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Black Colleges Face Loser’s Paradox
by Hoyle H. Martin, Sr.
Post Editorial Writer
• In mid-January, President Jimmy
Carter issued an executive memor
andum ordering all federal depart
ments to increase their support of
the nation’s predominantly black
universities and colleges.
This action was in response to an
earlier concern expressed by the
leadership of black higher education
that the Department of Health,
Education and Welfare was plan
ning to take some action involving
federal student loan defaults. Such
Action was considered by many
black educators to be a contributing
factor in the economic, social and
political pressures that are threaten
ing the continued existence of many
such institutions.
: Undoubtedly, highlighting these
pressures today is the struggle now
going on between HEW and the
University of North Carolina system
over the fate of the state’s five pre
dominantly black public colleges
within the system’s proposed dese
gregation plan. Specifically, the
failure of the University system to
dgree to spend $120 million on the
black institutions over the next five
years and to make other changes to
desegregate these schools has led
HEW to threaten to hold back some
$89.5 million in annual aid and $40.5
million in students’ aid funds. The
University system has countered
this action by threatening to file a
lawsuit to prevent the possible loss
of Federal funds.
In the meantime, the five predo
minantly black schools - N.C. A&T
State, N.C. Central, Winston-Salem,
Fayetteville and Elizabeth City
state universities - must sit idly by
in a state of helplessness as pawns in
this political game.
Meanwhile, the state is seeking $41
million from the General Assembly
to help improve the black institu
tions. Yet, HEW contends this will
not be enough to rectify the many
past years of segregated, inferior
educational facilities and programs.
Considering the amount of funds
HEW claims would be needed to
effect significant desegregation, we
must question the sincerity of N. C.
officials to upgrade the five black
universities.
On the other hand, HEW officials
appear to be so hell-bent on integrat
ing the five black schools with the
eleven white institutions that they
are indifferent to the black tradi
tions, contributions, pride and iden
tity that blacks want to retain in
those schools.
The up-shot of all this is that the
black public higher education in N.
C. is suffering a crisis that is
obviously having a negative effect
upon the faculty, staffs, students and
the friends of these five schools.
More significantly, these five insti
tutions appear to face a loser’s
paradox. If N. C. wins the lawsuit,
the black universities will probably
continue to be largely black and
largely inferior. If HEW wins, the
schools may be so drastically
changed that a rich heritage of a
chapter in the history of black
higher education may be lost and
with something special to black
people.
Certainly, there must be a better
way to determine the fate of a
significant part of the state’s higher
education program. After all, with
all of their inadequacies, these black
universities have produced some of
the finest contributing Americans
who are second to none. Let’s find a
better way.
Do We Hate Our Neighbors?
During the days of slavery, the
so-called “house nigger” - those
who wore the ruffled .shirts and
worked in tmrUftg white plantation
house and scorned the field-hand
slaves - were Sometimes liars and
cheats who too often delighted in
getting their field-hand brothers in
trouble with the slave master. While
the “house nigger” may have acted
as he did for reasons of self-survival,
too many contemporary black
Americans maintain that feeling of
hostility toward other blacks. This
is reflected in what is called “...a
nigger ain’t s....” theory.
Blacks who commit a dispropor
tionate share of the nation’s crime,
commit most of that crime against
other blacks. We don’t support
black business, our political leaders,
nor our community needs. We
desert our wives and children at an
alarming rate. We appear too, to
take every opportunity to ridicule
and make fun of a fellow black who
experiences some misfortune.
In fact, if a black is successful in
business or politics we too otten
assume he’s an “Uncle Tom,” that
is, assuming success did not come
through the individual’s own effort
but onl/by compromising his prin
ciples to whites.
