Newspapers / The Charlotte Post (Charlotte, … / Aug. 28, 1975, edition 1 / Page 2
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L New Socioeconomic Report Shows Gains, Lack Of Progress 14 MILLION BLACKS ARE ELIGIBLE TO VOTE IN THE UNITED STATES Black Americans have made pro gress in education and election to public office during the first half of the 1970’s, but their progress in income and employment has been impeded by a variety of social and economic factors, according-to a major report released today by the Bureau of the Census, U. S. Depart ment of Commerce. The report, eight in an annual series on the characterisitcs of blacks in America (and, at 205 pages, the longest,) focuses on re cent trends (1970-74) and includes some data as current as 1975. The report presents a special section on crime, including entirely new data from a nationwide survey on crim inal victimization conducted in 1973 as well as data on jail inmates and capital punishment. Other new sub jects are blacks in the Armed, For >. ces, sources of income of &ack post-secondary students, blacks owned business and ownership of major appliances by black house holds. A 56 percent increase in black college enrollment between 1970 and 1974 highlighted black gains in edu cation, according to the report. White college enrollment increased only 15 percent over the same per iod. However, the proportion of young blacks (18-24 years old) en rolled in college was still below that for young whites-18 and 25 percent, respectively. Black political gains during the 1970’s were “impressive”, the report says. Between March 1971 and May 1975, the number of blacks holding public office increased by 88 percent to a total of 3,503. Black officials newly elected in 1974 include one member of Congress, two lieutenant governors, and 40 other state legis ' lators and executives. The number of black mayors increased sharply from 81 in 1971 to 135 in 1975. Inflation and recession Jiave ad versely affected both blacks and whites, the report says. Unemploy ment increased sharply for both during the economic downturn of 1974, and the situation of blacks relative to whites did not improve. In 1974, the average annual unem ployment rate was 9.9 percent for blacks (including all races other than white) and 5.0 percent for whites. The rate had reached 13.7 percent for blacks and 7.6 percent for whites by the first quarter of 1975 (seasonally adjusted quarterly averages). Further, the unemploy ment rate for black teenagers reached 39.8 percent for the first quarter of 1975 compared to 18.0 percent for white teenagers. The black unemployment rate in 1974 was about twice the white rate, the same relationship that has gen erally prevailed since the Korean War, according to the report. How ever, the 1974 unemployment rate for black teenagers was 2.4 times the rate for white teenagers, while for women the black rate was 1.7 times the white rate. Median income in 1974 was esti mated at $7,800 for blacks families” and $13,400 for white families. Ad-' justed for inflation, the data shows some evidence of a decline in real income among black families since 1975. This decline, about 3 percent, is not significantly different from the 4 percent decline among white famil ies. Over a longer period, from 1970 to 1974, the income position of black families relative to white families became worse as measured by the median income ratio, in contrast to the late 1960’s when the black-white income ration narrowed somewhat. Black family median income was 61 percent of white family income in 1970 but only 58 percent in 1974. According to the report, many social and economic factors have an impact on the ratio of black to white median family income. These fac tors include the number of earners in a family, the work experience of family members, and the proportion of families headed by women (who generally have lower incomes than men) as well as economic forces like the inflationary and recessionary pressures of 1974. For example, the report notes that one factor which has partially con tributed to the decline in the ratio of black to white family income is the decline in the proportion of black families with both husband and wife present-61 percent of all black families in 1975 compared to 68 percent in 1970. Black husband-wife families had a higher median in come in 1974 ($12,982) than black families headed by a male alone ($7,942) or by a female alone ($4,465), primarily because hus band-wife families are more likely to have more than one earner. Thus, a decline in the proportion of hus band-wife families has a downward influence on the median income of all families. A 11__ it me same proportion OI blacks and whites were victims of crime in 1973, according to the new data included in the report. This finding is in contrast to studies conducted during the 1960’s, which showed a higher victimization rate for blacks. However, the 1973 survey did show that a much larger propor tion of blacks than of whites were victims of violent crimes-47 per 1,000 population for