North Carolina Newspapers

Su.seiffeW. '" dol,r' P"-"u-
hilt in ivmw'.
TrTtri r',,K
dwut the SOI will he
i,...,rl umT
!),( Wc amount of tba jr'i
, (not exceeilinr 16 line
.e ivue) lirtnu-rtmn. oned.tlUr, each auu-
L,nt iu.erti. tweoty-five eeu.
" '. he ,leHiwineiv of Clerkt Sherifla
Ju.iinA of 3.1i per l M "'' from -.e
r 0I .r i" I'r .lvertii a l jer.
L"er i the Kililor mutt be ioai-pia.
On tlie Annexation of l(ai delivered hi
Senile of the United Slides April 34,
H niiiit be supposed, Mr. Presi
ded, from the manner in which the
public mind has been inflamed against
nvproposition.thatithad not heretofore
been heard of; and that I was startling
the community with a novel policy.
Not so, sir. The farthest in the world
from it. For the first time, to be sure,
there is a loud and wide-spread clamor
aiiist the annexation' of Texas; but
ih nrniect of effecting it has notori-
iiodv been entertained and
tli two last administrations; and,
though not adopted by the present as
,1 administration measure, is known
t have been favorably entertained by
the President, and at least one distin
uuheil member of the .cabinet, is
strait'' that a measure which has been
wed for twelve years past should
now, for the first met by a
tump.'st 'of opposition; and t A very
strange that he should be found riding
upon nd directing the storm, who was
the very fust man to propose the annex
ation of Texas, as one of the very ear
liet measures of his administration,
after lie was" made President. Yes
Mr. President, Mr. John Quincy Ad
ams liml hardly ascended the "presi
dential chair before he assiduously ad
dressed himse f to the task of repairing
the injury inflicted upon the country
by the treaty of 1 8 It, in the making of
which it has been since understood he
as the reluctant agent- As Secreta
i vf Siate, in 1 8 1 9 he negotiated the
treaty of transfer) as President of the
United States, in 1824, he inttitated a
negotiation for the reannexatioif.
Through his Secretary of State, Mr.
Cy, 'whose name heretofore has been
aiwavs connected with opposition to
the cession, and with aJvocacy of re
annexation of Texas, and who I should
be glad to find standing on ihjs same
groundnow that he occupied from 1819
to 1 8)29 J the President instructed Mr.
Poinsett, then minister to Mexico, to
open at once and vigorously. urgea ne
gtitiation for the reacquisition of Texas,
and the re-epdublishmen of the south
west line of the United States at the
Bio Grande del Norte. The Secreta
ry urged it upon the envoy, as a mat
ter of the deepest interest to the country,
and the highest policy of the Govern
ment. The advantages are elaborate
ly ami ytutous y' set forth; and al
though thy tountry at that time labored
un.lnr a lrirp dphf. the envoy wag au
thorized to offer five million lor the ac
nnisition. It is greatly be lamented
that the joint efforts of Mr. Adams,
Mr. Uli v. arid M r. Tbinseii, TaTred'a p-
n this occasion, as the joint efforts of
General Jackson, Mr. Van Buren, and
M r. Poijisettt did upon, a subsequent
occasion, lien the proposition was re
neweJ, or rather continued, under a
new administration. From the begin
ning to the end of his administration.