These observations, and many
more, raise the serious question of
whether we as black people have
any love and compassion for each
other. They are, in part, a reflection
of James Baldwin’s statement that
“To be a Negro in this country and to
be (racially) conscious is to be in a
rage almost all the time.” Unfor
tunately, too many blacks release
their pent-up frustration and rage
against other blacks because of a
continuing dual system of justice
that says, in the words of Raymond
Fosdick many years ago, “If a black
man kills a white, that’s murder; if a
white man kills a black, that’s
justifiable homicide; and if a black
kills a black, that’s one less nigger.”
Until we as blacks learn to fellow
ship, register and vote, and suppress
our individual needs for the collec
tive good of us all, in some situation
hate and misery will be our lot.
Shouldn’t we change that?
Rhodesia Election:
Another American Reconstruction?
By Dr. Maggie Nicholson
Special To The Poet
I do not set myself up to be
an authority on foreign affairs
but what I have read in the
papers, seen on TV, heard on
radio, and heard my family
talk about, I am convinced
that the election in Rhodesia
can be compared to recon
struction here in the United
States of America. Our his
tory books tell that many of
the colored people and ex
slaves both were put in many
offices of our government.
The ex-slaves were not used to
making decisions nor were
they used to politics. The
colored people were used to
making decisions but they
were not used to holding politi
cal Jobe. All of a sudden they
HU UTTII UiM/ UlvOv 3jAJU3
without being prepared. To
day, we often see people get
ting into political jobs that
they can’t handle but they are
able to buy them. Neverthe
less, they do have an idea of
the situation that they are
getting into.
Being thrown in this circum
stance, they voted on and
signed so many bills that they
did not understand which set
them back for hundreds of
years and which they are not
willing to break off from.
They spend more energy on
rehashing the past than they
do on pressing forward.
Philippians 3:13 states,
"Brethren, I count not myself
to have apprehended: but this
one thing I do, forgetting those
things which are behind, and
reaching forth unto those
things which are before, (Vs.
14). I press toward the mark
for the prize of the high calling
of GOD in Christ Jesus". In
order to go forward one has to
start somewhere, but don’t
fiddle while Rome burns.
I did not agree with Andy
Young when he advocated
majority rule for the Rhode
sians. I still do not favor it; it
seems to be turning out as I
DR. NICHOLSON
saw it. I felt that the Smith
group would hold all of the
important seats of control.
The question is, which group is
with Smith, the blacks or the
colored people? Have they
united? If so, they are better
than the people of our country.
The black people here do not
want to associate with the
colored people and get insult
ed if the colored people call
themselves colored. Lots of
people go along with it to be
popular or to keep from being
left out. This situation will
cause those people to be cats’
paws and figure heads to vote
one in that has political pull.
America has less of these
people in government today
than were in then under the
circumstances. Likewise,
there are few in the lead
positions of the new govern
ment. Is Bishop Abel
Muzorenwa black or colored,
is the questipn now. Or is he
one of Smith's men. Will there
be an internal war? Will they
become united now and work
for all? From what I read and
understand, the black Rhode
sians and the colored Rhode
sians don’t get along too good.
The judiciary and civil ser
vices are still in Smith's hand.
They did not say that even a
small portion of these people
were allowed to be in import
ant offices to learn what they
are calling the democratic
process of government.
The papers said that they
had to dip their hands in a
liquid so they could not vote
twice. This shows that this
voting process was a play
thing. I hope that education
will be their priority along
with holding offices so that
they can vote for equal oppor
tunities for all, because
education and opportunity to
exercise one's rights is what
it’s all about. I attend a lot of
meetings that I know those
who vote don't know what they
are voting for. They put up
their hands because someone
has told them to watch them
and do what they see them do.
They are only figure heads to
do someone's bidding. Some
may say that that day has
passed but I’m here to tell you
that you will be surprised to
know how many politicians
are bought. That’s why you
can’t get things done. Just
think how much worse it's
going to be with the Rhode
sians. In all governments that
control the purse, the civil
service, the land, and the
country, I shall be keeping an
eye on these things.
Just think how hard Andy
Young fought majority rule.
Then when he gets in power he
recognizes the very thing he
fought. Was it power he
wanted so he could get on the
wagon of selling his people?
