Page 2-THE CHARLOTTE POST-Thursday, Jan. 19. 1)78
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Jesse Jackson’s New Conservatism
In a recent issue of a nationally
known black weekly newspaper, a
writer said the Rev. Jesse L. Jack
son is often characterized as a
“trouble maker, loud mouth, publi
city hound, clothes horse and
phony...” Other media reports note
that some so-called black leaders
are “suspicious” of segments of the
white community’s acceptance of
what some call ‘the new Jesse
Jackson.” Even before these rather
recent developments, rumors had it
that Jackson parted with the inheri
tors of Martin Luther King’s South
ern Christian Leadership Conferen
ce because they felt the young and
talented “Jackson was getting too
big for his britches.”
Ironically, these criticisms of
Jackson for embracing certain val
ues of the larger white society are
themselves an example of black
acceptance of another white value.
This latter value is the growing
tendency of Americans to build up
our leaders and then, work overtime
to destroy them through character
assassinations, innvendo, gossip or
the magnifying of small relatively
insignificant issues. Contemporary
examples of this have been in the
manner which the media hounded
Bert Lance from office, tried to
destroy Andrew Young for opposing
world-wide racism, monitored every
act of baseball hero Reggie Jackson
and is now turning its guns on
President Jimmy Carter. The elo
quence of the recently retired Eric
Sevarid puts this in perspective
when he said, “ignorant and biased
reporting has its counterpart in
ignorant and biased reading and
listening.” Thus, the abuses of free
speech and freedom of expression
are not limited to the media, we all
aiuur uic wtmutofl.
yrXhe New Jackson
JThe^'new Jesse Jackson” is being
criticized because he has adopted a
philosophy of change “when the
situation calls for it.” He has said
also “I concede to change.” In the
past Jackson met people in a tacky
run-down office in a store front or
social center. He would be dressed in
mod clothes - bell bottomed trou
sers, shirt opened to his bare chest
half way down to his belt buckle, and
a medallion with a Martin Luther
King Jr. profile on his chest - and a
defiant tone in his voice. Now
Jackson wears a vested business
suit and greets visitors at a modern
concrete community center in an
office outfitted like that of a corpo
rate suite.
These are but the superficial
trappings of Jackson’s “new conser
vatism.” They are designed to pro
voke comment and inquiry so that
people - especially black people - can
begin to see and understand the true
nature of his change. That change,
stated simply, is to encourage black
youth to become smarter, more
disciplined, more able to take ad
vantage of opportunities and thus to
“PUSH For FxcHlence.” Specifical
. ly, Jackson contend’s that the econo
mic programs and the black aware
ness movement of the 1960s has had
little effect on black youth and their
parents in the 1970s. Thus, as a
result of the coming and going of
social programs the hopes of poor
blacks have risen only to fall in a
sense of despair and demoralization.
It has been partly for this reason
that Charlotte blacks have not sup
ported fully the financial drive to
erect a statue of Dr. Martin Luther
King Jr.
Alcohol Epidemic
Jackson’s “new conservatism”
grows out of concern that “many
(black youth) have been victimized
hv fhn j_
tf v|/«%*vuuV) • • i ui« ut Ug
epidemic (and) there is an unusual
high level of premature pregnancy. ”
He says further, “kids walk around
not with books under their arms, but
with radios up against their heads...
they can’t read or write, but they
can memorize whole (music) al
bums.”
“What does it matter,” Jackson
concludes, “if the doors of opportu
nity are wide open but you’re an
alcoholic and can’t go through the
door? What does it matter if you
have the right to go to graduate
school but you can’t read, write or
count?” Thus, Jackson is preaching
a “new conservatism” that is as old
as the history of our nation, that is, it
is youth’s - black youth’s - respon
sibility to “PUSH For Excellence.”
In summary, the “new Jesse
Jackson” is telling black Americans
that it’s time to express their sense
of blackness in a new way. The
dashiki, the “Black English” of the
1960s, the raised fist (full of hot air),
the “Superfly” lifestyles and the “do
pursuit of excellence in our personal
and academic lives.
