system, on the ground that to re- verse it at once, would spread desola tion .and ruin over a large portion of the country. I atk that the principle in (hat case be applied to this.' fv is equally as impossible to terminate, suddenly, the present system of paper currency, without spreading a desola tion still wider and deeper over the face of the country. If it can be re versed at all if we can ever return to a metallic currency.it must be by grad ually undoing what we have done, and t tolerate the system while the process - - -WM .1 I I is going on. , i nus, me measure wnicn have suggested proposes for the pe riod of twelve years, tube followed np by ft similar prores; as far as a slow and cautioJi experience ahall prove we mar go, consistently with the public interest, even to its, entire reversal, if experienre shall prove we may go so fart which, however, I must ar, I for one, do not anticipate; but the effort, if it mould be honestly .commenced anil pursued, woud present a case every wy parallel to the instance of the tar iff, to which I have already referred. I go farther, and ask the qnestinn, can yoo. consistently with your obligation to the constitution, refuse to vote foe ft measure, if intended, in good faith, to effect the object already slated. Would not ref asal to ot fir the Only means of termioating it, cotsistently , w I iuair: and without invo!rin the n Wltll . ... . j- . I ut a rtjio all its practical consequences to i voteto perpetuate a state of things, perpeta 11 must i which all must acknowledge to be em inently .unconstitutional and highly dangerous to the liberty of the coun try? ; . - . 'Dut I kifow that it will be objected, that the constitution ought to be amen ded, anitthe power conferred in ex press terms. . I feel the full force of the objection." I bold the position to be sound, that' when ft constitutional qlieslToTS tha powers of the government, which experience thall prove cannot be set tled by reason, as is the case of the bank question, those who claim the weToght-tHibftdoi-4t, -obta an express grant by an amendment ol the constitution: and vet. even with this impression, I would at the present time led much if not in?upraule ob jection, to vote lor an amendment, till an eff iiJiall be lainy made, in order ta aexTain, to what extent the power mizht ha dispensed with, as I have pro- posed. hat-n redkpt is indi I hold "'it a sound principle, power should be confer pun the general government than spendable; and if experience shall proe that the power of banking is.imlispensable, a 1 believe it to be, in the actual condition of the currency othis Coontry anil of the world-gene ra ly,' I should even then think that and limitations as would limit it to the smallest amount necessary, 'and guanL "rt-wttiTThe TaTmosTTare Ait iswhotit- farther-eTpericTTce"; weare at a Irfrs to determine bow little or how much will' be required to cor-' rect n diseane which must, if not cor rected, end in convulsions flfnd revolu tiofi.; I consider Iho whole subject of MwinniQ vi " p"" " tiankinz and credit as undercoinx at a nrnzreisive change, ol which 1 think 1 perceive many indications. Among the changes in progression, it appears to me there is a strong tendency in the banking system to resolve itself in Tttwo - paiHs one becoming a bank- of circuiauuTi aim exciiange, ir ine pur pose of regtrlatrng-and eqnalizing the circulating medium, and the other as suming more the character .of private banking, of which separation there arc indications in the tendency of the En glish system, particularly perceptible in the late modifications of the charter of the Bank of England. In the mean time, it would be wise in us to avail ourselves of the experience of the next few years, before any change be made in the constitution, particularly as the course which, it seems to me, it would be the same whether the power be ex pressly conferred or not. I next address myself to the mem-' bers or the opposition, who principally represent the commercial and. manu facturing portions of the country, where the banking .system has been farthest extended, and where ft larger portion of the property exists in the shape of cieait, than m any other section; and to w'no:n4a sound and stable currency is-most . necessary- and the opposite most dangerous." You have no consti tutional objection to ynu it is a mere Question of expediency; viewed in this light