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We Need Political Qout
by Hoyle H. Martin, Sr.
Post Editorial Writer
Former Senator Edward Brooke,
then the only black among the
nation’s 100 U. S. Senators, told an
“Operation Push” audience in Chi
cago early last year that there were
seven million unregistered black
potential voters in the nation. He
added, “Can you imagine that
potential...influence, power, and
impact on this nation?”
Shortly after Brooke’s comment,
an article in Black Enterprise
magazine said in part, “Blacks have
been able to erect a rather sophis
ticated political system that has
become a power broker in Kansas
City politics.” This has happened,
the article continues, because blacks
in that city “have managed to agree
on issues.”
These observations appear to be
dealing with the two opposite ends of
the spectrum called “CLOUT.” By
clout, we mean strength, political
strength and influence in your com
munity, your city, your state and
your nation. Such strength can
enable people to determine their
own destiny.
An even more dramatic example
of the opposite ends of clout, or more
accurately, political clout, is evident
in two more recent developments.
In the November 1978 general
elections, the nation experienced
one of the lowest voter turnouts in
history. Only 37 percent of the
registered voters wait to the polls.
In North Carolina the voter turnout
was an even lower 29 percent.
Elected officials, aware of the
degree of voter apathy, often feel no
sense of responsibility because they
feel no sense of support by or
demands from the voters.
This wss evident ins June 7, 1979
action in the U.S. House of Repre
sentatives, whereby, a 245 to 145
vote, a bill containing new enforce
ment powers for the Department of
Housing sad Urban Development
(HUD) to be used against fraudulent
land developers was lost. /
Political Contributions
The bill lost, Common Causv
reports, because the National Asso
ciation of Real tors (NAR) had put
more than $1 million into political
contributions. In fact, NAR was the
second largest interest group to give
to political campaign* in the nation
during the 1978 Congressional elec
tions, according to Common Cause.
Clout then, as revealed in a
Common Cause study, focuses on the
campaign contributions made by the
Political Action Committee (PAC)
of the NAR to the 390 House
members who voted on the offer by
Rep. Carroll Campbell (R-S.C.) to
eliminate the new enforcement
provision from the Mil.
More than 300 Representatives
presently in the House received
NAR contributions in their 1978
.Campaigns. In the Senate. 32 of as
Senators who won in 1978 received
NAR contributions.
The Common Cause study reveals
further that 203 (83 percent) of the
245 House members who voted for
the MAR-supported Campbell
amendment - received campaign
contributions from NAR. The aver
age contribution from NAR to each
of the 203 Representatives receiving
contributions was $3,666 (for a total
of $743,911).
On the other hand, 74 of the 145
Representatives who voted against
the NAR backed amendment re
ceived no contributions from the
NAR during the period noted. The
remaining 71 Representatives who
opposed the amendment received
NAR contributions substantially
smaller than those who supportd the
amendment. The average NAR
contributions for the 71 Representa
tives were $1,440 as compared with
the $3,665 for those supporting NAR
favored amendment.
The point in revealing these facts
from the Common Cause study is to
point out a way in which one form of
clout can and is being used.
However, because we believe finan
cial campaign support of the magni
tude that appears to be nearly
buying loyalty or votes and because
the average American cannot, and
we’d hope would not use such a
method to get clout, we strongly
believe citizens must And other
means of exercising clout. We
believe such alternatives is in fact
vital to the democratic process.
Black Charlotteans
We have repeatedly said in this
column, for example, that in spite of
the relative degree of success black
Charlotteans have had under district
representation, more needs to be
done to retain and strengthen that
system. We have suggested too that
we need to develop a cadre of black
leaders who will develop a philoso
phical state of purpose and intent
designed as a framework for im
proving th£ quality of life through
greater economic and political effort
and opportunity for blacks. We have
noted too that building . a clout
foundation requires a major effort of
a planned systematic attack on
black voter apathy and vocal sup
port for voter registration and
voting.
