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Editorials and Comments
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North Carolina Justice
The Washington Post is con
cerned about what it calls "North
Carolina Justice.”
In a March 5, IJffi editorial so
named Colman McCarthy
discusses a case that even many
North Carolinians are not aware of.
The following are excerpts from
this editorial.
In North Carolina, a recent case
involving three Black men has
many responsible people in the
state and elsewhere convinced or
suspicious that another repressive
prosecution has occurred. Two
differences in this case are that the
citizens—called the Charlotte
Three-are already serving prison
terms, and second, little national
attention has been given the case.
, The conviction of T.J. Reddy, Dr.
James Grant and Charles Parker
came in 1972 on a charge of burning
the Lazy B stable in Charlotte and
killing 15 horses. Reddy, a poet
whose first volume of verse will be
published by Random House this
summer, had been in a small group
that went to the Lazy B stable in
1967. They were denied riding
privileges, apparently because of
race. Eleven months later, the
stable burned. Three years later,
Reddy, along with Grant, a former
VISTA and SCLC worker, and
" ^Parker, a youth counselor, were
ihdicted.
In a January 1974 article, the
Charlotte Observer said the “case
raises many questions,” and
added that at the trial “no physical
evidence was presented to link (the
defendants) to the stable burning
four years earlier. Officers who
investigated the first had
misplaced the firebombs the three
were accused of using to-burn the
Lazy B barns and 15horses.” After
_ noting the lack'of evidence', that
W sent Grant to prison for it years;
Reddy for 20 years and Parker for
10. the Observer describes the
“star” witnesses used by the state
as two men "who were granted
immunity from prosecution on a
number of charges in exchange for
their testimony in at least four
trials of Black activists in North
Carolina.”
The Observer went on to say that
the two witnesses, Walter David
Washington and Theodore Alfred
Hood, "had been sought on a
number of charges, including
illegal possession of dynamite and
firearms, armed robbery and
illegal flight to avoid prosecution.
Washington had been discharged
from the1 Marines for mental in
stability. Arrested in North
Carolina after a flight to Canada,
they agreed to give testimony in
four cases in exchange for im
munity from prosecution aHcl
protection by state and federal law
enforcement officers.”
Many in North Carolina were
astonished at the severity of the
sentences: 25,20 and 10 years. The
Observer checked its files of other
unlawful burnings and found some
disturbing facts. In 1965, a Mt. Airy
N c- businessman burned a store,
~TfnTm^-^TT~ewrpBye?'aHa -reegrcea"
only five years to eight years.
A Charlotte man got four to five
years for burning the home oc
cupied by his ex-wife. A Hen
dersonville man got five to 10 years
for burning three schools. In 10
years, only one burning case
exceeded the Charlotte Three’s
terms, and that was for seven
instances of arson by the same
person. Not only were the sen
tences astonishingly severe
compared to other North Carolina
Burning convictions, but when
compared to the 20 years Lt.
William Calley (who now walks
free) got for murdering 22 Viet
namese civilians, the severity is
even more striking. Fifteen horses
in Charlotte are apparently worth
more than 22 human beings in
—Mylai.-_--.
The Judge in the case was Frank
Sneep. When asked in a phone
interview last week about the case
-about the severity of sentences,
the reliability of the state’s wit
nesses and the $50,000 bond im
posed on Reddy even though he had
no previous convictions--the judge
said “the men had a fair trial. I
thought they were dangerous to the
community and I gave them the
maximum sentence.” As for the^
steadyrun of newspaper stories and
editorials, .Snepp charged that
Snepp charged that "the people
who write them don’t know the
facts of the case.” *
Because Grant (a Ph. D in
chemistry) is a Hartford, Conn.,
native, the editorial page editor of
the Hartford Times, Don O, Noel
Jr., went to Charlotte. "It is
remotely possible,” he wrote,“that*
he is guilty of that charge (burning
the stable) but I did not find
among several knowledgeable
Charlotte newsmen I talked with,
anyone who was persuaded of that,
based on the evidence presented in
court.” Some clearly believe him
the victim of a frame-up. Most,
with the careful newman’s ob
jectivity concluded simply that his
guilt was far from proven.”
In America, and presumably
North Carolina, court trials are
meant to use the law as a means of
settling doubts. But here, the op
posite has happened—doubts have
been raised. Those raising them
are not the prison reformers who
chant “Free everybody” but parts
of the national and established
community that have deep
suspicions that these men are
victims of government oppression.
Clearly, the governor of North
Carolina has an obligation to act,
either to remove all doubts about
the case so that the guilt isfactually
based, or to drop the sentences so
that justice in North Carolina is no
longer mocked.
THE CHARLOTTE POST
I .
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REPRESENTATIVE FORDS RELENTLESS EFFORTS TO "
UNDERCUT THE OPEN HOUSING LAW, THE RIGHT- TO-VOTE LAW,
AND VIRTUALLY EVERY OTHER CIVIL RIGHTS STATUTE OF THE
PAST DECADE AFFORD NO COMFORT TO THE NATION'S NEGRO '
CITIZENS AND ARE CLEARLY OUT OF STEP WITH MAJORITY
SENTIMENT IN THIS COUNTRY WITH REGARD TO RACIAL EQUALITY.