can you vote for the proposed measure? A measure designed to ar reRt the approach of events which I have demonstrated, must, "if not arrest ed, create convulsions and revolutions; and tu com trrctr must, ifrtti not corrected, subject the country to Con tiuued agitations' and fluctuations; and in order to give that permanence, stability and uniformity which is so es sential to your safety and prosperity. To effect tliis, may require some dim inution on the profits of banking; some 4iwtprry'efit,ewreTCTtf'4itrtif such should La the Tact, it will be com pensated in more than - a hundred lohl proporiion.rby increasedsecurity and durable prosperity. If the system must advance in the present course without a check, and if explosion must follow, remember that where you stand will be the crater should the system quake, under your feet, the 'cham. will open that will engulf your institutions and your prosperity . Can th friends of the administra tion vote for this measure? T( I un derstand their views, as expressed by the Senttor from Missouri, behind me, Mr. Benton.T and the Senator from New York, MrvWright;l nd other distinguished members of the party and the views of the President, as ex pressed in reported conversations, I see not how they can reject the meas ure. They profess fo be the advocates of metallte currency, ; I propose to restore it by the most effcctua, mess ures1hatCanTe7llevTsedrgraduaily and slowly, to the extent, that experi ence may show that ttvean be done consistently with a due regard to the public interest Farther, no one can desire to go. ; If the means, t propose are not the best and most effectual, let better and more effectual be devised. If the process which I propose be too slow or too last, let if be accelerated or retarded, l'erinit me to add to these views, what It appear to ine those whom I Address ought to feel with deep and solemn obligation to duty. They are the advocates and supporters of the administration." It is now conceded, alnvmt nniversally, that ft rash and precipitate act of the . .. .. . ... Executive, to speak in the mildest terms, has plunged this country into iTeep ani alwoat-univfrsal Matrass. Yo'i are the supporters oi uis nti 'u reyou personally incur the reponsi ' i t " j i J How are th4 J consequences of this act to terminate? Do ou see the end? Cin things re- inaia aithevr are with the currency end the-treasury of the country under the exclusive control of the Executive? And by what scheme, what device do you propose to extricate the country and the constitution from their present dangers? . ,f . '' ;' I have now e a id what I intended.! have pointed out without reserve what 1 believe in my conscience to be for pblrcirTterrst."M it-wkV- I4va said be remembered as favourably 83 is the sincerity with which it has been utter ed. In conclusion, I have but to add that if what I have said shall in any degree contribute t tUe adj ustineot of the question, which I believe can not be left open without imminent danger, I shall rejoice; but if not I shall at least have the consolation of having discharged my duty. CortMpondeac of lbs Baltimore Patriot ffaihlnarlon, Jue 30, 183?. THE MANDAMUS CASE. T-odaT again fhw inti-rest of the questions raised in the progress of the Mandamus case, attracted an immense crowd to the Circuit Court. Mr. Reverdy Johnson finished his able ar gument in reply to Messrs. .Kendall, Butlerraod- KeyrlleH"tttty7inweT eu vie -iiijii cxpcciaii)iis vn TTe'niiiz " yesTe'rdav proiTuceiT: ed the big'i expectations which his o IV 1 wi tnessinr tins masterly effort the most favorabft o p? oion of hU powera of iutellejettJuliL fjfttiT'lfh'ff. " ' " " - " Alter a brief recapitulation of th views he presented yesterday reipec- Hii"tli'e powers wh.ch had been con lerreu on pic executive ana juiJiciary oy the constitution ot the Liiteil States Mr. Johnson proceeded to ex amine the question the principal unc tnvomu wncthcr Longress had the riht constitutionally to rotifer on this Circuit Cirt the power to issue a Mjmlamus in this case. You will re member that the Postmaster Gener.il and his advocates Messrs. Butler and Keyvave denied the right" of Con-i gress to confer power on any part of the Judiciary to mterlere with the Executive at all.' , And yet they de clare that in this family quarrel" bet ween the Judiciary and the - Execu tive, the proper method lor. the rela tors to pursue