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TltOJIAS J. sVEMAT, S niTOR P FEOfKIBTOK. Su.seiffeW. '" dol,r' P"-"u- hilt in ivmw'. TrTtri r',,K dwut the SOI will he i,...,rl umT !),( Wc amount of tba jr'i , (not exceeilinr 16 line Il.it .e ivue) lirtnu-rtmn. oned.tlUr, each auu- L,nt iu.erti. tweoty-five eeu. " '. he ,leHiwineiv of Clerkt Sherifla Ju.iinA of 3.1i per l M "'' from -.e r 0I .r i" I'r .lvertii a l jer. L"er i the Kililor mutt be ioai-pia. "SPEECJII OP Mil. PKESTOtf, Or SOVTIt C0US1 On tlie Annexation of l(ai delivered hi Senile of the United Slides April 34, is.;;. Concluded. H niiiit be supposed, Mr. Presi ded, from the manner in which the public mind has been inflamed against nvproposition.thatithad not heretofore been heard of; and that I was startling the community with a novel policy. Not so, sir. The farthest in the world from it. For the first time, to be sure, there is a loud and wide-spread clamor aiiist the annexation' of Texas; but ih nrniect of effecting it has notori- effecting iiodv been entertained and urced bv tli two last administrations; and, al- though not adopted by the present as ,1 administration measure, is known t have been favorably entertained by the President, and at least one distin uuheil member of the .cabinet,:.:.lt is strait'' that a measure which has been wed for twelve years past should now, for the first time.be met by a tump.'st 'of opposition; and t A very strange that he should be found riding upon nd directing the storm, who was the very fust man to propose the annex ation of Texas, as one of the very ear liet measures of his administration, after lie was" made President. Yes Mr. President, Mr. John Quincy Ad ams liml hardly ascended the "presi dential chair before he assiduously ad dressed himse f to the task of repairing the injury inflicted upon the country by the treaty of 1 8 It, in the making of which it has been since understood he as the reluctant agent- As Secreta i vf Siate, in 1 8 1 9 he negotiated the treaty of transfer) as President of the United States, in 1824, he inttitated a negotiation for the reannexatioif. Through his Secretary of State, Mr. Cy, 'whose name heretofore has been aiwavs connected with opposition to the cession, and with aJvocacy of re annexation of Texas, and who I should be glad to find standing on ihjs same groundnow that he occupied from 1819 to 1 8)29 J the President instructed Mr. Poinsett, then minister to Mexico, to open at once and vigorously. urgea ne gtitiation for the reacquisition of Texas, and the re-epdublishmen of the south west line of the United States at the Bio Grande del Norte. The Secreta ry urged it upon the envoy, as a mat ter of the deepest interest to the country, and the highest policy of the Govern ment. The advantages are elaborate ly ami ytutous y' set forth; and al though thy tountry at that time labored un.lnr a lrirp dphf. the envoy wag au thorized to offer five million lor the ac nnisition. It is greatly be lamented that the joint efforts of Mr. Adams, Mr. Uli v. arid M r. Tbinseii, TaTred'a p- n this occasion, as the joint efforts of General Jackson, Mr. Van Buren, and M r. Poijisettt did upon, a subsequent occasion, lien the proposition was re neweJ, or rather continued, under a new administration. From the begin ning to the end of his administration. Mr. Adam kept steadily in view this important measure; and when his suc cessor came in, as it was supposed, with opinions differing on all points, and with promises and pledges of all orts of Changes, amidst the general tioulevtnemenl of all that had been done r attempted, this measure alone w held sacretiTtrwis adopted, as it tiwul upon, the record, and urged with t'ie characteristic energy of the man who hit, and truly felt, that he was mdsu much the functionary of a con- "itutioiml GoVcratRer.t, as the retire tentative of the democracy of this country, as Napoleon had been, of that r ranee. Jackson, Van nuren, anu Poinsett, took the place of Adams, Way, sod Poinsett, but pushed on the negotiation. How or, why it failed, it were useless now to innuire. Wheth er it was lost sight of amougst the vul Rr nd paltry controversies of Scotions and Yorkions, or postponed by the mas- acres and plundering or the succatio, u'pended bv the ceaseless revolution of that fated country, is now of no con- equen- e. This ia certain, that Presi ent Jackson never lost sight of it, and that he continued to look to its accom plishment as one of the greatest events of hi administration, to the moment when the title of Mexico was extin ruished forever bj the battle of San Jacinto. And the object, atr, was well wor- "y oi the sohctude of a patriot states man. fur the.Vountrr Inat tn ns bv (he fatal treaty of 1 El 9 iae of the finest pon the whole earth. Its beautiful prairi,, expand beneath- as genial a c''nate as ever blessed the milder lati tudes of tne temperate zone; and rising