I Editorials & Comments
The Personalized Presidency
They call it the “Reagan Revo
lution.” And revolution it is,
when even casual observers,
supporters and opponents alike,
agree that we haven’t seen any
one in the White House with
Reagan’s political savvy, or
more appropriately, candor and
boldness in over 40 years - since
the days of Franklin D. Roose
velt, Reagan’s own first political
hero.
In less than six months Presi
dent Reagan won the largest
budget and tax cuts in our
nation’s history. He changed the
face and role of the federal
government from a deep rooted
liberalism spanning 50 years to a
dramatic and forceful conserv
ative tide. He has dramatically
reduced over 40 years of en
trenched liberalized social pro
grams and fired over 12,000
members of the Professional Air
Traffic Controllers Organization
for engaging in an illegal strike.
■Unwavering in his convictions,
Reagan has used his personal
skill in dynamic speech-making,
charm, arm twisting and blunt
ness to get his programs ap
proved by Congress and support
ed by large sections of the
American people. When the
Democratically controlled
House of Representatives began
resisting Republican budget and
tax cut proposals; Reagan
gathered key
Democratic Party leaders and
convinced most of them to
support his programs.
Reagan demonstrated his flair
for not avoiding a challenge
when he spoke at the NAACP’s
annual convention. Significantly,
even though few blacks had
voted for Reagan and NAACP
Board Chairman Margaret Bush
Wilson had insulted him even
before speaking, Reagan’s
speech was ratfier warmly re
ceived by many blacks, not all
necessarily at the NAACP
meeting.
It is worth noting too that when
Reagan arrived in Washington,
House Speaker Tip O’Neill (D
Mass) told him that his experi
ence as Governor of California
was “minor league” compared
to what he’d face in the tough
“major league” of Washington
politics. It wasn’t long before
O’Neill, and others like him,
found that Ronald Reagan was
pretty tough himself.
Nobody is suggesting that
Reagan won’t have his share of
defeats at the hands of Congress,
but for now, whether you agree
with his philosophy and politics
or whether you don’t, the
President has already left his
imprint upon the history of this
nation. Of greater significance,
it behooves all of us to help make
his programs succeed because if
they don’t we will all be worse off
before liberals or anyone else
can bring about a meaningful
recovery.
Creeping Dictatorship
• hTODabiy not known to the
Broader general public is the fact
that periodic attempts have been
made by both legislative bodies
and special interest groups to
pressure public school systems
in various parts of the nation to
teach in a biased way or not
teach a given subject matter.
In North Carolina, the General
Assembly passe# a Bill in 1975
requiring the state's public high
schools to provide ‘ ‘instruction in
the free enterprise system.”
While the intent of this Bill is not
questionable, it does raise ques
tions about academic freedom
and the right of locally elected
school boards to decide what
should be taught in our public
schools. Ironically, this Bill was
passed shortly after a nation
wide survey revealed that one-_
third of the respondents express
ed feelings that democracy and
capitalism were in a state of
decline because of colusion be
tween big business and big
government.
A more recent threat to free
dom in general and academic
freedom in particular, has arisen
from a list of 26 “Dorits for
Students” prepared by Parents
Actively Concerned, a branch of
Jerry Falwell’s conservative
right-wing organization, Moral
Majority. The ‘‘Don’ts” list,
which has been circulated in
some local public schools, sug
gests that students:
-“Don’t discuss values.”
-“Don’t discuss the future or
future social arrangements of
governments in class.”
-“Don’t get involved in school
sponsored or government spon
sored exchange or camping pro
grams which place you in the
homes of strangers.”
-“Don’t exchange ‘opinions’ on
political or social issues.”
-“Don’t participate in class
room discussions that begin with
“What is your opinion.”
As we read these “don’ts” we
have to wonder what these con
servative do-gooder dictators
would have our public schools do
or teach. The premise upon
which free public education was
established in America is that all
youth have a right to an op
portunity to learn the maximum
extent of their abilities.
Basic to the pursuit of know
ledge is the ability to think.
Therefore, at least equally im
portant to what is taught in our
schools is that our children are
taught to think, to understand
the process of decision-making,
to sort out facts and draw their
own conclusions. These are the
basic mind-setting analytical
tools that our children need to
grow up with if our concepts of
democracy and free enterprise
are to survive.
Stop The Flight Of Black Capital
BLACK BUSINESS IS SUFFERING FROM THE EFFFrT^
OF CRIME ON AN UNPRECEDENTED SCALE ^
STRUGGLING TO MEET THE HIGH COST OF THEFT -
INSURANCE. VANDALISM. SHOP-LIFTING RORREBV
AND BAD CHECKS. THE PROBLEM CENTERS
AROUND NARCOTICS AND DRUG RELATED ~
CRIMES. jfU- T j| -
Support SoWarity Day!
By uus savage
Member of Congress
I was among the first
members of Congess to
come out strongly against
President Reagan’s econo
mic proposals. I have on
several occasions appealed
to my colleagues in the
House of Representatives
and Americans of goodwill
at large to work for the
defeat of these anti-people
programs. Therefore, I
was delighted to learn
about the AFL-CIO’s call
for a Solidarity Day de
Gus Sava
monstration against these mional Black Caucus,
proposals in Washington on Bn explained to the
September 19. Bh audience the Cau
As early as February 21,B “Constructive Alter
I predicted in a speechBve” budget which wa<
delivered at an OperatioBsented to the Congress
PUSH rally that the majoBApril. This budget pro
ity of whites would soc®ed to first provide for
receive the economic i®~ domestic needs. It pro
jury which we already hBped for our children, for
perceived in Reagan’s ®Pr students, for the unem
posals - and might ®>°yed and underemployed
stitute realism for rac®nd for the elderly and
and follow our lead. ®etired.