Mr. Adam kept steadily in view this
important measure; and when his suc
cessor came in, as it was supposed,
with opinions differing on all points,
and with promises and pledges of all
orts of Changes, amidst the general
tioulevtnemenl of all that had been
done r attempted, this measure alone
w held sacretiTtrwis adopted, as it
tiwul upon, the record, and urged with
t'ie characteristic energy of the man
who hit, and truly felt, that he was
mdsu much the functionary of a con-
"itutioiml GoVcratRer.t, as the retire
tentative of the democracy of this
country, as Napoleon had been, of that
r ranee. Jackson, Van nuren, anu
Poinsett, took the place of Adams,
Way, sod Poinsett, but pushed on the
negotiation. How or, why it failed, it
were useless now to innuire. Wheth
er it was lost sight of amougst the vul
Rr nd paltry controversies of Scotions
and Yorkions, or postponed by the mas-
acres and plundering or the succatio,
u'pended bv the ceaseless revolution
of that fated country, is now of no con-
equen- e. This ia certain, that Presi
ent Jackson never lost sight of it, and
that he continued to look to its accom
plishment as one of the greatest events
of hi administration, to the moment
when the title of Mexico was extin
ruished forever bj the battle of San
And the object, atr, was well wor-
"y oi the sohctude of a patriot states
man. fur the.Vountrr Inat tn ns bv (he
fatal treaty of 1 El 9 iae of the finest
pon the whole earth. Its beautiful
prairi,, expand beneath- as genial a
c''nate as ever blessed the milder lati
tudes of tne temperate zone; and rising
rotU slope Iran the Oalf, to
wards the north, presents the appear
ance of a vast lawn, interspersed with
streams and woodland. No Jteavj
fsreta flcwnbr"it surface; iW$ HM
sent obstacles to its settlement; no
barren wastes of sand disfigure it no
marshy swamps mar i!atmospneie
with unhealthy exhalations. Under a
sun which ripens the4 sugar cane land
ccitloe, the surface is as zreen as New
KngUnd; and it is as exempt from dis-
ease asirrry portion oi the valley ol the
Mississippi. It is intersected at short
disunites by large rivers, .which form
bays and estuaries along life Gulf coast,
eminently fitted for commerce I'n
der the quickening iufluenre oT our
policy and our people, this fine tract
of country, doomed to be an eternal
waste if possessed by the Mexicans or
Camafiches, will spring into a glorious
uixl vigorous existence. Its fields will
teem with the richest productions of
the earth; its river will bear down to
what should always be considered in
the policy of this Government as our
nea (watv nostrum) an unbounded pro
duce, to enhance the navigation of the
Northern States, while an increasing
population augments the demand tor
(heir manufacture.
Hut the boundary line established
by the treaty of 1819, not only de
prives us of this extensive and fertile
territory, but winds with -1" n deep in
lent"' upon the valley of the Mississip
pi itself, running upon the Red river
and the Arkansas. It places a foreign
nation . in. the rear of our-.-Mississippi-settlements,
and brings it within a
stone's throw of that great outlet which
lisctiarges the commerce of half the
Union. The mouth of the Sabine and
the mouth of the Mississippi are of a
dangerous vicinity. The great object
of tl e purchase of Louisiana was to re
move an possible interlerence ol tor-
states in the. vast commerce of
the outlet of so many Stales. By the
cession of Texas this policy was to a
certain extent compromised.
On this subject, Mr. Van liuren, in
his instructions to Mr. Poinsett, holds
the following language:
"The liiir propowd.n'ilie on most, deaira-!
bit to us, would eofl0tutf moat natural rp
aration of the reMurc- of the two nationa. It
i the centre of a country uninhabitable on the
Gulf: and, onlbe mountain!, ao difficult of ac-
eeaa, and eo poor, aa to furnih no indueemenia
for a land imercourc; and, ot cuurnf , nu theatre
for thoe dillurencea that are alnioat Ineiarable
from a neighborhood of coinnwfciat interest.
It orreeMHHla ub ihc habitual lecitnge ol the
peopbi of Mexico .and with .the "gripi poljcx
of the Mexican Government, by a wide
partition and dimculliea of intereourae be
tween the inhabitants of the two countriea, and
by pieventinK tboee excitement and bickering
invariably, produced by the contiguou oiera
tion of conflicting law, habiu, and intereata.
The commercial eatabliahmrnt which would be
forthwith made at tbe Nurcre.and in Ua vicinity,
would' enable ua In pfeaerve, in a great degree,
the morale of tha inhabitants of both aide, by
the prevention of amuggline; and the Mexican
Government, by thua reapecting the real inter-
etta of the United Statu, without actual preju
dice to ita own, would all'ord the atrongeat evi
dence of that spirit of friendship by which the
United statea have alwaya been uiHuenecd to-
warda it, and which ahould ever characterise
the conduct of neighboring republic."