rotU slope Iran the Oalf, to wards the north, presents the appear ance of a vast lawn, interspersed with streams and woodland. No Jteavj fsreta flcwnbr"it surface; iW$ HM sent obstacles to its settlement; no barren wastes of sand disfigure it no marshy swamps mar i!atmospneie with unhealthy exhalations. Under a sun which ripens the4 sugar cane land ccitloe, the surface is as zreen as New KngUnd; and it is as exempt from dis- ease asirrry portion oi the valley ol the Mississippi. It is intersected at short disunites by large rivers, .which form bays and estuaries along life Gulf coast, eminently fitted for commerce I'n der the quickening iufluenre oT our policy and our people, this fine tract of country, doomed to be an eternal waste if possessed by the Mexicans or Camafiches, will spring into a glorious uixl vigorous existence. Its fields will teem with the richest productions of the earth; its river will bear down to what should always be considered in the policy of this Government as our nea (watv nostrum) an unbounded pro duce, to enhance the navigation of the Northern States, while an increasing population augments the demand tor (heir manufacture. Hut the boundary line established by the treaty of 1819, not only de prives us of this extensive and fertile territory, but winds with -1" n deep in lent"' upon the valley of the Mississip pi itself, running upon the Red river and the Arkansas. It places a foreign nation . in. the rear of our-.-Mississippi-settlements, and brings it within a stone's throw of that great outlet which lisctiarges the commerce of half the Union. The mouth of the Sabine and the mouth of the Mississippi are of a dangerous vicinity. The great object of tl e purchase of Louisiana was to re move an possible interlerence ol tor- states in the. vast commerce of the outlet of so many Stales. By the cession of Texas this policy was to a certain extent compromised. On this subject, Mr. Van liuren, in his instructions to Mr. Poinsett, holds the following language: "The liiir propowd.n'ilie on most, deaira-! bit to us, would eofl0tutf moat natural rp aration of the reMurc- of the two nationa. It i the centre of a country uninhabitable on the Gulf: and, onlbe mountain!, ao difficult of ac- eeaa, and eo poor, aa to furnih no indueemenia for a land imercourc; and, ot cuurnf , nu theatre for thoe dillurencea that are alnioat Ineiarable from a neighborhood of coinnwfciat interest. It orreeMHHla ub ihc habitual lecitnge ol the peopbi of Mexico .and with .the "gripi poljcx of the Mexican Government, by cau.ing a wide partition and dimculliea of intereourae be tween the inhabitants of the two countriea, and by pieventinK tboee excitement and bickering invariably, produced by the contiguou oiera tion of conflicting law, habiu, and intereata. The commercial eatabliahmrnt which would be forthwith made at tbe Nurcre.and in Ua vicinity, would' enable ua In pfeaerve, in a great degree, the morale of tha inhabitants of both aide, by the prevention of amuggline; and the Mexican Government, by thua reapecting the real inter- etta of the United Statu, without actual preju dice to ita own, would all'ord the atrongeat evi dence of that spirit of friendship by which the United statea have alwaya been uiHuenecd to- warda it, and which ahould ever characterise the conduct of neighboring republic." I have thus,, Mr. President, shown that the the territory of Texas was ours, that the constitutionality of its aliens- .a . . I.I Hon is at least uoudiiui, and mat its re- annexation is desirable. 1 have now to advert to the objections raised against ttyttlyfMtui.aUljT, riiesa art pratif njlftgi in a distinct and imposing torm, in tne report of a committee of the House of Kenrescntatives ot Massachusetts, now n session. 1 approach with uue ue- ference, sir, whatever comes from the functionaries of that-great Common wealth; (for, although 1 think her opin ions and policy have not been exempt from serious mistakes and errors,) still, from tht time of her Hancocks and Adamses, she has prosecuted her pur poses with a firmness and intelligence certainly not surpassed by any State in the Union. She has at all times been fertile in sreat men. She has always had the consideration abroad, and that self-confidence, (a main source of strength,) that results from a glorious past; and these advantsges, combined witut her superior magnitude and wealth, have constituted her the head and leatlei of New England. What she says and does is therefore entitled to the greatest consideration, and this is the more especially demanded at my hands by the temperate and courteous manner in winch the committee nas done ine the honor to treat me and the resolution which is now the subject of our deliberations. The report says: - "The committee do not believe that any power exists in any branch of this Government, or in all of them united, to consent to such a anion, fvix: with