is to apply to Congress! Every one must perceive the gross in consistency of such a recommenda tion, with their doctrines about the res pective rights of the different Depart ments f the Government. According to the -grounds themselves have as sumed, the President and bis subor dinates are as much JiouniL to resist a- ny exercise of power by Congress, for the relief of the relators, as they are to oppose the jurisdiction and man date of the Court. Congress accord ingto the notions of these advocates Executive Supremacy, has no more power to grant redress than the Court. Why then apply to that body? Let these new fanj xngleu uoctrii trinesJje admit ted, and there is no relief posibbii through ''lh'e''''tite;r"pos1fooflfi:e"ongk al depository of power, the people. I obr government indeed so imperfect? Surely not M c Johnson controverted tlie idea that the claim by the Circuit Court of the power to issue the Mandamus was never heard ot oetore. lie quoted the act of If 80. which explicitly gives writ upon "persons holding office irn dcrthe authority of 4he U. S. Ne Judge ever entertained a doubt that Conyrress did give this power, and in opinions by Chief Justice Marsha judge story, ajia juue Johnson, pro nounced distinctively and on different otfaBinnsT ify of Congress to give such ft power was-perlectly-clear and4indoubted. The-emphatto language of Mr. Jus tice Johnson was that no lowyer ever denied the authority pi Congress on the point. The Postmaster General's advocate, who furnished the'public the other day with the opinion of Mr. Attorney General Rodney, , which seemed to support the pretentions now set vp took particular care not to allude to the aguments with which Mr Justice Johnson.. .replied to Mr. , Rodney, and completely put down bis assumptions. Mr. Butler in bolstering, np his client was industri ous and careful to tell the. padple only half of the truth in that casa. Mr. Johtison contended farther, that the court had power to issue an in junction restraining the executive of ficers from doing certain acts. He showed that .the process of impeach ment would give no jieljeLtnUiaJniU.-; vidual who suffered the wrong-and that it might be utterly impossible to obtain redress from the iniquitious and oppressive functionary as an individu al. Suppose the public officer com mitting the wrong suppose Amos Ken dall, for instance, were impoverished or bankrupt of what Advantage would it be to Stockton & Stokes ; to bring suit against him' to recover the sums justly due them from the Government, and indemnity tor their great losses both' of time and moner. , The distinguished pleader was ver- tj sucressiui iu sieinonsiraung me e nonnity of the doctrine that the' Presi dent possessed in himself all Execu tive power; and dwelt with stirinsr el. lonuence on the disastrous effect of the ascendency of such opinions on, the i a V. ; 1 1 w aa remarked across the table that be and Ids friend did hot draw inch conte winces Jioia the Uueteiu (replied Mr. Johnson) the learned J gentleman does not draw such conse quences they would excite too- much the apprehensions of Americansthey would startle tho most listless into re flection n the fearful dangers that threaten us but they "are the conse quences which reason draws from the maxims now attempted to , be inculca ted." In the happiest strain of hu mor, "Mr, Johnson "also illustrated some of the ridiculous consequenses of guilty of treason, and a Conrt altonld try, and sentence him to the punish ment prescribed by law, why then, according to the notion of that enligljt tneiLxommentatjr,.jLh. General, the Kxecc'ive officer would be guilty ol suicide! lie is cnndcme,d to death but the exercise of the last awful act is an Executive fum tion. The Jack Ketch is part of the Kxecu tiv?, according to Mr. Kendall, and a most material part in such pioces?; and though the condemned traitor should have the p-pe round his neck, he might, il he wouU.gunlrocK the hangman, on thclipof. and defy the terribTc powers ol the law. A doctrine leading ty the most natural Mops to sdeh results cannot be sound in principal. The function of the Judiciary is both to cx- pnflt .irmten force: and-iT is armed with power to execute its or lers. upon ft- 1 r i"tt" ;t T : -t ; onirers iiotuins; auiitorny umier. If tjovcrnmen ---ir-..vx'!