blacks compar ed to 32 for whites. The report also includes sections on population, labor force and busi ness ownership, education, family and fertility, health, housing, crimi nal offenders, voting, and Armed Forces. Each section includes both text, detailed tables, and graphs, a new featur^^^^^^^^^^^^— lciim to tnccdiiof BLACKS HAVE THE TOOLS REPORT FROM I^Woihington. Food Stamp Reform By Congressman Jim Martin 9th District, North Carolina Earlier this year, when I joined with 75 of my colleagues in the House and Senate in the introducing the Welfare Reform Act of 1975, I said other measures would be writ ten to help stem the extravagant growth of social programs. At the same time, I said the major theme in any such program should be to insure that those Americans who are genuinely in need of assistance will continue to receive aid, but without the abuses. Our latest proposal, introduced as the National Food Stamp Reform Act fills these requirements. Fifty eight Members of the House and sixteen in the Senate have joined in sponsoring this measure. ml_n_i m *> a ruuu oidiup riu^rdiii was designed to supplement incomes of America’s poor. At the same time it was to subsidize their food pur chases, helping them to attain a more nutritionally adequate diet. Loose eligibility standards in the program have triggered an explo sive growth which prompted the Deputy Commissioner of Welfare to comment, “we’re giving away food stamps like crazy”. He added, “There are virtually no controls.” ihe growth in the food stamp program has been phenomenal since it began ten years ago. In 1965, one in 439 of us was receiving food stamps. This year we are down to one in eleven. The cost of operating the program over ten years has grown by over 14,000 percent. While one of every eleven is receiving food stamps, it is estimated that one in four Americans is eligible for the ^ubsUjv^^tfg^rogi^T^^^^^pl^^ again, me question might well be: “Are you getting yours?” Under current regulations, which are based on net income, it is possible for a family with an income of $20,000 a year or more to qualify for food stamps if it can calculate enough deductions from its gross income. Utilizing such allowances as those provided for income taxes, union dues and work related expen ses, tuition payments for private school educations, and expensive homes, a high income family may qualify for monthly food stamps. The Food Stamjt Reform Act pro poses a number of changes, includ ing: - ^ui iduuijj ciigiuimy' oi persons with high incomes; idgntehing work requirements -sharply reducing opportunities for criminal activities; -improving cash and coupon hand ling methods; -transferring the program from Agriculture to the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare; and -simplifying administration and eliminating duplications. 4.1__ • .« uuuvvuu,m ui vi«coc Uldll^Cd 111 UlC food stamp program is designed to substantially increase by 29 percent the benefits which are paid to per sons who truly need nutritional assistance. I am sure many elderly people on fixed incomes would be happy to see that one change alone. At the same time while reducing eligibility standards and increasing benefits to those in need of assis tance, the Food Stamp Reform Act should save the taxpayers between $^n^2.5 billion. TO BE EQUAL _r -_TTwr>«—. YKRNON K. JORDAN JR. 1 t» ’ , • * ' N t Administration Reassesses Social Programs A recent news account reported that the Secretary of the Treasury, William E. Simon, blasted the food stamp program, calling it a , “well-known haven for the chiselers and the rip-off artists.” Here we go again! If a federal program transfers funds to low-in come families, if it helps feed, house or clothe them it is invariably denounced as a rip-off. But when a federal program funnels money to high-income families or into large corporations, it is beyond criticism. ^ Usually, the condemnation comes when a social program begins to prove its usefulness. The food stamp program wasn’t started to help out poor people who couldn’t afford to buy food at going prices, it was originally intended to help farmers get rid of surplus crops. rui d lung wiiiie iuum peupie who quamieu iui the purchase of food stamps were kept in the dark about how to get them. But the bust in the economy last year led to a boom in qualified applicants for the stamps, turning the program into a relatively costly one that was effective in aiding moderate-income families. That makes it a prime target for the budget cutters and the preachers of an out-moded rugged individualism that’s against any socially beneficial federal programs. The Secretary commented that government spending is getting out of hand because “we’ve been willing to assign to the government the responsibility for solving many of the problems that people should be solving for themselves.” Noble sentiments that would not have been out of place a hundred years ago, but they bear no relation to the reality of government’s role in a mixed economy whose prosperity depends on federal activism to correct