the sovereign state : of Texas; nor, indeed, does such" au thority pertain, as an incident l sover eignty, or otherwise, to th Govern ment, howeverabsolute.of any nation." Both these propositions I controvert; and, first, as to the powers of this Government. The "comtnttteerit appears -to me; has been led to erroneous conclusions on ihif sublett by a fundamental mis take ar te the nature and character of our Goverflmcnt a mistake which has pervaded and perverted all its reason ing, and has for a long time been the abundant source of much practical mis chief ia tht acton ef thii Government, ami of very dangerous" speculation The mistake lies in considering this, as to its nature and powers, a consolidated a conlederated Government, of many states, here is no one single act performed by the people of the United states, under the constitution, oi one people, fcvenin the popular branch of Congress thit distinction is maintained, A certain "number of delegates is as signed to each State, and the people of each State elect for their own State. When the functionaries of the Govern ment assemble here, they have no source of power but the constitution, which prescibes, defines, and limits, their action, and constitutes them, in their aggregate capacity, a trust or a renry, for the. performance of certain duties confided to them by various States or communities. This Govern ment is therefore a confederacy of sov- ereign States, associating themselves together lor mutual advantages. 1 hey originally came together as sovereign States, having no authority and pre tending to no power of reciprocal con trol. North Carolina and Rhode Is land stood oft for a time, refusing to join the confederacy, and at leugth came into it by the exercise of sovereign discretion. So too of Missouri,' who was a State fu ly organized and per fect, and self-governed, before she was a State of this Union; and, in the very nature ot things, this has been the case with all the States heretofore admitted, 4tid.must .-alway-centinut4 bt so. H here, then, is the tlilliculty of ad mitting another State into this confed eracy? The power to admit new Stales is expressly given. "New States may j be admitted by. the Congress into this Lnion." Hy the very terms of the grant, they must be Stales before they j are admitted; when admitted, they be come States of the Union. The terms, I restrictions, and principles, upon which new Statea are to be rece'ned, are matters to be regulated by Congress, under the constitution. The power conferred by the consti tution upon Congress is not to creule, but to admit, new Slates. 'Hie States create themselves; Missouri and Michi gan d til so, and exercised all the func tions of self-government, while Con gress deliberated whether they slioulj be admitted. In the mean time, tli Territorial organization was abrogated, and the laws of Congress superseded; il nu II Vong;r O'clineU . t adaut them, they, of necessity, remained for eign ami inuepenueni states. Heretofore, in the licquTSttion of Louisiana and Florida, France and Spain both stipulated that the inhabi tants of the ceded territories should be incorporated in the Union ol the United States, as soon as may be consistent with the principles of the federal con stitution, and admitted to all the privi leges, rights, anil immunities, of the citizens of the United States. In com pliance with this stipulation, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Missouri, have been ad mitted into the Union, and at no dis tant day Florida will be. Now, if we contract with France and Spain for the admission of States, why shall we not with Texas? If France can sell to us her subjects and her t riitor.y, why cannot the people of Texas give them selves and their tenitury to us? Is it more consistent with our republican notions that men and territory can be transferred by the arbitrary will of a monarch, fora peopls may be associated witn us oy mutual consent? Can we buy, or, ac cording to the report of the Massachu setts committee, conquer, and yet not enter into an amicable agreement to effect the same object in pursuance of the ascertained will of all parlies con cerned? There is some display of learning in the report, to ...show that conquest can effect what doTTCent can not. Not so. War itself is but a. mode of argument ultima ratio; con quest is an enforced consent. It does not terminate in actual physical re straint, permanently applied, but in the assent of the conquered party that sub mission is preferable to further resist ance. A State or a people incorpor ated with another by such means has come to the conclusion that union is better than the calamities of war. Why cannot the same State come to the conclusion that union is better than other calamities to which it is exposed, or of itself promise; -benefits greater than those resulting fronrTrBTTrarate existence? It is supposed that there is