HIS LEGISLATIVE RECORD IS REMARKABLY LACKING IN COM
PASSION.
N.Y. TIMES
NO CHEERS FROM BLACKS!
VOatfaHftoH, ^cfront
CONGRESSMAN
JIM MARTIN
t
Judging from the mail I get,
tobody wants to be told that
there is a fuel shortage.
Nobody wants to believe it.
There has been such a.con
fusion of conflicting claims in
the news that the public
refuses to accept any claims
unless they are in the form of
accusations.
It is a fact that govern
mental restraints have th
1 warted^onj^ctloi of off
' shore tbfe Trans
Alaskan Pipeline, and badly
needed refineries, Yet,
prominent members of the
United States Senate, and self
appointed consumer ad
vocates, accuse the oil
companies of a conspiracy to
hold back on production; and
they are believed.
It is a fact that the United
States imports over twenty
times as much oil as we ex
port. Yet, a prominent
P n n a P a D o m n n m . L > -
headlines by “exposing” the
exports. This grandstand play
is accepted because it involves
some seven million barrels a
month, so large a figure that It
boggles the mind. However,
that’s less than two percent of
the 500 million barrels of oil
we consume each month.
It is also a fact that imports
into the U.S. are 12 percent
less than a year ago, ac
cording to the U.S. Customs
Bureau. The Shah of Iran
stirred up a royal flap by
claiming otherwise. He may
have concluded that since U.S.
oil imports from Iran are up
(which they are), that total
U.S. imports are up (which
they are not). Before jumping
to the conclusion that His
Imperial Majesty is just
trying to help, keep this in
mind: The Shah is not a
■ disinterested spectator. His
government, after all, was one
of the first to raise oil prices to
exorbitant high levels. He
stands to gain if he can anger
pur consuming public and
thereby pressure CJ.S. oil
companies to "buy more from
Iran and bid the price even
higher. We stand to lose. He
proved he can criticize us with
impunity because any
counter-criticism of him risks
cpttfngofUus oil supply (o us.
Mudn» been made of the
fact that our stockpile of
refined gasoline in late
February was higher than it
was a year ago. Before
astonishment turns to anger,
it is worth remembering that
last year was the first time we
experienced gasoline shor
tages - so last year’s stock
piles turned out to be
inadequate. Furthermore the
inrrPAAA of turn million homala
of stockpiled gasoline is
enough only, for about a fourth
of one day’s needs: enough for
3 or 4 hours, or enough to get
us through either one day’s
morning or evening rush
hours, but not both.
The biggest hazard in all
this is that widespread anger
has set in, stimulating the
Congress to want to ’’do
something,1’ whether it helps
or makes matters worse. The
Congress has passed a rather
chaotic Energy Emergency
Act, loaded down with a long
gift list of amendments. The
heralded crude oO price roll
back will temporarily reduce
the price at the pump a few
cents, but it will also reduce
production: meaning less
gasoline in the pumps. In
order to make up the shortage
of domestic production U.S. oil
companies would have to buy
more from foreign oil sources,
which would have the un
desirable effect of pushing the
international price even
higher. The majority of my
colleagues chose to ignore
these consegugpqes^and voted
to roll-back prices.
The best way to deal with oil
company profits would be to
impose a steep tax on "excess
profits” which might be
defined as more than 12 per
cent return on investment.
The complies would have pp;
incentive to escape this severe
tax by plowing-their earnings
back into exploration, drilling,
and construction or refineries.
This will do far more to
reduce the gap between
demand and supply, whereas
the crude oil price roll back
will just make the shortage
worse.
Some of my mail reveals
• Vial U-i_
circulated in my district that I
have been "captured” by the
oil companies. This kind of
unfounded political attack
compels me to point out that
the total of all campaign
contributions from people
connected with oil companies
that I know of comes to less
than onf percent of my 1972
campaign fund. I own no oil
stock. r My only association
with the oil industry was when
as a student, I worked three
summers at a petroleum
research lab. The little
communication I have had
with oil companies has been
either for the purpose of
helping constituents get fuel
for their customers or to ask
for the oil companies ex
planation of the complaints I
have received. These were
then compared with the
replies from other sources in
government and outside.
From this I have formed my
own independent opinions.
The Roy Wilkins Column
For some months it h»p been evident to ob
servers of America’s racial scene that the tide
was changing from hatred of white and the white
world on the part of the small, but vociferous
minority to some accommodation with those who
represent the opposition. —•
ui course, American
■blacks.-who helieveb.,iaL.....
and lived by the "Get
Whitey” philosophy have
always been in the
minority. They have
been loud and insulting ,
and even vicious. |!
It has seemed at times v
that they committed |
excesses in their ex- w
tremism just to sustain ■
their own estimate of V
themselves. The black 1
youngsters engaged in 1
the game of sticking out
their tongues at the
authority represented
by their teachers and
Qrhnnl oHminiotmtArr TTL
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their attack to take in policemen, bus drivers,
subway employees and members of the general
white public.