He thinks majority rule is
wrong for America but right
for the Rhodesians. Is it that
what I say is right, and what
ever I do is another thing?
Keep Tax Records
Just because you have your
tax refund in hand, don’t think
the Internal Revenue Service
may not want to audit you
sometime In the next few
years.
Specialists with the North
Carolina Agricultural Exten
sion Service say that a refund
only indicates that the initial
processing of your refund has
been completed.
i By VERNON E. IORDAN. JR. ■■ n —
TO
BE
EQUAL
Corporations Challenged
Just as minorities question the sincerity ot
corporate concern with urban problems, a
corporate leader has come forth with a new plan
to solve the critical problem of youth unemploy
ment.
He’s David Mahoney, Chairman and Chief
Executive Officer of Norton Simon, Inc., one of
America’s largest companies. In a recent
speech he called on business leaders to make a kf
special effort to create jobs for disadvantaged
youngsters.
Mr. Mahoney said: “Here’s what I propose as
a workable plan; if the 1,000 largest industrial
corporations in the United States, and the 50
largest banks and retailers each were to hire
only ten disadvantaged youths for every thou
sand employees they have, this could open up
200,000 jobs.”
And he adds: “That’s enough to fill New
York’s Shea Stadium three times, and enough to
open the doors to about half the presently
unemployed minority youths.”
Mr. Mahoney announced that his company,
NSI, was committing itself to hiring 250 youth,
aDove uie one percent oi uie company worxiorce
which is the plan’s target.
This plan strikes me as meeting the major
criteria for constructive corporate action - it
addresses a crucial problem, it is well within the
private sector’s capabilities, and it reflects
purely private initiatives.
There can be no question that minority youth
unemployment is a crucial problem. The
government admits that nearly forty percent of
black youth are unemployed, about two and a
half times the figure for white youth. And those
figures are understated. If you count youngsters
who have dropped out of the labor force because
they couldn’t find work, the true figure jumps to
over 60 percent.
The human face of those figures can be seen
whenever a limited number of summer jobs are
announced. Thousands of ghetto youngsters jam
the streets long before the office doors are
opened; hoping to be one of the few lucky ones to
land a job.
Hundreds, of thousands of black youth are >'
being deprived of the chance to work, to acquire
skills and experience that will lift them out of v
poverty and prepare them for productive lives. *
Mr. Mahoney’s plan is easily accomplished.
By creating youth jobs equal to one percent of
their work force, corporations would be making
a maximum contribution to their responsibility
to create jobs at a minimum cost to their
operations.
me new employees would add well under one
percent to present payroll costs, a figure easily
absorbed at a time of record profits. And
employers who participate in this plan would be
better able to compete in the future, for they.
would be hiring and training young people in
skills essential to their business.
Much depends on how corporations fulfill their
hiring objectives. If they just throw kids on the
payroll and give them make-work jobs, they’ll be
programming for failure. But if they make
every effort to provide the youngsters with
support services and skill training, and track
them onto job experiences leading to skilled jobs,
they’ll be ensuring the program’s success.
Businesses everywhere are complaining that
they can’t find enough skilled craftsmen and
trained workers.
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High Tuition Jeopardizes Black Progress
by Bayard Rustin
Special to the Poet
As recently as ten or fifteen
years ago, a black college
graduate was indeed a rare
species. In those days, only 1
out of every 20 young black
adults held a bachelor's
degree, and fewer than 285,000
black youngsters attended
college classes on any kind of
regular basis. Moreover,
those who endured the econo
mic hardships, and long hours
of study in pursuit of their
degrees frequently found
themselves confined to low
’ paying, low-status Jobs which
offered little opportunity for
further advancement. For
many young people, the civil
rights revolution had scarcely
begun, and America seemed
happily contented with the
' startling inequalities between
black and white citizens.