a sort of political impossibility, resulting from the nature of things to effect the pro posed union. The committee isys that ;!ie measure is intact the union of (wo independent Governments." Certain ly, the union of twenty-seven "inde pendent Governments t" but the com mittee adds, that it should rather be termed the dissolution of both and the formation of a new one, which, wheth er founded on the same or another written constitution, is, as its identi ty, different from either. This can only be effected by the sum'rrfum jus, 4te. V- , '": , A full answer to: this objection, even if many others were not at hand, as far as Texas U concernd is contained in the fact that the aummum jus has been eitrcisea. Her citizens, by a unaimous vote, have decided ia favor of annexation and. according to the admission of the dissolve their Government, and to sur render themselves to be absorbed by oorsv- To receive this augmenta tion of our territory and population, manifest ly, doe not dissolve this Government. or even remodel it.5- Its identity is not disturbed. There is no appeal neces ary to the tummtim jus populi for such a political arrangement on our part, even if the sumtnum jus populi could be predicated of this Government, which it cannot. , Now, it is very ob vious that tyo iree stales may associ ate for common purposes, and that thee cooimou put poses in:i v be multiplied in number or increased in importance, at the discretion nf the parlies. They may establish a common agency for the transaction of. their business; and this may include a portion or all of their political functions. 1 he new creation may be au agency if created by States, or a Government if created by the peo ple; for the people have a right toabolish and create Uovertiments. Hoe. any one doubt whether Texas could rejoin the republic of Meuco? hy not, then, rrjoin this republic? No one doubts that the states now composing this Un on might have join ed Great Britain alter the declaration of independence. The learned com mittee would not contend that there was a political impossibility in the un ion of Scotland and England, or of Ire- ana aim cruam; or mat, in tne nature of ihintrs, it would be impossible (or Louisiana, if she were a sovereign State out of this Union, to join with the sov ereign state ot lexat in lorming a new Government. There is no point of view in which the proposition for annexation can b considered, that any serious obstacle in point of form presents itself. If this Government he a confederation of States, (hen it is proposed toatld an other State to the confederacy. If this Government be a consolidation, then it is proposed toadd to it addi tional territory and population. That we can annex, and afterwards adinu, the case of Florida and Louisiana prove. We can, therefore," deal with the people of Texas for the territory Ol t eua, aiity inc peoic uu uc retui ..r ." ...i.i I l. L privileges ot ie constitution, as were the subjects of SpausvauaA France, E4Hicn i or me ututcwittca. i now approach those which have exercised a more decisive influence over that portion of the Union w hich is offering a determined opposition to this meas ure. The Massachusetts committee ex perience much difficulty in ascertain ing the mode of action by which the proposed annexation can be effected, and demand "in what form would be tiepractical exerc.se of the supposed ,-puwcrr in wnai department does it liel" The progress of events already, in a great measure, answers this ob jection. lexas has taken the initia tive. Her minister has introduced the subject to that department which is alone capable of receiving commu nications from foj-eign Governments, and the Executive has submitted the correspondence to Congress. The resolutions before you propose an expression of opinion by Congress, wMcTTrTfma address itself earnestly, ni conjunction wilh"the author--ities of Texas, to the consuination of the joint wishes of the parties, which can be accnmplised by treaty, emana ting from one department ol this uov- ernment, to be carried into enct bv passage of all needful laws by the le gislative department, and by the exer cise of the express power of Congress to admit new States. I am aware, Mr. President, of the full extent and of thedecided charac ter of the opposition which this meas ure encounters in a large section of the Union. A vast -number of remon strances, memorials, and petitions, with countless signatures, have been presented, characterized in a'most every instance by a very excited tem per. Several of the most respectable States, too, have solemnly adjured Congress to decline my proposed measure. Vermont led the way, in a violent and denunciatory paper. The- populous State of Ohio followed, in such determined hostility that herjf.e eislature has volunteered a denial, of the constitutionality or that acquisition which anords the outlet ol her com merce. The gravity and