If Jackson’s “new conservatism”
means breaking economic apathy
and moral decay, if it means re-dis
covering a sense of community and
commitment, if it means redefining
relationships with one another to fit
the urban environment, if it means
freeing the mind as well as the body
from chattel slavery, if it means
overcoming institutionalized racism
through an emerging economic self
reliance, and if it means an increas
ing degree of self determination;
then it behooves all blacks to aban
don their pre-occupation with lables
and embracing Jackson’s “new con
servatism.”
As we seek an inner meaning of
Jackson’s conservatism, we might
reflect again on the wisdom of Eric
Sevarid. He said, “Democracy is not
a free ride. It demands more of each
of us than any other arrangement.
f TOE CHARLOTTE POST
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BLACK
\
HISTORY
1
"A MCE IS LIKE A MAN-UNTIL .
rr uses its own talents,
TAKES PRIDE IN ITS OWN HISTORY.
AND LOVES ITS OWN MEMORIES
IT CAN NEVER FULFILL ITSELF
COMPLETELY.'
_ JOHN W JAMDFBronx
Give Them A Sense of Pride
LETTERS TOTHE EDITOR
Racism, Not Bakke, Is The Real Issue
Dear Mr. Johnson:
The Bakke case is of parti
cular significance to the strug
gle of minority and oppressed
persons in this Country. If the
decision is upheld by the U.S.
Supreme Court, the civil ri
ghts movement will be set
back more than 200 years. The
media, along with certain in
stitutional administrators and
others, have disguised this
court case as involving rever
se discrimination. I challenge
such an assessment.
Alan Bakke is not the issue
at hand, nor is his rejection
from the University of Califor
applied. The fact that Mr.
Bakke was twice rejected
from I TP Datric ae umll oo
being rejected by more than 10
other schools, seems on its
face to imply that there are
serious doubts about Mr. Bak
ke'8 qualifications (one of whi
ch is that he is white). Is Mr.
Bakke suggesting a new stra
tegy for gaining admission to
medical school - find someone
with lower “qualifications"
who has been admitted? What
are “qualifications?" Is it
possible to apply an objective
test that in and of itself is not
biased? I am sure that most of
you are aware of the fact that
there were other white stu
dents who were admitted with
lower qualifications than Mr.
Bakke. Why didn’t he challen
ge their acceptances? Will this
case decide whether or not it is
constitutional (or American)
to admit students because
they made the “special list” of
the dean, president, or some
other influential person?
• It is alleged that Mr. Bakke
was ‘‘encouraged’’ by officials
at UC Davis to bring suit
(remember the Flanagan case
at Georgetown University
Law School?) Does such con
iduct qualify as a “real case or
controversy?" Why wouldn’t
UC Davis admit that it had
engaged in past discrimina
tion in order to make a better
and more effective argument
in the California Courts? Who
se interests are being tested?
At present, more than 50
amicus curiae briefs have
been submitted.
The term “affirmative ac
tion” was introduced in the
qualifications to allow minori
ties to participate in the
“mainstream” of America.
Die propose for affirmative
acuon was not to lower stan
dards of qualifications, but to
broaden them in order that
more minorities might be in
cluded. Affirmative action
meant that employers and
institutions would make an
attempt to actively seek out
qualified minorities. Prior to
present day affirmative action
programs, I would submit that
there were unofficial “affir
mative action” programs di
rected at keeping minorities
out.
It has been suggested by the
media and many others that
affirmative action was pro
posed initially to include per
sons who had been excluded
because of past discrimina
tion. Its purpose was not to
exclude anyone. However, at
the time affirmative action
was introduced, there was an
expanding economy in Ameri
ca. Today, we live in a shrink
ing economy and, therefore,
the competition is increasing.
It is the increasing competi
tion that is keeping Mr. Allan
Bakke out, not minorities.
More and more white students
are seeking admission to pre
dominately black professional
schools. Not only is there a
race struggle taking place in
America, there is also a class
struggle. It is in the interest of
the ruling class that whites
fight against minorities for a
limited number of positions
rather than fighting together
to expand opportunities for
aU. . i
£»?Another term that is being
^mentioned concerning the
Bakke case is “reverse discri
mination.” This is definitely a
mionAmor In no uiotr is tkio a
case of reverse discrimination
in light of the real practices of
UC Davis or the ruling class.
