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1
What Price Energy Conservation?
By Hoyle H. Martin Sr.
^Post Executive Editor
After the long awaited announce
ment concerning a proposed com
prehensive energy policy, President
Carter launched a drive for the
program's acceptance. He said,
"Our solutions must ask equal sacri
fices from every region, every class
of people, every interest group."
Carter's apparently strong commit
ment to this policy and his sincerity
in asking "equal sacrifices" caused
him to predict accurately that his
own popularity would drop by at
least 10 percent.
While many consumer advocate
groupe are generally satisfied with
the^ energy proposal, they contend
that the plan probably contains
some inequities in spite of Carter's
claim of "equal sacrifices." The
i apparent inequities in the plan have
: caused some to believe that the
somewhat difficult to understand
energy proposal will affect middle to
: lower income groups the most. Since
; these are the income levels that
! most blacks are in, what does the
energy plan mean for their pocket
—bodaî. " · ♦
First, the energy plan calls for
taxing fuel cost. This includes a
standby tax on gasoline that could
gradually raise taxes by 5-cents per
gallon beginning in 1979 and reach
ing 50-cents by 1988 if the nation
failed to meet the goal of a 10
percent reduction in consumption.
Hie inequity arises in the fact that 60
perçoit of all gasoline used in
transportation is used to transport
people to and from their places of
employment. This means that those
dependent on their automobiles win
be hurt the most.
Secondly, tax credits will be given
to those who insulate or weather
strip their homes. Is this fair to the
person who simply cannot afford the
$500 plus cost to weather-strip?
Thirdly, some energy experts con
tend, and we agree, that the propo
sal's tax structure is inherently
regressive, that is, it takes more
money proporitionately from the
lower income groups.
Furthermore, the energy package
might be questioned because it lacks
any emphasis on improved public
transportation as a conservation
move.
Finally, to off-set these apparent
disproportionate tax. burdens on cer
tain income groups, Carter proposes
to use the estimated $50 billion per
year (by 1980) tax revenue to deliver
on his campaign commitments to
welfare and tax reform. While we
hate to see a delay in these despe
rately needed reforms, we recognize
the significance of the need for
energy conservation and therefore
the general acceptance of the Presi
dent's energy plan. We trusflhaTall
Americans will see the wisdom in
Carter's energy program because it
represents the first attempt at a long
overdue energy policy. More signifi
cantly, the sacrifices and costs we
need to accept now are meager
compared to what they will be if we
continue our wasteful energy con
sumption habits as we have in the
past.
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Moots Symbolism Of History
www iwynin«0 VTA. A WVI UVVI
^ events, societies, ethnic and reli
gious groups have used history as an
~ instrument for instilling loyalities,
pride, cultural awareness and civic
tesponsibilities withi* their inhabi
tants. Alex Haley's legendary work
"Roots" undoubtedly is the most
recent confirmation of this meaning
:;»■ of historical events. Therefore, there
is reason for concern when two
apparently respected black writers
have attempted to tarnish Haley's
contribution by accusing him of
plagiarism and faulty research.
Since Haley labored 12 years to
research and write his book, we
won't dignify the pathetic allega
tions of plagiarism by commenting
further on the point. However, the
charges do cause us to think more
A*»p»y about the meaning of history.
"Hoots," like Lerone Bennett's
"Before the Mayflower" and Walter
Rodney's "How Europe Undër
developed Africa," has contributed
to an ending of the "white conspira
cy" evidenced in the distortions,
fig omissions and myths that have
appeared in American history and
iig have created a sense of inferority,
li
trustration and a lack of self identity
among black people. Such distor
tions have arisen, historian Robert
Daniels has written, because too
often "the writing of national history
has been chauvinistic, Justifying
that nation's achievements hadam
bitions and glossing over or explain
ing away its shortcomings and fail
ures."
Haley's search for his roots cut
through the nation's "glossing over"
and found the true history of a proud
and determined people. Equally
significant, his "Roots" has inspired
in black Americans a renewed spirit
to create and identify their tradi
tions of value to their own sense of
dignity as well as to receiving a new
respect from others.
Finally, if our democratic society
is to survive, it must unconditionally
accept blacks as equals. A-major
step in this direction for most
Americans, both black and white, to
gain a knowledge of the black man's
true past. Haley's "Roots" has given
us this knowledge and has thus taken
us all a step closer to the world's
first biracial democracy in human
history.
"™' —
Corporal Punishment
The Supreme Court's recent
decision to uphold corporal
punishment in the schools has
left a wide gap of divided
opinion in its wake. Much of
the debate over whether the
decision was a good one or a
bad one depends upon what
one means by "corpora! pu
nishment."
People who were brought up
in communities where parents
and teachers shared the same
expectations and goals for the
children consider corporal pu
nishment to be nothing more
than a rather bitter dose of
very necessary medicine.