dignity, of i Massachusetts have been enlisted to1 the same end; and, in short, all the Northern and Middle Slates, in one form or other, have urged objections upon us. If the views of so large and respectable a portion of the country be letermined Dy oroad reasons or gener al policy, conceived in a spirit of pat riotism. anu einoracing tne various in terest of thewhole Union in a just and equal conswjeratjon, they would come recommenoeq io us oy a very weigniy authority ; but, on the ,other hand, if this joint raoveinent be a combination, conceived In a spirit of 'hostility to wards one section, and tor the purpose of aggrandizing the political power of another, than, both the purpose and the temper in which it is conceived constrttrre an irresistible reason, on the part of "all who value this Union for urging arid Wnsu'mfclTn ure. ' . p Stripped of all cirrumloculion, the proposition is this: We are hostile to the institutions of the South, and pro pose their destruction;, we 4av a yre dominsling power, daily increasing, over the section; nd we do not intend that it stint! put itelf in a condition U resist our power, when we may choose to exercise it, I put it to every ran did man, whether this is not the just interpretation; the sum and subslame. ol the proceedings, in Massachusetts ami Ohio, and of ail those tmm. rt us petitions which have been presented Jj-om tiie non-slaveholding States. I do not speak of that wild ami blind fanaticism, or still blinder cant 'which inf ets the public mind on this ml-jeit; and which even in this country Us (I snyt it wni stinme ami sorrow received an impulse from that imperstmn tion of the blackguardism of Europe Mr. O'Connellj but I speak of the grave laiifiruairr of distintii.sheil men, and the dignified proceed'ni" of legislative boil ics. and when the South hnds in! these a question ol political power; raised against her, cotiplcl widt, t i l rather fouuded upon, an objection to her social institutions, she ouglit, she. must, make op her n.ind to give upj NVw York, New Jersey, and Dels those institutions, or to demand a gilar-, n bulon to ihe nm.alavihold. anlee lor them. The question or her ing 8(.c.h,. From the bountyof Virrr es.i.lrjjMjfirx.ed-unHi-hwrttrr. if you giia, Ohio, ludiena. Illinois and Mi will not consent to adopt some m.-as- cuig,kn, ,nve been added to that inter nee to protect her, (and I confess that eij. ,n,j Wisconsin is makini UD with I see nothing but what 1 now oppose,) it will be her doty by her own 0I the States. Ai this mojuetU the non tion to provide for her own Safe iaVcholding fate1iave in the Houso J" of Representative 143 members nut It cannot tail to make a deep ami mournful impression upon the South. that the opposition to the proposed measure is eotemporaneous with the recent excitement on the subrt of abolition. All men, of a'l parties, from all sections, in and out of oflice, ,ittUBt wilh hcr hundred thous. Mr. Adams most conspicuous amongst mi,,,,',,, Michigan, and. tin rest them, desired the acquisition of I exs where, sir, will be the South then? until the rlamorous interference in the where the balance of the Coustittttionl aftairi of fbe S.ih waj ral't :M In "VLnisv. gave tu the aon-slaveho'd -New Lnglantl from Old hngland.- U,L., ,,e populous northwest, lr 5 Then for the first time obj-c- t,eir Erow,, ,j exounsion. The i riom are made to this meawrerW- bv law and trt UJ i then those ery stateamen who llemefves. and denied to us, all above wereanxioiis to makrffnRroinniiw SQ mjiu,ei of Texas their glory, found out that it frni ,j,e MissUaippj to the PaciBe, a would subvert the constitution and ,Mt f.-Mile regiou, largerlhau rev. ruin the country. We of the South, oiutiHfe.rv Americas dertt lnri' Mr. President, bear with such com- cvive the emigration from the 'teemirir posure as we may tba pious horror and b;,so,n of the North, swollen by the an self-righteous indignation with which Ual importation of ncaHv one hundred many of our breathren speculate up- th(,Usanl foreigners. While, by trea. on us, but it is a different affair, when ty we wer(! deprived of all west of the ignorant and impertinent tlenuncia- SMne, and by law oCjiorth of SC de. tors rise up and demaiid- the control s0 minuU..t , av ept open ofthepol.cv of this Government.