I have thus,, Mr. President, shown
that the the territory of Texas was ours,
that the constitutionality of its aliens-
.a . . I.I
Hon is at least uoudiiui, and mat its re-
annexation is desirable. 1 have now to
advert to the objections raised against
ttyttlyfMtui.aUljT, riiesa art pratif njlftgi
in a distinct and imposing torm, in tne
report of a committee of the House of
Kenrescntatives ot Massachusetts, now
n session. 1 approach with uue ue-
ference, sir, whatever comes from the
functionaries of that-great Common
wealth; (for, although 1 think her opin
ions and policy have not been exempt
from serious mistakes and errors,) still,
from tht time of her Hancocks and
Adamses, she has prosecuted her pur
poses with a firmness and intelligence
certainly not surpassed by any State
in the Union. She has at all times been
fertile in sreat men. She has always
had the consideration abroad, and that
self-confidence, (a main source of
strength,) that results from a glorious
past; and these advantsges, combined
witut her superior magnitude and
wealth, have constituted her the head
and leatlei of New England. What
she says and does is therefore entitled
to the greatest consideration, and this
is the more especially demanded at my
hands by the temperate and courteous
manner in winch the committee nas
done ine the honor to treat me and the
resolution which is now the subject of
our deliberations.
The report says: - "The committee
do not believe that any power exists in
any branch of this Government, or in
all of them united, to consent to such a
anion, fvix: with the sovereign state :
of Texas; nor, indeed, does such" au
thority pertain, as an incident l sover
eignty, or otherwise, to th Govern
ment, howeverabsolute.of any nation."
Both these propositions I controvert;
and, first, as to the powers of this
The "comtnttteerit appears -to me;
has been led to erroneous conclusions
on ihif sublett by a fundamental mis
take ar te the nature and character of
our Goverflmcnt a mistake which has
pervaded and perverted all its reason
ing, and has for a long time been the
abundant source of much practical mis
chief ia tht acton ef thii Government,
ami of very dangerous" speculation
The mistake lies in considering this, as
to its nature and powers, a consolidated
a conlederated Government, of many
states, here is no one single act
performed by the people of the United
states, under the constitution, oi one
people, fcvenin the popular branch of
Congress thit distinction is maintained,
A certain "number of delegates is as
signed to each State, and the people of
each State elect for their own State.
When the functionaries of the Govern
ment assemble here, they have no
source of power but the constitution,
which prescibes, defines, and limits,
their action, and constitutes them, in
their aggregate capacity, a trust or a
renry, for the. performance of certain
duties confided to them by various
States or communities. This Govern
ment is therefore a confederacy of sov-
ereign States, associating themselves
together lor mutual advantages. 1 hey
originally came together as sovereign
States, having no authority and pre
tending to no power of reciprocal con
trol. North Carolina and Rhode Is
land stood oft for a time, refusing to
join the confederacy, and at leugth
came into it by the exercise of sovereign
discretion. So too of Missouri,' who
was a State fu ly organized and per
fect, and self-governed, before she was
a State of this Union; and, in the very
nature ot things, this has been the case
with all the States heretofore admitted,
4tid.must .-alway-centinut4 bt so. H
here, then, is the tlilliculty of ad
mitting another State into this confed
eracy? The power to admit new Stales
is expressly given. "New States may j
be admitted by. the Congress into this
Lnion." Hy the very terms of the
grant, they must be Stales before they j
are admitted; when admitted, they be
come States of the Union. The terms, I
restrictions, and principles, upon which
new Statea are to be rece'ned, are
matters to be regulated by Congress,
under the constitution.
The power conferred by the consti
tution upon Congress is not to creule,
but to admit, new Slates. 'Hie States
create themselves; Missouri and Michi
gan d til so, and exercised all the func
tions of self-government, while Con
gress deliberated whether they slioulj
be admitted. In the mean time, tli
Territorial organization was abrogated,
and the laws of Congress superseded;
il nu II Vong;r O'clineU . t adaut
them, they, of necessity, remained for
eign ami inuepenueni states.