We are suggesting that a new
political strategy is vital to our
survival today and for a better
tomorrow. The clout acquiring
strategy must include (l) long term
planning, (2) an investment of time
and money, (3) getting more black
business and professional people
involved in politics and (4) creating
an awareness of the fact that an
improved quality of life for black
people must begin and be developed
by black people.
Mayor Maynard Jackson of
Atlanta has said, “We are the one
who must change our situation”
* THE UNEMPLOYMENT PICTURE FOR A
MINORITY YOUTHS, PARTICULARS
BLACKS,ISNOHROUGHLY WHATITW* ; _
FOR THE ENTIRE NATION IN T¥t OEPTHS | Q^Q
OF THE GREAT DEPRESSION, THE 17 4 7
EXPERTS SAY,"johm HW5n9t. -
NX T1HU T
It’s Time For Blacks To Do Something About It~~.
Letter To The Editor
Statement By The City Of Charlotte
9nnrlnl fn TT i< __»_n__•_ •
During the evening of Wed
nesday, June 20, through tele
vision and other press
accounts, we and the commu
nity became aware that a
group of City employees
stated in a union that
night, if the City did not meet
certain demands, they would
go on strike Monday, June 2S.
These employees, essentially
“blue collar” in nature, are
supposedly members of Local
64, Laborer’s International
Union, AFL-CIO.
After thoroughly evaluate
the situation, which Included a
direct attempt by the union to
get the City to violate the
North Carolina Law, we find
we have no choice but to
completely reject the union’s
demands.
Ah* union ha+. demanded the
City ehahge its current griev
ance process, and enter into
an agreement with them to
provide a different employee
grievance process that in
cludes among other things, a
requirement for binding arbi
tration by a third party. A
meeting was held today with
the union to review a second
proposal of the union, but the
same problems existed as
with the union’s first demand.
The City of Charlotte has
long recognised the benefits
for an effective employee
communications program,
and there are numerous
methods we follow. As part of
this program, we already
have a formal and informal
grievance process, which are
both highly effective. In the
formal process, an employee
or a representative of the
employee’s choosing may
submit a grievance to a super
visor and if it is not settled, it
can, after other processes, be
submitted to the City Mana
ger. Also, the City Manager
uic ui a
mutually acceptable third
party for recommendatkm.
The informal prorces Is one
whereby an employee may
contact the Personnel Depart
ment directly and twe person
nel employees, or more if
necessary, work with theas
grievances.
We feel our grievance proce
dure is a good one, and allows
for a fair and effective system
of recourse for an employee.
This does not say the system Is
perfect, but then, we are not
aware of a grievance system
that is perfect
in aoaiuon to finding no
reaaons to change our p-iev
ance procees, to enter Into an
agreement with the union
would be e violation of the
Lew, t While In thia state *
that a public Jurisdiction shall
not eater Into an agreement or
contract with a labor organi
zation. Also, In addition to
binding arbitration mtaahw
that management authority to
administer numerous (unc
tions would be abdicated,
there is a serious legal
question as to whether a
public Jurisdiction in the state
can enter into an arrangement
whereby its responaibUity (or
making decisions can be vest
ed in an independent third
party.
We hope that a strike does
not occur, and that any City
employee who is considerii«
participating in any farm of
Job action carefully canridscs
whether It is really worth it
City policy provide*, "strihas
and work stoppages by City
employees will not bo permit
ted. Instigation of, participa
tion in, or giving leadership to
a strike or work stoppage shall
constitute grounds for msdpd
nary action ud to aad iadud
mg dismissal. Should any
type of Job action occur, we
are prepared to deal with it
accordingly.
We are concerned about the
effect of a 'strike on the
community and we’ll assure
all citizens that should a strike
occur, we are ready to imple
ment plana to provide for as
high a level of service as
possibla. We would also ask
the community to support us
in this matter.
While we will not agree to
the union demands, in view of
the Interest shown in this
matter by some City em
ployees, we plan to review the
application of the grievance
process to insure it is adminis
tered as it should be. To allow
us to obtain needed input, the
Oty. M^n»geprwlll appoint a
sdry capacity.' Also, we shell
continue to provide training to
supervisory personnel and
communicate the aspects of
the process to employees.
inn u ine law •
Sponsored by The Lawyers
of North Carolina
The Clerk of the Coart
One of the most important
county officials in North Caro
lina is the Clerk of Superior
Court.