-- fr ,,enite,M (J.e interior world of You are called upon to declar that the Upper Missouri and Mississippi, the Southern portion of your confed- aU ,ie urairiaj and mountains ot the) eracy.by reaon of ceflam domestic in- centra Vet. all the valley of lheCo stitutions, in the judgment of your pe- ulu,a, anj coaht uf the-Pacifici and titionerswu kedsnd detestable, is to with this rich and boundless inheri be exc ude.Hro.il some part of the po- Unce w, their own noble country. Iitical benefits f tins Government. ,nd uiit, ul,.i it. -n The assiimpiioii is equally msu ting to the feelings and derogatory to the icon- stitutional ngtos rffthe South. It is an arrogant fertent.on to superiority on one side a,nal,minc.aitoii of infe- nonty on the other; which, if sanction, eu oy congress, etit.er Dy assuming it as the reason of legislating, or of re- maing ia legiaiaim mums us.ai untia, two people, two races-a supeTior aiid an interior.' Are; neither can nor ought I say it, Mr. President,- ju no light mood or wrong temper we nei tlieir can nor ought to continue in po litical union on such terms. But, Mr. President, wrong, & dan gerous, anil subversive of our institu- lions, as these positions are, they have their origin rather in the apprehensions of those who urge them, than in actu ally existing facts. The Massachusetts report asserts that, at the institution of this government, the predominance of political pocr was in the on-slave-holding States, and that the repteseii- tation of the three fifths was allowed in a spirit of compromise, to make an ap proximation towards equality. I be lieve, sir, that the committee is mista ken in its view of the facts. Of those who made the constitution, anil of those who sat in the first Congress, two thirds were slaveholders. Excluding Pennsylvania, where slavrry never ex isted, and the New F.nglaiid States, in some of which slavrry existed, to a small extent at the time of the adop tion of the constitution, the slavehold- ing States represented in the first Con gress, accord ing to provisions of the constitution, were New York , (f e New Jeraey ' 4 Dataware ) 1 Maryland 4 Virginia JB- Not di Carolina 4 South Carolina 4 Georgia . S Kentucky " . . 1 . Slavehokliog 4t 17 New Haaspsbir MsaaacbaaotU Rood leland . Connclicot . Pennsylvania Vermont. Non-alar Jljtn; There being nine slaveholdtng and six iion-slaveholdifig States, the Senate stood 1 8. to 18. t y8ajppoTSRK census the representatives stood thus: New York New Jeraey Delaware . " Maryland Virginia North t'eroiioa South Carolina Georgia Kentucky .-' - ...... Taonraare New HatnSvMre M4achutia Rhode flnj "Connecticut Frnntylvanis Vermont 4 14 S 7 It .. ' A'n, Senatm. 20 to 15. flius, it-appear that,at "the adop tion of the constitution, the slavehold ing interest predominated; and, that, therefore,- the idea of the committee, (hat the growth o(the South should be prevented lor the purpose of preserving the original balance of the constitution, : u.i,ntf ,.,. And now, Mr. President, turn your Rtt,.n,iou fr a lument to the present ...i.tiv. r.md'.i;..!! i.fih- .! r;1l(i ,,,. tu ..l. i.r .,,, of 810, a majority of one-sixth; and .:, ,,f f,,u, ft-,,.,,,,,, . ihia li.. and then. Mr. P..;.1nr ubn J.. llKl frward (u the next census, New v.m i,er two ,., 4 ilsi,f Mli1i ;,.., oui. ' with hr nv ...llimr.., i. tence 0f Virginia endowed them, is it a3C0.(lil ,. tJ lhe irit in which ,h constitution was c,meeUd. U it i - - jfiw v iv ia iiiiiuiu ipirit of kilHIWMt h it juat u notin outlnge, that the question of political power is raised against m? No 0Iie win veflture t0 that f .i,,. South ,,,n.i4 h-r..ir ,um- n; lft 1 iT- 10 i Gbhde.sltcan BiCTeDyarcBiMti.nr Ces contain a impulation at all equat to that of the non-slaveholding States. In the other branch of Congress we can never expect an approach equality. The sceptre has passed from us, and forever. Whether it has been rightly wielded, let the "growth and power of t is' ruilntrv Iniur A It il ' rft ug u to protect ourselves. All ,imt we want is some reasonable check upon an acknowledged power; soma approach to equipoise in this chamber. . It results from the nature ol things, and all our history shows, that both the in. ftercst and inclination of the South is to restrain as far . its possible the action of this government We never requir any thing from it. Ours is the let-us-alone policy. All we wish is not to suffer aggression. All the power we covet is the power to resist incursions. And this much, sir, you must allow to us. The ground upon which non. slaveholding States and communities put their claim to political supremacy -is an insult to us; the claim itself is aa aggression, and the avowed purposes for which it is to be used are hostile destructive And, Mr. President, but for the great respect which I have for the., States which have taken ground oo thii subject, I should be disposed to suspee that the idea of checking the ertension , ofdomesYtc slavery was but a hollo-e and hypocritical pretext, to7 cover po..( Iitical designs, Tlit slavehoWins pop-, u I at ion and tho slavahordln nolitfesl communities stay be mult'iolied br lho nrnnosed acnuisition of territorvi but I . do not see thai slavery-sir tho nmbc of slaves cart be increased by it Ua. der tho mild condition of gVe. slavery, the nerro p)pttlatio iaevetM-. at a greater, ratio than tbft sf !th, I . . . . i ... ' 4 wniiea mrougnoui mo wnion ugasetix ei as th4Uer is by tht accession of foreigners. To thii natural increase, your laws, making thi introduetisn at i