Heretofore, in the licquTSttion of
Louisiana and Florida, France and
Spain both stipulated that the inhabi
tants of the ceded territories should be
incorporated in the Union ol the United
States, as soon as may be consistent
with the principles of the federal con
stitution, and admitted to all the privi
leges, rights, anil immunities, of the
citizens of the United States. In com
pliance with this stipulation, Louisiana,
Arkansas, and Missouri, have been ad
mitted into the Union, and at no dis
tant day Florida will be. Now, if we
contract with France and Spain for the
admission of States, why shall we not
with Texas? If France can sell to us
her subjects and her t riitor.y, why
cannot the people of Texas give them
selves and their tenitury to us? Is it
more consistent with our republican
notions that men and territory can be
transferred by the arbitrary will of a
monarch, fora
peopls may be associated witn us oy
mutual consent? Can we buy, or, ac
cording to the report of the Massachu
setts committee, conquer, and yet not
enter into an amicable agreement to
effect the same object in pursuance of
the ascertained will of all parlies con
cerned? There is some display of
learning in the report, to that
conquest can effect what doTTCent can
not. Not so. War itself is but a.
mode of argument ultima ratio; con
quest is an enforced consent. It does
not terminate in actual physical re
straint, permanently applied, but in the
assent of the conquered party that sub
mission is preferable to further resist
ance. A State or a people incorpor
ated with another by such means has
come to the conclusion that union is
better than the calamities of war.
Why cannot the same State come to
the conclusion that union is better than
other calamities to which it is exposed,
or of itself promise; -benefits greater
than those resulting fronrTrBTTrarate
It is supposed that there is a sort of
political impossibility, resulting from
the nature of things to effect the pro
posed union. The committee isys that
;!ie measure is intact the union of (wo
independent Governments." Certain
ly, the union of twenty-seven "inde
pendent Governments t" but the com
mittee adds, that it should rather be
termed the dissolution of both and the
formation of a new one, which, wheth
er founded on the same or another
written constitution, is, as its identi
ty, different from either. This can
only be effected by the sum'rrfum jus,
4te. V- , '": ,
A full answer to: this objection, even
if many others were not at hand, as
far as Texas U concernd is contained
in the fact that the aummum jus has
been eitrcisea.
Her citizens, by a unaimous vote,
have decided ia favor of annexation
and. according to the admission of the
dissolve their Government, and to sur
render themselves to be absorbed by
oorsv- To receive this augmenta tion of
our territory and population, manifest
ly, doe not dissolve this Government.
or even remodel it.5- Its identity is not
disturbed. There is no appeal neces
ary to the tummtim jus populi for such
a political arrangement on our part,
even if the sumtnum jus populi could
be predicated of this Government,
which it cannot. , Now, it is very ob
vious that tyo iree stales may associ
ate for common purposes, and that thee
cooimou put poses in:i v be multiplied in
number or increased in importance, at
the discretion nf the parlies. They
may establish a common agency for the
transaction of. their business; and this
may include a portion or all of their
political functions. 1 he new creation
may be au agency if created by States,
or a Government if created by the peo
ple; for the people have a right toabolish
and create Uovertiments. Hoe. any
one doubt whether Texas could rejoin
the republic of Meuco? hy not,
then, rrjoin this republic?