They remember the teacher's
ruler coming down across an
outstretched hand for so
many 'licks,' or they remem
ber a teacher's paddle landing
on the backside for a couple of
'whacks.' These punishments
were, at the moet, just sting
ing reminders to the children
to stay within the bounds of
good behavior. As a rule, they
were not severe enough to
cause physical or mental
harm to the child, and they
were not given out of hatred,
contempt, prejudice or ego
tripping, but from a genuine
concern for the child's well
being.
Parents generally did not
object to the schools adminis
tering this kind of corporal
punishment. The tight bonds
of mutual respect which exist
ed between parents and the
school made it permissable
and kept it within reasonable
limits. As a matter of fact,
parents were often so suppor
punishment al Home H they
learned that the child'· con
duct warranted a spanking at
school.
School systems today, how
ever, do not have the same
close relationship which once
existed between the school
and the home. In many in
stances, a wide gulf of hostili
ty exists between the two, and
the growing inability of pa
rents to exercise control over
the school has frequently al
lowed teacher behaviors to get
out of hand. The result is that
in too many schools, the mean
ing of corporal punishment
has changed from reasonable
force to excessive force, and it
has become something alto
gether different from what
most of us remember it to be.
The kind of corporal punish
ment which prompted parents
to bring suit against the Drew
Junior High School of Miami,
Florida is the same kind of
corporal punishment which
students in many inner city
schools have been receiving
for years. In the Drew Junior
High School case, it was
brought out that a student had
been hjt in the head with a
wooden paddle; that they fyad
been spanked so hard that
they coughed up blood or could
not sit down for weeks, and
other incidents of brutality
which were so severe as to
require medical attention.
Clearly, corporal punish
ment in cases such as these
has outgrown such innocent
labels as "paddling," "spank
ings" or "lickings." This kind
of treatment which the stu
dents at the Drew Junior High
School received is no less than
Child Abuse. While people
may be divided over the issues
of corporal punishment when
it is defineid as reasonable
force, surely no decent-mind -
ed person can condone child
abuse, regardless of where it
takes place or who commits
ttm ar*
There are many arguments
which can be made against the
use of corporal punishment,
but our inability to keep 'rea
sonable force' from turning
into 'child abuse' is surely one
.of the strongest reasons why it
should be banned from the
schools altogether.
Spokesman For Freedom
To listen to the howls of some editorialists,
you'd think Andrew Young has been making
awful diplomatic gaffes. Actually, he's only been
telling the truth. The truth often hurts, and that
accounts for all the heat America's spokesman
for freedom has been getting.
When Young accepted the post of US Ambas
sador of the UN, he said he wanted to be the
Administration's "Point man" - to occupy the
most advanced and dangerous positions. In
fulfilling the role, he has said some things that
are not popular in some circles, or are more
usually said with so much caution that nobody
- gets themessage. : ,
By gutting the doubletalk that usually infects
public comments of officials, and by telling some
home truths in a refreshingly open style,
Ambassador Young is serving his Administra
tion, the country, and the people, who ought to
become involved in foreign policy discussions to
a far greater degree.
But what exactly is it that Ambassador Young
has said that gets so many people upset? The
most recent statement to unleash criticism was
that the South African government is "illegiti
maters* —-—
%« «- - —
nvn wiiu can argue wiui mat γ wnat is morally
legitimate about a white minority government
that rules over a large black minority denied any
semblance of a stake in that society. The South
African situation is simply not comparable to
any other. There may be countries ruled by
dictators which deny democratic rights, but
such governments reflect the society they rule.
In South Africa a minority white population
rules over a majority black population, which is
compelled to be a cheap labor source, denied
basic civil rights, forbidden the right to own
property or to live in sections of the country, and
even denied citizenship.
South Africans who are black are presumed to
be citizens of arbitrarily defined "homelands"
and.are treated as foreign contract laborers in
ftttfe .fo, ey?S Μ*Μ· Wbtfçir,
government, they are not "South Africans" at
all.
eSo how can a government representing 2.3
million people in a country of 26 million be
considered legitimate? Why should an American
newly concerned about human rights go along
with the fiction of South Africa's supposed
legitimacy? Ambassador Young was right on
target in his definition of that country's govern
ment.
Another statement that drew criticism was
that Britain is "a little chicken" on race. Well,
the language may bë a bit more colorful than
that of most diplomats, but again, it's true.
Britain, from the hey-day of its empire to the
present, has always exhibited a casual racism.
Of course it is not alone in this; our own country.
along with many others share this disease.
Ambassador Young was referring to the
Rhodesian situation when he said Uiat. Can
anyone deny that if a black colony declared
unilateral independence and proceeded to defy
legality and to subjugate whites, as Rhodesia
oppressed its black majority, that the British
would have acted rfiffpronH*/?