If there were other white
students admitted with lower
qualifications than Mr. Bakke,
how is it that he can allege his
rejection was based on race?
The “but for” test of Mr.
Bakke being white does not
apply in this case on the
merits alone. It is contended
by many that the affirmative
action programs have gone
too far and resulted “reverse
discrimination.'’ Even with
these minority programs, the
re is still quite a margin
between the percentage of
minorities in institutions of
higher learning (Howard and
Meharry really help the statis
tics for medical students) and
that of the overall minority
population.
Julian W. Pyles
1720 Miles Court
p——_™—i By Vernon E. Jordan Jr.
TO
BE
EQUAL
L -:-; Vernon E. Jordan Jr. *
Humphrey-Hawkins Bill Underrated
The compromise Humphrey-Hawkins Bill goes
to the Congress with considerably less enthusia
sm among fighters for full employment that it
should have.
Its critics don’t like the removal of such
features of earlier versions of the Bill as the
establishment of a legally enforceable right to a
job. Nor do they like the fact that the Bill
contains no specific job-creation provisions. And
many quibble about this or that part of the Bill.
Such yearning for absolute perfection does
credit to the critics’ idealism, but it severely
hampers the effort to pass the Humphrey-Haw
kins Bill intact. And it seriously underrates the^
value of an important Bill which, for the first*
time in history mandates federal full employ
ment policies.
As it now stands, the Humphrey-Hawkins Bill
represents an indispensable first step toward a
full employment economy and anything less than
-an all-out effort in support of the Bill would be a
tragic mistake.
unties on tne ngnt are under no delusions
about the potential of Humphrey-Hawkins. A
determined effort is being mounted to sink it in
Congress. If the Bill is really as weak as some
people say it is, why are the enemies of full
employment fighting it so hard?
The Bill mandates the federal government to
pursue policies leading to a three percent
unemployment rate for adults and an overall
four percent unemployment rate within five
years. From the standpoint of real full employ
ment, especially in providing jobs for subgroups
like blacks and minorities, this seems modest for
a national goal.
But with current joblessness at seven percent
according to official figures, these targets are
reasonable approximations of what can be
accomplished in a five year span. Adult unem
ployment would be cut sharply while the overall
four percent rate could not be achieved without
massive reductions in youth and female unem
ployment rates.
' rm_n:m. r_ - — __1 i-._to
, -j, ~Ti wi IT 1V1U VV**V IWMAVWkl IO MW —
interim o|e, and it[ refocus^1 "jlkjBdV
discussion, which had Deen struck with a geffi&P&l
consensus that 5 or 6 percent unemployment was
acceptable.
The Bill lets the President come up with his
own mix of programs to bring the jobless rate
down to the goal, but it does provide that if
traditional means don’t do the job, then enough
public service jobs should be created to reach the
goal of four percent.
The Bill really puts the President on the spot.
Traditionally, Presidents make noises about how
they will try to encourage full employment, and
then casually accept high jobless rates. No more.
Now the President will have to make annual
projections of joblessness tied to the Bill’s goals.
He’ll have to publicly say what policies he will
follow to cut joblessness. Even the Federal
Reserve will have to report to the Congress on its
policies as they relate to jobs. And if the
President doesn’t meet the Bill’s goals, he’ll
have to say why.
Above all, passage of Humphrey-Hawkins
would change the nature of the national debate
about jobs. Too many people still harbor the
outmoded belief that if you have low unemploy
ment you must have high inflation.
--- uuunuucu raiw uiai u you nave low unempioy
.—. . ,—V /—V ■ I ment you must have high inflation.
QS I SCe | C
The Trauma Of Turning 30!
By Gerald Johnson
The one thing 1977 brought
. me was my 30th birthday. It
•was undoubtedly a most trau
matic year for me.
Your thirtieth birthday is
unlike any other birthday for
many reasons. When you rea
ch your 10th birthday you can
look forward to becoming a
teenager. Yea, you know in a
few more years you will be a
teenager. Dating, blemishes,
driver’s license, high school,
all those good things come
with being a teenager. So, on
your 10th birthday you sit
back and dream of all those
good things. Who knows you
might even grow a mustache!