No one doubts that the states now
composing this Un on might have join
ed Great Britain alter the declaration
of independence. The learned com
mittee would not contend that there
was a political impossibility in the un
ion of Scotland and England, or of Ire-
ana aim cruam; or mat, in tne nature
of ihintrs, it would be impossible (or
Louisiana, if she were a sovereign State
out of this Union, to join with the sov
ereign state ot lexat in lorming a new
There is no point of view in which
the proposition for annexation can b
considered, that any serious obstacle
in point of form presents itself. If this
Government he a confederation of
States, (hen it is proposed toatld an
other State to the confederacy. If
this Government be a consolidation,
then it is proposed toadd to it addi
tional territory and population. That
we can annex, and afterwards adinu,
the case of Florida and Louisiana
prove. We can, therefore," deal with
the people of Texas for the territory
Ol t eua, aiity inc peoic uu uc retui
..r ." ...i.i I l. L
privileges ot
constitution, as were the
subjects of
SpausvauaA France,
E4Hicn i or me ututcwittca. i now
approach those which have exercised
a more decisive influence over that
portion of the Union w hich is offering
a determined opposition to this meas
ure. The Massachusetts committee ex
perience much difficulty in ascertain
ing the mode of action by which the
proposed annexation can be effected,
and demand "in what form would be
tiepractical of the supposed
,-puwcrr in wnai department does it
liel" The progress of events already,
in a great measure, answers this ob
jection. lexas has taken the initia
tive. Her minister has introduced
the subject to that department which
is alone capable of receiving commu
nications from foj-eign Governments,
and the Executive has submitted the
correspondence to Congress. The
resolutions before you propose an
expression of opinion by Congress,
address itself earnestly,
ni conjunction wilh"the author--ities
of Texas, to the consuination
of the joint wishes of the parties, which
can be accnmplised by treaty, emana
ting from one department ol this uov-
ernment, to be carried into enct bv
passage of all needful laws by the le
gislative department, and by the exer
cise of the express power of Congress
to admit new States.
I am aware, Mr. President, of the
full extent and of thedecided charac
ter of the opposition which this meas
ure encounters in a large section of the
Union. A vast -number of remon
strances, memorials, and petitions,
with countless signatures, have been
presented, characterized in a'most
every instance by a very excited tem
per. Several of the most respectable
States, too, have solemnly adjured
Congress to decline my proposed
measure. Vermont led the way, in a
violent and denunciatory paper. The-
populous State of Ohio followed, in
such determined hostility that herjf.e
eislature has volunteered a denial, of
the constitutionality or that acquisition
which anords the outlet ol her com
merce. The gravity and dignity, of i
Massachusetts have been enlisted to1
the same end; and, in short, all the
Northern and Middle Slates, in one
form or other, have urged objections
upon us. If the views of so large and
respectable a portion of the country be
letermined Dy oroad reasons or gener
al policy, conceived in a spirit of pat
riotism. anu einoracing tne various in
terest of thewhole Union in a just and
equal conswjeratjon, they would come
recommenoeq io us oy a very weigniy
authority ; but, on the ,other hand, if
this joint raoveinent be a combination,
conceived In a spirit of 'hostility to
wards one section, and tor the purpose
of aggrandizing the political power of
another, than, both the purpose and
the temper in which it is conceived
constrttrre an irresistible reason, on the
part of "all who value this Union
for urging arid Wnsu'mfclTn
ure. ' . p
Stripped of all cirrumloculion, the
proposition is this: We are hostile to
the institutions of the South, and pro
pose their destruction;, we 4av a yre
dominsling power, daily increasing,
over the section; nd we do not intend
that it stint! put itelf in a condition U
resist our power, when we may choose
to exercise it, I put it to every ran
did man, whether this is not the just
interpretation; the sum and subslame.
ol the proceedings, in Massachusetts
ami Ohio, and of ail those tmm. rt us
petitions which have been presented
Jj-om tiie non-slaveholding States. I
do not speak of that wild ami blind
fanaticism, or still blinder cant 'which
inf ets the public mind on this ml-jeit;
and which even in this country Us (I
snyt it wni stinme ami sorrow received
an impulse from that imperstmn tion of
the blackguardism of Europe Mr.