The Clerk is responsible for
the clerical and record-keep
ing functions of the Superior
Court and also the District
Court. He filea and maintains
the paperwork in the civil and
criminal court cases. He is
also ex officio judge of pro
bate. That means that the
Clark handles matters per
taining to the probate of wills
and the administration of
estates of descendents and
matters concerning minors
■■wt incompetents.
- • w » ■ ■ , U"
TO
BE
EQUAL
_ . I
Carter Makes Right Decision
President Carter acted boldly and decisively in
deciding to maintain economic sanctions against
Zimbabwe-Rhodesia.
He was bold because be acted in the face of an
overwhelming Senate vote in favor of lifting
sanctions. The Senate bought the idea that since
that country’s elections were nominally fair,,
sanctions ought to be lifted.
The President said there were three basic
reasons for his decision. Keeping the sanctions
would be in the best interests of the United States
and in the best interests of the people of
Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. Finally, the progress
made there has not been sufficient to justify
lifting sanctions according to the guideline* set
by the Case-Javits amendment.
Those guidelines require free elections open to
all political groups, and demonstration of
willingness to negotiate with the Patriotic Front
whose armies pushed the old Smith government
into making concessions the black majority.
There’* been a lot of talk about the fairness of
the April elections in Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. But
parties opposed to the new Constitution were not
allowed to participate in any meaningful sense.
Whatever the conduct of the elections them
selves, there hasn’t been much attention given to
the fact that the black majority was excluded
from the real decision - to approve or disap
prove the new Constitution.
That document provides for real power to
reside in the white population - four percent of
the nation’s people. The 96 percent who are
black were not allowed to vote. The Constitution
was imposed upon them. Those April elections
were for Parliament, not for the Constitution. So
they were rigged long before any blacks went to
the polls.
*ne menu oi providing some temporary
assurances to the white minority that their rights
will be recognized is not the issue. The issue is
that minority advantage - disproportionate
representation in Parliament, control of the
courts, police, and the civil service is
mam fatt-ths CWfafltutton blacks could not vote
on. And future reforms will be impossible
because of the built-in veto power enjoyed by the *
white majority. *
So the fairness of the April elections is a phony
issue. The real test is whether the country has a
majority government, and that test cannot be
met by simply having blacks installed in top
government posts. Ian Smith’s continued
presence in the government is symbolic of the
power he and the small minority he represents
still wield. ' •
If the President had gone along with the
Senate’s inclinations, the United States would
have been the only country in the world, aside
from South Africa, to formally recognize the new
government and to break the UN ban on trade.
That would have been disastrous to American
foreign policy. The long, patient process of
overcoming our past racist image on the
continent would have been destroyed.
And it would have been an invitation to the
Russians and the Cubans to escalate the military
struggle in Southern Africa, with all the blood
shed and suffering for black Africa that would
mean.
THE CHARLOTTE POST
Second Class Postage No. 965500
THE PEOPLES NEWSPAPER ’
Established 1918
Published Every Thursday
By The Charlotte Post Publishing Co., Inc.
1534 West Blvd.-Charlotte, N.C. 28208
Telephones (704)376-0496-376-0497
Circulation, 9 91 f)
60 YEARS OF CONTINUOUS SERVICE
BILL JOHNSON . . .Editor Publisher
BERNARD REEVES.. General Manager
by Bayard Rustin
Special to the Post
In an odd way, people
like Bull Connor,
George Wallace, Lester
Maddox and other out
spol n racists unwit
ti; g . provided black
people with some useful
tactical advantages.
First, the bitterness
and harshness of their
rhetoric alienated them
from many decent white
people. And, second,
their unambiguous and
starkly honest support
for segregation helped
to unify and mobilize the
black community.
Moreover, we had no
difficulty in distinguish
ing our friends from our
enemies.