OS. i see i C
Good And Bad Points Of District Representation
By Gerald Ο. Johnson
Now that district represen
tation has passed, and all the
folks on the Westside are
whooping it up, let us stop and
consider some of the finer
points about it.
The one good thing about
this so called victory for us
black folks is that it took the
political dominance of Char
lotte out of the hands of
Southeast Charlotte. At least it
. appears to look that way.
So far. this is the only real
good point about district re
presentation. as I see it. that
can be pin pointed.
Now for the bad points But
let me add that these bad
points are only bad because
they can be ambigious in
scope As I talk about the bad
points. 1 hope this becomes
clear
First, most people feel that
district representation will al
low more blacks to participate
in the political process direct
ly In other words there will be
more blacks on the council
This assumption is based on
illogical premises, conse
quently the results are bound
lo be unsound
11 Tt Is not true that a black
cun better represent blacks
Being black myself it is no
thing I like better than seeing
a black make it, whether it be
in politics or anything else.
But to see a black make U
simply because he is black
and not because he is Qualified
is asinine. Hence I would
rather be represented by a
representative rather than a
black; meaning it is not Um
color, but the ability of Um
individual that should be im
nortant.
2) It is not true (liai district
representation will allow
more blacks to participate.
One point that was not brought
out convincingly enough is
that the city council has the
power to redraw district boun
daries This Is a necessity
because as the city expands
new boundaries have to be
drawn to keep a uniform
balance among the districts.
However, this point can be
abused It is conceivable that
new lines could be drawn to
bisect or even tri sect predo
minantly black districts and
add them to predominantly
white districts If this happens
then the power which we
thought we were achieving
would, in fact, be diminishing
2» Finally, district represen
tation will create a disunity
among blacks In Charlotte. An
area like Charlotte that has a
disunified black community
already really doesn't need
anything that will create more
dissension But now even if
district representation would
allow more than one black to
be seated on the council, it
could cause more trouble than
one anticipates. For example.
Harvey Gantt is looked upon
as a representative of the
black community. Most
blacks in Charlotte pull toge
ther to back Mr Gantt in his
endeavors for the city But
under district representation
Harvey Gantt wouldn't. In
deed he couldn't, be looked
upon as a representative of the
black community, but as a
representative of the particu
lar district which elected him.
This is a major consequence in
the black struggle for power in
Charlotte. This point is the
most serious consequence in
the program. It will be touch
ad upon again in the second
bad point about district repre
sentation.
Secondly, most people feel
. that district representation
will move Charlotte more pro
gressively for all of its consti
tuents.
This premise, though not
illogical, is inaccurately ana
lyzed: for it will produce the
direct opposite of what people
thought.
Because the council will be
broken up into factions, each
district representative will be
fighting for what he feels la
right for his district. It is
conceivable that all districts
could differ on an.issue In
some respect Consequently,
the four at-large members wilt
determine the outcome of the
issue This boils down to the
current system We will have
four at large members deter
mining policy while seven dis
tricts members bicker among
themselves. The results will
mean Charlotte will make less
progress and the individual
district· will not get served
Of course, all of this is based
upon hypotheses. It Is quite
possible that the district re
presentation plan will work
fine in Charlotte. This is just
the point. Only time will tell.
But there is a yardstick that
can be used to measure the
possible success of the pro
gram. Gastonia is a nearby
town that uaes the district
plan Gastonia is a mess as
far as towns go. Districts in
Gastonia are set up so that two
blacks are seated on a council
of seven.
It is said that on several
occasions two or three good
people ran for a seat in the
same district while other dis
tricts seated garbage. Also,
while the individual council
members bicker for their re
spective districts. Gastonia is
soing to hell.
Several other cities in North
Carolina use district represen
tation and all are not as
messed up as Gastonia.
Hence, there is hope that it
can work in Charlotte.
All this is to «ay that rather
than applaud for victory we
should prepare for the respon
sibility that will surely fall on
the citizenry of Charlotte.
How Much Do
You Weigh In
Kilograms?
How much do you weigh in
kilogram·? Citizens of Char*
lotte will have an opportunity
to find out what their metric
weight it by visiting the "Me
tric Awareness Exhibit" on
display at Eastland Mall Apr H
12-24.
The exhibit is being spon
sored by the State Department
of Public Instruction to make
citizens aware of ways the
metric system affects them in
everyday living. It depicts the
use of metric measurement ifi
carpentry, auto mechanics,
sewing, distance, foods, busi
ness. industry, and everyday
household tasks.
A metric height chart and a
set of metric bathroom scales
accompanies the main exhibit
to give citizens an opportunity
to measure their weight In
kilograms and their height in
centimeters.
TO
BE
EQUAL
THE CHARLOTTE POST
"THE PEOPLES NEWSPAPER"
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58 YEARS OF CONTINUOUS SERVICE
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CRihEfS BECOMING A WAY OFUFB
Blacks Must Help To Stop Crime
Gerald Ο. Johnaon