O'Connellj but I speak of the grave
laiifiruairr of
distintii.sheil men, and
the dignified proceed'ni" of legislative
boil ics. and when the South hnds in!
these a question ol political power;
raised against her, cotiplcl widt, t i l
rather fouuded upon, an objection to
her social institutions, she ouglit, she.
must, make op her n.ind to give upj NVw York, New Jersey, and Dels
those institutions, or to demand a gilar-, n bulon to ihe nm.alavihold.
anlee lor them. The question or her ing 8(.c.h,. From the bountyof Virrr
es.i.lrjjMjfirx.ed-unHi-hwrttrr. if you giia, Ohio, ludiena. Illinois and Mi
will not consent to adopt some m.-as- cuig,kn, ,nve been added to that inter
nee to protect her, (and I confess that eij. ,n,j Wisconsin is makini UD with
I see nothing but what 1 now oppose,)
it will be her doty by her own 0I the States. Ai this mojuetU the non
tion to provide for her own Safe iaVcholding fate1iave in the Houso
J" of Representative 143 members nut
It cannot tail to make a deep ami
mournful impression upon the South.
that the opposition to the proposed
measure is eotemporaneous with the
recent excitement on the subrt of
abolition. All men, of a'l parties,
from all sections, in and out of oflice, ,ittUBt wilh hcr hundred thous.
Mr. Adams most conspicuous amongst mi,,,,',,, Michigan, and. tin rest
them, desired the acquisition of I exs where, sir, will be the South then?
until the rlamorous interference in the where the balance of the Coustittttionl
aftairi of fbe S.ih waj ral't :M In "VLnisv. gave tu the aon-slaveho'd -New
Lnglantl from Old hngland.- U,L., ,,e populous northwest, lr 5
Then for the first time obj-c- t,eir Erow,, ,j exounsion. The i
riom are made to this meawrerW- bv law and trt UJ i
then those ery stateamen who llemefves. and denied to us, all above
wereanxioiis to makrffnRroinniiw SQ mjiu,ei
of Texas their glory, found out that it frni ,j,e MissUaippj to the PaciBe, a
would subvert the constitution and ,Mt f.-Mile regiou, largerlhau rev.
ruin the country. We of the South, oiutiHfe.rv Americas dertt lnri'
Mr. President, bear with such com- cvive the emigration from the 'teemirir
posure as we may tba pious horror and b;,so,n of the North, swollen by the an
self-righteous indignation with which Ual importation of ncaHv one hundred
many of our breathren speculate up- th(,Usanl foreigners. While, by trea.
on us, but it is a different affair, when ty we wer(! deprived of all west of the
ignorant and impertinent tlenuncia- SMne, and by law oCjiorth of SC de.
tors rise up and demaiid- the control s0 minuU..t , av ept open of this Government.-- fr ,,enite,M (J.e interior world of
You are called upon to declar that the Upper Missouri and Mississippi,
the Southern portion of your confed- aU ,ie urairiaj and mountains ot the) reaon of ceflam domestic in- centra Vet. all the valley of lheCo
stitutions, in the judgment of your pe- ulu,a, anj coaht uf the-Pacifici and
titionerswu kedsnd detestable, is to with this rich and boundless inheri
be exc some part of the po- Unce w, their own noble country.
Iitical benefits f tins Government. ,nd uiit, ul,.i it. -n
The assiimpiioii is equally msu ting to
the feelings and derogatory to the icon-
stitutional ngtos rffthe South. It is
an arrogant fertent.on to superiority
on one side a,nal,minc.aitoii of infe-
nonty on the other; which, if sanction,
eu oy congress, Dy assuming it
as the reason of legislating, or of re-
maing ia legiaiaim mums untia,
two people, two races-a supeTior aiid
an interior.' Are; neither can nor
ought I say it, Mr. President,- ju no
light mood or wrong temper we nei
tlieir can nor ought to continue in po
litical union on such terms.