--, JtoflfirTj; 55: V as upon other persons, ..'tr.,.Joh.nson.',nxpn,tenil.ed--lliat th' ierans.,4f aUeftct-.of--Coiigres.iUelf- slioweTI cTearTv .that the-National Le- g'ulatore tic 1 not intend to .invest the Post Master General with any discre tionary power in this case. lie was peremptorily directed to perform a spe cificd act ministerial tltity. -And if the President should dismiss him fordo ing such an act, that office would de serve to he impeached, because he would be forcibly resisting the fulfil ment of a law. He answered the ob jection as to the removal of the books from Mr. Kendall's custody to that ff the Auditor.'by-snowing that since stated he had caused certain-credits to be given- to the same parties. He coil tended that a law commanding a cer tain act to be done, carried with it ev ery power necessary to the perform anre of that act. In reply to the ar gument on the other side', that, it was left to the discretion of the Court at any rate to grant a Mandamus, Mr. Johnson contended that no judicial tribunal ha I the power or discretion to refuse the necessary means of en forcing the right of a citizen that if a wasbounil to afford redress. Such a case is the present; and the Court is bound to act npon it fearless of consequen ces. If its mandate should be resis ted, let the responsibility rest upon those who oppose the Constitutional authority of the Judiciary. After a .few words of explanation from Mr. Key, the case was snbmit ted; buT the Court adjourned. It is reported that Kendall will nei ther submit to the mandate of the court if it fdiould be issued, of which, there is no doubt nor will. he appeal to the Supreme Court. He means to bow himself upas an oppressed public oITi cer.-stlffering for too much conscien tiousness anJ will go to jail! lietlrira. I4i..1jva innal nf ti'u manria In Cabin?t would be glad if he were kept there -for .ttome time. The Bank of the Metropolis has got itself out of favor with tlw Cabinet, Woodbury and Van Ness, they say, have had a blow up. The Bank of Washington is to be the pet . Wood r hvry4bey 3v, holds stotk in it T44 title institution intends to lead the waj in the resumption -of ;wri pv merits, arid in the-rrformation of the currency!! More of this anon. I). "The Antlior or the Itfer to Sherrod H illiains." Great men have generally figured under charactenstic appeUation. There is great prupiietyuiihis; for it were a hard case cei tafiilyr that after having performed variety of aston ishing exploits they should still bear no more gracious a title than was giv. err th em yTheirmofficrii,' wiiTTiTt hey were yet muling and puking in their nurse's arms." The infnftt HvNin,viu for instance, kicking the blankets in his cradle, and squalling for a fresh piese of sugar candy, what has he in common with the man Hankirau breaking over the icy Alps, routing and kannihilating the legions ot the 'eter nal ity,?-an4-makingven-'thje-pttl!r of his wasted, age beat, in unison with a hatred alike sublime and inextin guishable? In the'same manner what community is there between the bov Martin .-Va Bcrek, trundling cab bages in Kinderhook, as the Editor ,nf ihe Herald reports, and Martiv Van Bcres, President of the Kitchen Cab inet, mid the greatest man on thejace of the Washington,) Globe? , It is ve ry certain then, that he ought not to be called phin Martin Van Bure. Wsh-inoton was. called the "Father of his country" JarrRRsos the "A postle of ' Liberty' and JackssT the 'Hero of New Orleans" nothing is more proper, therefore,: than that Mr. Van Burkn should be called and'de nominated the, "Author nf the Letter to SberroJ Wiiriams. Ta make this nuerties -ct tht country. axr. iwcrvmera evident,' w - . shall U . the manner of Aristotle, several uYJ? niable canons for the tivin- t,r of the man. 2. it should i2 the roost remarkable act, ,r acV hi. lire. - Sd. Itihould beconj!'; witli success. We think the Jen M tngor these .rule." will covince . one, the "Auflior of the letter u it rod Wjlliams" is the only nDriie.r" could cope with .fat all. i tyJ. "successor ttf his predecessor," u that is not euphonious,- where ? other runs on the ear like a brook. U rtf.l...iUim was an ettctio,ttrhl' tetter bnw characteristic it is ft ,Bi, mary oi bit wJiole xisVenret m whoever makes his epitspb woUj a. well to sum binv np thus Hcfe' j Maetis Van Uuheji who was born!l electioneered died." ; J : - - ,. , 7 That the, fetter to ' Sherred Wilxt was the most reinaikable event mfci, life, wj I appear, from the fart thjfot one of the London: newspapers wofj,i piintit for foar of shaking1 the BiithV Hironelnd aanihilating ull the Banh of Christendom. Lastly it ia connected with sntxets. TTieaiinior of tlie letter to sherrod W illiams" was elected, - 'The tutneii auspicious. If we look to the mV... acts of his life, we.shall fini thatyliVj c rwtrr fiiiiiiutaii ivjnr nave somt terrioie tine imaging thereby that dan- Ui? GJ- 1 he Wji ra n don t heM i ssonri netijt i ''weiTftTlieTnaseT II... S'..