Today, However,
much of the bombast,
crudity, and overt
racism of the recent
past has disappeared.
Discussion of “racial
issues’’ has become
more refined and civili
zed. But this “cooling
off” of racial rhetoric
raises a new and per
plexing problem: many
Second Class Postage No. 965500 Paid At
Charlotte, N.C. under the Act of March 3,1878
Member National Newspaper Publishers
Association
North Carolina Black Publishers Association
Deadline for all news copy and photos is 5 p m
Monday. All photos and copy submitted becomes
the property of the POST, and will not be returned
National Advertising
Representative
Amalgamated Publishers. Inc.
45 W. 5th Suite 1403 2400 S. Michigan Ave.
New York. N Y. 10036 Chicago, III 60616
6212 ) 489-12“?** Calumet 5-0200
A Sneak Attack On Black Consf action Workers
subtle, almost invisible
assaults on black people
now slip by us unnoticed
and therefore unchal
lenged. Such a “sneek
attack” on black people
is now underway within
the construction indus
try. Allow me to ex
plain.
After years of difficult
and painstaking work,
blacks have finally be
gun to obtain their fair
share of good-paying,
relatively secure jobs in
the unionized skilled
trades. Indeed, black
youngsters now fill
nearly 20 percent of all
new apprenticeship
slots among cement
masons, steamfitters,
plasterers and operat
ing engineers. Signifi
cant progress has also
been realized in other
trades as well, trades
which back in 1940 had
something like 1 black
for every 20 whites.
But now, just as we
begin to see some en
couraging advances, we
also witness the emer
gence of a bold move
player - and the em
ployer alone - sets wage
rates, working condi
tions, vacations, fringe
benefits, and work
rules. Workers have no
say, and they lack the
protections afforded by
a solid collective bar
gaining agreement. In
short, blacks who flock
ed to the unionized con
struction trades in the
hope of finding job
security, dignity, and a
good income are now
discovering that non
union construction em
ployers - who are ex
panding every day - are
becoming as arbitrary,
and tight-fisted as “Old
Massa” on the planta
tions.
It is no surprise - and
certainly no coincidence
- that the low-paying
“merit shops” have be
come so popular in
areas with large black
papulations and high un
employment rates
which make labor cheap
and docile. Data in a
recent issue of Fortune
magazine, confirmed
this point by noting that
“merit shops” account
for 86 percent of all con
struction work in the
Baltimore area, 83 per
cent in Houston, and 75
percent in Washington,
D.C.
All this is Just the
beginning for the “merit
shop” prnponsrts who
are organized in the
Associated Builders and
Contractors (ABC).
This powerful, well
financed organization -
which has two full-time
lawyers in Washington,
and the services of 80
law Arms across the
country - now hopes to
significantly increase
the number of “merit
shops” in urban areas,
which of course have the
largest concentrations
of black union construc
tion workers. By focus
ing its anti-union, wage
cutting efforts in the
cities, ABC will in effect
be undermining the
position of black
workers, workers who
have enjoyed the bene
fits and high wages of
union jobs for such a
short time. Additional
ly, ABC has launched a
major - and so far un
successful - campaign
to repeal the Davis
Bacon Act, a law which
requires contractors on
federal projects to pay
prevailing union wage
rates.
By describing the ac
tivities of ABC, and the
adverse economic
effects of the “malt
shop” on blacks, I m
not asserting that ABC
and its member com
panies are consciously
racist. Most are not.
Keep your out of-town
friends Informed on what’s
happening in Charlotte by
sending then • copy of the
Charlotte Post each woefc. The
^gyjLggfrJU-M per year
i
Bayard Siatii
tnent among employers
to undermine the wages,
job security and work
ing conditions of their
new black workers by
promoting something
known as the “merit
shop.” This of course is
not done in the name of
racism, it is done in the
name of competitive'
ness, cost-cutting, aad
economic neceaetty.
What exactly is the
"merit shop” and how
does it affoct black
workers? Stripped of Us
alluring trappings, the
merit shop is nothing
more than a non-union
shop in which the em