But, Mr. President, wrong, & dan
gerous, anil subversive of our institu-
lions, as these positions are, they have
their origin rather in the apprehensions
of those who urge them, than in actu
ally existing facts. The Massachusetts
report asserts that, at the institution of
this government, the predominance of
political pocr was in the on-slave-holding
States, and that the repteseii-
tation of the three fifths was allowed in
a spirit of compromise, to make an ap
proximation towards equality. I be
lieve, sir, that the committee is mista
ken in its view of the facts. Of those
who made the constitution, anil of
those who sat in the first Congress, two
thirds were slaveholders. Excluding
Pennsylvania, where slavrry never ex
isted, and the New F.nglaiid States, in
some of which slavrry existed, to a
small extent at the time of the adop
tion of the constitution, the slavehold-
ing States represented in the first Con
gress, accord ing to provisions of the
constitution, were
New York , (f e
New Jeraey ' 4
Dataware ) 1
Maryland 4
Virginia JB-
Not di Carolina 4
South Carolina 4
Georgia . S
Kentucky " . . 1 .
New Haaspsbir
Rood leland .
Connclicot .
Non-alar Jljtn;
There being nine slaveholdtng and
six iion-slaveholdifig States, the Senate
stood 1 8. to 18. t
census the representatives stood thus:
New York
New Jeraey
Delaware .
" Maryland
North t'eroiioa
South Carolina
Kentucky .-' - ......
New HatnSvMre
Rhode flnj
.. '
A'n, Senatm. 20 to 15.
flius, it-appear that,at "the adop
tion of the constitution, the slavehold
ing interest predominated; and, that,
therefore,- the idea of the committee,
(hat the growth o(the South should be
prevented lor the purpose of preserving
the original balance of the constitution,
: u.i,ntf ,.,.
And now, Mr. President, turn your
Rtt,.n,iou fr a lument to the present
...i.tiv.'.i;..!! i.fih- .!
r;1l(i ,,,. tu ..l. i.r .,,,
of 810, a majority of one-sixth; and
.:, ,,f f,,u, ft-,,.,,,,,, . ihia li..
and then. Mr. P..;.1nr ubn J..
llKl frward (u the next census, New
v.m i,er two ,., 4 ilsi,f Mli1i
;,.., oui. ' with hr nv ...llimr.., i.
tence 0f Virginia endowed them, is it
a3C0.(lil ,. tJ lhe irit in which ,h
constitution was c,meeUd. U it i -
- jfiw v iv ia iiiiiuiu
ipirit of kilHIWMt h it juat u notin
outlnge, that the question of political
power is raised against m?
No 0Iie win veflture t0 that f
.i,,. South ,,,n.i4 ,um- n;
Ces contain a impulation at all equat to
that of the non-slaveholding States. In
the other branch of Congress we can
never expect an approach equality.
The sceptre has passed from us, and
forever. Whether it has been rightly
wielded, let the "growth and power of
t is' ruilntrv Iniur A It il
' rft ug u to protect ourselves. All
,imt we want is some reasonable check
upon an acknowledged power; soma
approach to equipoise in this chamber. .
It results from the nature ol things, and
all our history shows, that both the in.
ftercst and inclination of the South is
to restrain as far . its possible the action
of this government We never requir
any thing from it. Ours is the let-us-alone
policy. All we wish is not to
suffer aggression. All the power we
covet is the power to resist incursions.
And this much, sir, you must allow to
us. The ground upon which non.
slaveholding States and communities
put their claim to political supremacy -is
an insult to us; the claim itself is aa
aggression, and the avowed purposes
for which it is to be used are hostile
And, Mr. President, but for the
great respect which I have for the.,
States which have taken ground oo thii
subject, I should be disposed to suspee
that the idea of checking the ertension ,
ofdomesYtc slavery was but a hollo-e
and hypocritical pretext, to7 cover po..(
Iitical designs, Tlit slavehoWins pop-,
u I at ion and tho slavahordln nolitfesl
communities stay be mult'iolied br lho
nrnnosed acnuisition of territorvi but I .
do not see thai slavery-sir tho nmbc
of slaves cart be increased by it Ua.
der tho mild condition of gVe.
slavery, the nerro p)pttlatio iaevetM-.
at a greater, ratio than tbft sf !th,
I . . . . i ... ' 4
wniiea mrougnoui mo wnion ugasetix
ei as th4Uer is by tht accession of
foreigners. To thii natural increase,
your laws, making thi introduetisn at

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