- .-.I .. 4l. II- ' ..". said ol them the better. Niither wnuld it-da,, tagall' Ijm th-"ewtlir eCtly J&t$rfMsm2MeBahi& rrmuid us of rottenness and ruin, nd success, Something too there is U his Mission to England associated wilk a vote of t!;a Senafc,!nnt so muchte his credit as. to theirs it were not to pit k-hi name from that page f liii life. Nor do we' find since kit clrciion, any act of more fruitful prum is. Hi Inaugural died in the grhe. r&i bankruptcy smothered by its own smiles and dimples. His official tram porlution of the Ex President lacks parade li 'Jeail.ordeLjuliiht whole army instead of a meagre Ir' of 4hree or 4our fonct'tonanritj rtTriTht have given ittm a name, t-llis fidfnj up the avenue, witi MrForsyth" h undoubtedly aomethinv of an affair is the Globe, but is liable Jo the oDjee. tion ofnot being saJSciently charac teristic i tho worthy JSecrearv anil be, are supposed not to match well. His interview with the New York Committee in connection with the pro clamation reminds us too tronljof Dogberry's insisting npon beingrit dowA an s'ss." Thus we see tlie aingu lar ft-licit V with, which the Globe hu selected iurJii!nJheiiUe-4f--thoJ!s thor of the letter to SherroiL.Wih liainS" a title on whli h he Van rids down to posterity, and perhaps a grnt, deal lower than that, whh the cheerful consent ef all men. f,7ic. Jiereurg. -r AMOS KENDALl. ( It is, we think, scarcely possible that the people of the United'States cn totally .-'ftw$r ttbe 'anTsiniTy'f tfis-- preTewswoflset up ny Jilr. KtQ ai tit his reply to the inandatuu issued by the Circuit Court against him in the case of Stdckton Si Stokes. . If our readers w'Ul permit as,' we wfft stale, in a Word one of his assumptions. It ioknown that the Marshal of the D trist is the officer t execute the pri cess tf the Circuit Court, and that kv- recrives bisppointment from and u renuTveatiteaflire will" ul'the (Presides'. ell Mr. Kendall Contends for ' hiriirtrifraiVTniat7thf President secures to him and all tber executive officers within the dfttViet f Columbia, perfect impunity for all f fences, personal or po!iiicuL If ft Ptseiy4tis or any executive favorite, fomnu'r moi-. der, and the court place a werrf. f tils apprehension in tlie luiids i f tliS Marshal, he may, according to Mr. Kendall's doctrine, "strike ihe promt dru J in hi hands,, by ditmitiimf tint on lht tpou" ' When the Mafshal ap proaches t arrest him, he is; by a siii ul? waive of his hand, disrobed of til auihovity, and his process laughed t scorn. . : .. ' - JAii-'V. ut we are glad t learn that Mr. Kendall,- not for the first time in h life, has ventured to assert the ex'nt. enceoif- authority, directly io cofltrs-- J veimon i i the law. Wt learn Iroi; gentlerun who was present on TuV day in the Circuit Court, that, while Mr, Key was expatiating upon the im munity which this power of remmsl secured to the executive and Iu subor dinates Mr. Coxe interrupted nt brought him to a stand, by exhibifin; the Marshal or his deputy, to execui al nrocss which may be in his hand a, t he tune of his removal from oflir'.' So far as respects such process, hi powers are continued, by a pis'" anu explicit statute. Mr. Key was over whelmed with confusion', at this unex pected revelation. , ' In order that we may not be areas of misrepresenting the enormity" Mr. Kendall's assumptions. Wo V annex the paragraph injiia reply ti'1 mandamus, in which ho asserts thti . Halt. ('iron. "The ettculive i onity. Tlie fit" of the eonnt'itution ht studied Idst'Tr'. well to innpnse on their couiitry a divide" 'r ecutivc" The xrciaie power vss in Pr. sident. 'I he executive .oJKor s hi itfeiits, fir whom he U held respo"''''' Ihe people, hhs sgent he w. 1 In ti" the esrcuiTv "oftlcer if the ft f l I
The North-Carolina Star (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
July 12, 1837, edition 1
2
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75