the imbalances of the private sector.v It is lincppmlv fnr hidh nffipialc tn hlact unfairly a food stamp program or similar federal props for the victims of the Depression while accepting high defense costs, federal insurance of private corporate loans (while rejecting similar insurance for municipal bonds) and other costly or risky steps at a time when unemployment is at such a high level. And the Secretary’s groundless “chiseler” charge is not only an insult to the buyers of food stamps, but it also reflects a shocking ignorance of the very real misery and hardship many millions of people suffer today. But the Secretary’s statement is not much amereni irom similar views expressed by high officials, which makes the recent announcement of an Administration reassessment of all social welfare programs a cause for alarm. It would be nice to think that such a review would result in long overdue reforms. One such would be adoption of the National Urban Lea gue’s recent call for a universal refundable credit income tax to replace the welfare system and the loophole-ridden tax system. A CIT would assure a basic grant to all, with the grant taxed back from higher income families. This would replace the welfare system and still leave some money in the hands of moderate-income working people. IHfc LHAKLU1TE FUST “THE PEOPLES NEWSPAPER” Established 1918 By A.M. Houston Published Every Thursday By The Charlotte Post Publishing Co., Inc. 9139 Trinity Road - Charlotte, NJe. 28216 Telephones (704 ) 392-1306 - 392- WT7 . Circulation 11.000 ' 57 YEARS OF CONTINUOUS SERVICE Bill Johnson.Editor - Publisher Gerald O. Johnson.Business Manager Robert L. Johnson.Circulation Manager Second Class Postage Paid at Charlotte, N.C. under the Act of March 3,1878 Member National Newspaoer Publishers Association National Advertising Representative Amalgamated Publishers, Inc. 45 W. 5th, Suite 1403 2400 S. Michigan Ave • New York, N.Y. 10036 Chicago. 111. 60616 489-1220 Calumet 5-0200 / Sponsors Decline To Advertise In Black Media The comment, Bill, u*’26,197® ...in your column last week regarding WGIV’s apparently not carrying the 1975 Johnson C. Smith football schedule deserves some amplifi cation. We are certainly trying even at this late date to obtain sponsors for the schedule. We have already signed National Automotive Parts Association for V4 sponsorship. But we spent 3 weeks attempting to sign one advertiser for Vfe sponsorship only to be refused at the last minute. And that’s an interesting story. __A f f_ ! —_ _ A f « a a * hoi. uiiiuii i>dnun<ii oariK nas consistently declined to advertise in the black media, includ ing your own publication. I first presented the football schedule to Ms. Lynda Ferreri, vice president for advertising at FUNB. Her reaction was favorable. The presentation next went to the FUNB agency, Cargill Wilson & Acree. (This agency does not use WGIV for any of its clients.) There, phone calls and presentations seemed to be favorably received by account executive Bob Ward. Ward next told us that the proposal had been turned over to someone in their media 1 I “evaluating” department. men, auer 4 weens aner we oegan talking to FUNB August 15 to be exact Ms. Ferreri called me to say that FUNB had decided not to participate. No reason was given. There are two ironic aspects of this situation. (1) the weekly cost of FUNB’s participation in the Smith football package is no more than the cost of one of the FUNB 30-aecond prime time TV spots. (2) Robert Walton, the black candidate for city council and the manager of the FUNB Cameron Brown branch has allegedly urged FUNB chairman to make use of WGIV to reach the communitv. Frankly, Bill, originating the full 11-game schedule of Smith football is a costly project for us. When one considers that these costs include line charges, travel expense, engineering costs, talent and production fees, we would make more money by simply running music and commer cial announcements. But we feel strongly that broadcasting the game is a responsibility we owe the community and we will certainly go ahead on this project if at all economically possible. Cordially, Todd Branson, V.P., Gen. Mgr. Salvation Boys Didn't Win Title 8809 Windsong Drive Charlotte, North Carolina 28210 Mr. Bill Johnson August i». 1975 The Charlotte Post 9139 Trinity Road Charlotte, North Carolina 28216 Dear Mr. Johnson, In reference to the conversation we had a few days ago lam sending this letter. Mr. Burton did not have the authority nor was he authorize K.ve oui me story that you printed in your newspaper claiming the Salvation Army team won the championship of our league This st; Esv: ESSaSSS:The Windsong Triil ~ Speaking for the Charlotte Community Athl* ic League we would be most appreciative for your co-operation in correcting this error. Sincerely rhoriSS^T1 L Ric,hardson, President Charlotte Community Athletic League
The Charlotte Post (Charlotte, N.C.)
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Aug. 28, 1975, edition 1
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