Today, however, the once
enormous occupational dispa
ritics between college-educa
ted blacks and whites have
declined significantly, and
black college graduates and
black students have become
considerably less rare than
they used to be Since 1966. for
instance, the black student
population in institutions of
higher education has grown
from a miniscule 285.000 to
1.062,000 - more than a three
BAYARD RUSTIN
fold increase And between
1960 and 1976, the proportion of
black youngsters with college
degrees more than doubled.
Ak''encouraging as these
figures appear, one commits a
serious error by assuming -
as some conservative social
scientists and others have -
that this encouraging trend
will continue on its own. that
somehow black people have
finally "made it,” and that the
great quest for racial equality
has ended in final and decisive
triumph Such notions, while
understandable, ignore some
fundamental trends, trends
that seriously threaten to
reverse or halt the gradual
movement toward greater
equality
It is important to note here
that I am not referring to the
new problems encountered by
various affirmative action
programs. These problems, of
course, are important, but I
think they are far surpassed in
importance by a number of
dangerous developments that
threaten to bolt the college
doors for the new generation
of black students.
I can summarize the new
problem facing black young
sters in three short words:
inability to pay. Black people,
and even working-class
whites, are rapidly discover
ing that they can no longer
afford a college education for
their children. Some people,
as expected, will quickly
assert that financial aid pro
grams have expanded in
recent years, and that state
supported universities and
local community colleges
provide easily affordable edu
cation. But the facts tell a
somewhat different story.
To begin with, few people
without college-age children
are fully aware of the huge
increases in tuition, university
fees, book prices, and campus
living expenses During the
relatively short period
between 1970 and 1976, tuition
at private universities and
colleges rose by M percent
The increase at state-support
ed schools was even higher, 57
percent. And the tuition hikes
at community colleges, the
schools supposedly designed
to serve the needs of poor
people, rose by a staggering
130 percent. To further
aggravate the situation, the
new “balance the budget"
mania and Proposition 13
mentality threaten to under
mine existing financial aid
programs, programs which
are already noted for their
stinginess and seemingly end
less bureaucratic red tape.
To a very large extent,
black advances in the area of
higher education during the
1960’s and 1970's were made
possible by several factors:
easy access to aid and low
interest student loans (70 per
cent of black students receive
some form of financial assis
tance) ; the growth of relative
ly cheap community colleges
and state university systems;
a national commitment to the
active pursuit of racial equal
ity; and the availability of
part-time jobs for young
students.
Unfortunately, in today's
world decent-paying part-time
jobs have become scarcer,
student loans have become
more expensive and tuition at
state-supported universities
has become anything but
cheap, consequently, millions
of black high school graduates
who leave school this June will
find It more difficult, If not
r '* *
impossible, to earn a college
degree, the key which has
unlocked the ghetto doors for
many.
Charlotte 3 Supporters
To Picket Governor Hunt
'"""Hnued from page 1
tha Lazy B stables all the way
to the Supreme Court, which
refused to hear the case. Now
only Governor Hunt has the
power to act in the case. He
could grant them a pardon,
reduce their sentences, or
allow them to remain in Jail.
The delegation presented a
letter to Governor Hunt from
74, UNCC faculty members,
urging him to take action on
the Charlotte 3 case when he
comes to the University's
Commencement. The letter
asked for immediate reduc
tions of the sentences of
Charles Parker, Dr. Jim
Grant and T.J. Reddy.
A’*'* on April 30 the Issues
Committee of the Charlotte
Mecklenburg Democratic
Party met to consider a reso
lution urging Hunt to com
mute the sentences of the
Charlotte 3
A dozen speakers testified in
favor of the resolution and
urging the Democratic Party
to take leadersnip in healing
the wounds caused by the
case. ,
“The issue is not politics.” I
Mid Bill Berry. “It is an issue
of Justice. No benefit can be
served by keeping these men
ln *" overcrowded orison
system.”
councilman non Lee per
Mid he was a personal friend
of the three men and that he
thought it was time for the
Democratic Party to spaak to
the Governor about the ease.