Then there is your twentieth
birthday. This is the time you
have a deep breath and say to
yourself "how stupid I was to
think I knew everything as a
teenager.” You say this be
cause on your 20th birthday
you know more than you've
ever known and since you
know everything, then you had
to be stupid to think you knew
everything as a teenager Now
you feel that you’ve reached
manhood. Drinking, smoking,
cursing and no one can tell you
any longer not to do that.
Clubbing, staying out all
night, oh. the feeling of inde
pendence. Those were the
years.
Then it happens! 28, 29,...30.
You’ve reached 30. Oh, my
God! Thirty! How can this be.
I am to young to die. Where
did my time go. What is there
to look forward to now? “OLD
AGE.’’ “PENSION PLANS ’’
Now strange things begin to
happen. All the people you
meet are younger than you
are. When you watch T V all
the athletes are younger than
you are. It seems everybody is
younger than you are. Then an
announcer comes on T.V. and
says Joe Doe, All-American in
1967, has retired from sports
on his 30th birthday. Retired
at 30? Oh my God. You start
panicking and smoke up all of
your cigarettes. Then you rush
out of the house to get some
more. While you are standing
at the checkout counter, some
one taps you on the shoulder
and says, Hello, long time no
see. You turn around and see
an unfamiliar face. The per
son behind the face says I’m
so and so, remember me. I
lived in the old neighborhood
"Oh yeah,” you reply, "but
you were Just a pee-wee
Yeah, but now I'm married,
I’ve got four kids one is in
Junior High School You feel
Gerald Johnson
like socking him in the mouth,
but you My "oh, how nice.
Well, I must be going now, so
long, nice seeing you again."
Why me Lord.
Then you decide to go out
and have a nice time and try to
forget your chronological mis
fortune. A group of well dress
ed businessmen pass you and
one stops and Mys "Hey guys,
there Is old man Johnson he
taught me during my Junior
year in College. "Hello, Mr.
Johnson ." You try to crawl
under the table but its to late.
What’s next?
You get out on the dance
floor and you notice that you
are the only one on the floor
doing a particular dance. Not
only that but you don’t recog
nize the dances everybody
else is doing. It doesn’t matter
anyway because your feet are
killing you.
Then you start hurting in
places that you never knew
you had; Back aches, leg
aches, headaches. Now you
realize that it will not be long
before you can be cleaning
your teeth in one room while
bathing in another room at the
same time
Well, 1978 has taught me one
thing already. Being 90 was
not the worse thing in the
world. Being 31 is.
ANTI-SMOKING CAMPAIGN
It is ridiculous that all this
fuss is going on over cigarette
smoking. What is worse is the
money HEW Secretary Cali
fano Is spending in an attempt
to limit smoking in public
places.
What I can't understand is
who will police the smoking
(or anti-smoking) law. If I go
to a restaurant and I sit in the
non-smoking area and light
up, what's going to happen?
Will a police be summoned
and cart me off to jail. Will a
bouncer run over and give me
“ “If? fl?0r phrase that to read it is stupid
The whole thing is ridicu- to pass into law a bill to
*°~ , restrict smoking.
It, also, goes to prove that
politicians have no idea of *■» easy to see why unem
things that can and Mnn^ be ployment, discrimination
legislated. It is impossible to welfare reform, and other
pass into law a bill to restrict important issues go unresoiv
smoking in any place unless ed. Politicians are going a
immediate danger is a conse- round making issues out of
quence. Maybe I should re- issueless circumstances.
Letter To The Editor:
likes Post Very Much
Lucy Williams
2343-D Eastway Drive
Charlotte, N.C. 28206
Gerald O. Johnson
Charlotte Post
2604-B West Boulevard
Charlotte, N.C. 28208
Dear Gerald:
I very much enjoyed your
article in the November 24,
1977 edition of the Charlotte
Post of Black Home Owner
ship.
It was very factual and the
kind of imformation people
buying homes need to know
My husband and I would like
to have such a list of black
realtors.
We will be looking for a
house later this year and this
information will help us to
look In the right direction
K*ep up the good work on
writing articles of importance
to the consumer and reader.
Thanking you in advanoe.
Sincerely,
Lucy T. Williams
Merchants Who Adver
tise In The Post Are
Telling You They Ap
preciate Your Busi
ness! Patronize Them!