They did this, however, with the sure
knowledge that many black adults, some white
adults and some white officials approved of their
actions—or at least would not do anything that
would actively oppose their conduct. White
scholars, commissions and private groups could
not understand why the great bulk of Negro
opinion failed to condemn the small extremist*
segment.
It has been pointed out frequently that this
great bulk of black opinion, while not agreeing
with the methods of the black extremists, knew
from personal experience that the extremist
goals were the same as those of American Negro
(and white) moderates. The average Negro in
America has been kicked around so steadily that
while he would not do violence, he keeps silent
when others act.
Now the Black Muslims have been one of the
small disciplined groups that has preached hatred
of whites. It is news of first importance, therefore,
that Elijah Muhammad, leader of the Muslims,
has told his followers in a great convocation not to
hate white people. In past years Mr. Muhammad
has preached against "white devils" and has
urged separatism from white society upon blacks.
This about-face matches up with the about-face
of the Black Panthers. It follows the trend of
black college students. The black Panthers
completely reversed themselves, going ' fronT" ‘
provocative violence to the settlement of dif- .
ferences at the ballot box. With the Black
Muslims, thp nhraaivo ontS.whUA u — '
--- --- - — ▼ V ,
been haltered.
The point not to be missed is that these small but £
vocal segments of the black community have - *
given dp on violence and black separatism. $
Violence will persist in individual cases although r.
it will not be a policy of a group. Separatism has ■
gone down the drain as small black segments
have recognized, finally, that relations between
the races must be solved here, rather than
overseas. ~
Most American Negroes have dismissed as
foolish the idea of separatism, as a permanent •
way of life. They know they have a hard time here i
and that prejudice is all about. It wakes them r
each morning in their ghetto homes and follows ;i
them throughout their day and evening. ~
They are used to trouble. If it isn’t a job, it is the * ?
schools where their children are not taught. If it .'
isn’t government with its endleee bureaucracy it J
is the landlord or the police or the debts which pile '
up. Running all through this is a pervasive racial *
feeling, sometimes openly expressed and '
sometimes more subtly implied*
Each day there Is something new. Yesterday it ' -•
was lynching by mobs and by “justice in the v
courts”. Today it is black mayors in 90-odd cities, ^
including three big ones, Los Angeles, Atlanta and if
Detroit. Tomorrow may mark another forward ?
surge. Will American blacks run away from this
matching of wits (even with racism thrown in)
this measurement of men? *
To Be Equal
- 4 A
Full Employment Gains Support
by
Vernon E. Jordan, Jr.
The problem of chronic
unemployment, never really
given the priority attention it
deserves, is getting more
attention these days,
especially since some 200,000
people have been laid off due
to the energy crisis.
Until now, policy-makers
have been playing the
dangerous game of figuring
out hypothetical trade-offs
between unemployment and
inflation and debating what
the ‘‘optimum” level of
joblessness is.
Some say four percent
unemployment is what we
should be aiming at, others
five percent, and still others
would be willing to settle for
si* percent - as long as their
own jobs are safe, of course.
So national policy has been
based on a deliberate ac
ceptance of large-scale
unemployment. Federal
officials have had no trouble
with setting policies (hat doom
five million or more people to
go jobless.
At his last news conference,
President Nixon again
promised that there will not be
a recession this year. What he
doesn’t seem to know is that
the country is already in a
recession and for minorities,
it's in a depression,
Recessions are defined in
technical terms Including
nation^, output, inventories
and a host of categories that
may not look too bad at the
moment. But for the guy who
has Just been laid off, the only
real yardatick in defining a
recession is the availability of
jobs and by that standard,
we’re in a crushing recession.
By its own faulty figures,
the government admits that
nearly five million people are
out of work;' At least as many
are unemployed but not
counted as such. And another
ten million work full-time, but
for wages that keep them
below the government's own
“minimum living standard"
level.
All that adds up to a whole
lot of trouble - for families
caught in an economic bind,
for the country as a whole, and
for the economy which Is
forced to operate at low levels
of productivity because it is
wasting Its human resources.
‘It's about time the nation
formally recognised every
individual's right to a decent
job at a decent wage. We have
come to the point where we
should see a job as being
something people have a right
to, not Just something they
should be lucky to have.
Once we start from the
definition of a job as a right,
then it becomes clear that any
unemployment above the
frictional unemployment
caused by moving from one
job to the next, is Intolerable.
This implies a national full
employment policy that
should be at the core of federal
priorities. Such a policy would
work at two levels - private
and public. We’ve given
subsidies to farmers not to
grow crops and subsidies to
corporations to invest in
machineajhat cut labor costa.
Why not, then, use subsidise
and other Incentives to get
private employers to add
more workers?
Such a program could be
combined with an economic
development program that
will attract new private In
I
dm try and new venture* Into ^
area* with high unem-J.
ployment, especially rural
•roa* and inner-^^^ctions.