Last month'In thi® The CBC budget pro
column I urged Blac®P°?ed to fight inflation by
form new alliances®shifting tax cuts from the
strengthen old ones,® millionaires to the multi
want to guarantee de® tude, and by reducing appro
Reagan's proposals® Potions for bombers with
we must rejoin forces no missions to fly, and
the labor movem^B missiles with no fair tar
other progressive Sets to destroy, and armed
included religious® forces with no honorable
civic organizati^B battles to fight,
ternal groups, ai® Incidentally, that ill
who have a sU® fated budget could have
turnabout in th^P been balanced in fiscal
proposals. ® year 1982, instead of fis
Consequently,®' cal 1984, when the Reagan
siasm swelle<®L* budget is supposed to be
learned that balanced,
and Operation^®** While that budget was
endorsed Solid^B defeated on the House
Speaking ®*r floor, it is not dead in the
PUSH rally, ^B ’ hearts of the 18 members of
during the ® the Caucus. Its proposals
10th annual ^® 1 can become the immediate
said Reagor^®^ Soals for which all Ameri
profits abo\^®"d cana must now en masse
beats our p^®™® walk and talk in the streets
swords. I a^®?^ of this nation and in the
the Presi(^^T~ n corridors of its councils.
Hood in re^®)?8 As the Caucus snoir—
^ B sr f
ch ,^®iging .Ti, d5veloPment, I believe
Since 8 that the main geographical
greetings* Co"' focuslof our strugg]e sPhoulJ .
be on the industrial centers
of the North and Southwest.
We must, of course, keep a
watchful eye on the Old
South.
Organizationally, our
I main strategy should be to
strengthen our working re
lationship with the organ
l ized labor movement: first,
because of our objective
kinship ot interests; se
condly, because of its great
resources for mobilizing
the people; and thirdly
because of the interracial
r character of its base.
We should understand
that this nation’s current
economic crisis is basic to
the system and requires
more than simply shifting
government funds from de
fense to domestic needs or
merely patching-up our
system of production with
social reforms and govern
ment handouts.
The United States needs
a true new economic
direction in the House to
support Solidarity Day
and I have offered my
personal services to the
AFL-CIO to journey
throughout the country in
support of the rally.
I now appeal to our read
ers to join in the demon
stration. Come to Wash
ington on Saturday, Sep
tember 19, for Solidarity
Day. Make certain that the
White House gets the
message.
Course To Help
Accountants To
Prepare For Exams
A course to help account
ants prepare for the No
vember Certified Public
Accountant examination
has been scheduled by the
University of North Caro
lina at Charlotte.
Classes begin September
and will meet on week
ends through October 25 in
the new Friday Business
Administration Building on
the UNCC campus.
F=== By Gerald C. Horne, Fsq —
Affirmative
Action
Gueh4^ He Hood BWd
, ' "aLTrTtiVe act,on 18 «* a cause
235“ rsrA mS
nS f Department of Labor’s
Programs f(^CCP,C OFCCP
mandate that thcJe cotSS JSSS"
k si zgsszzssz
insure hiring and promotion of Blacks A
SSffsrJZSt es&
those lucrative covernment contraafc.
i nough this power is rarely beina in.
of th7FeonrLeaS™Pc^™a feaD,e num*f'
^Slacks than they would ordinarily
It should never be forgotten that the kind
of power wielded by the OFCCP did not
leTp of government benevo
through the militance of anaroused
Afro-American community. A. Philip Ran
late Black leader of the Brother
to Ssping Car Porters’ threatened in
1941 to lead a massive March on Washing
emoiovmpnt sJmething was done about
employment discrimination. Feeling the
heat. President Franklin D. Roosevelt
issued an executive order that forms the
basis of OFCCP’s power to police employ
ment discrimination among the thousands
?ir>fbankS’ 1!lsurance companies, manu
facturers and mining concerns that receive
government contract. eceive
Reagan has promised to get the “co
™"<°« ,the backs’" «^e cwpora
OFCcpnn heS., moving <|u‘ckJ>' »o gut
OFCCP Recently appointed to head this
thaflf bUt lltUe'known government agency
that has meant so much for Black progress
is 33-year-old Ellen Shong. Shong ^ tX
AMAXatlXreCt<lr °f affirmative action for
amax, Inc., a trans national natural re
sources company based in a lily-white
suburb, Greenwich, Connecticut AMAX
has not been known for an aggressive
“T*t0 civU r*ghts. In facf during
the bloodjr war jn Zimbabwe, AMAX which
still has millions of dollars of holdings there
prohlbftinan k to UN- declarations
wHfIbtg do,ng business with Ian Smith’s
white minority “Rhodesian” regime and
extracted profits hand over fist.
AMAX also has ties with the illegal and
racist regime of South Africa Tom
Pierre Gousseland sits on^e
£®frd °f dw-ectors of O’okiep Copper the
f^^nd largest coopermining firm in aoar
theKl South Africa. Like other South African
corporations, this mining concern is
notorious for the slave wafes aSdSidteval
workmg conditions it foists upon its Black
££r S{?rporations - fi
sssswjst shong sigMte"»
Indeed; the appointment of Shong is a
gS5? a"d flagrant slaP ^ the face ofgevSe "
Black citizen in this country Few in thP
C.V.I rights and labor communTy were
tuaUv *^u ab0U‘ her “PPO'h'nient but vir
““JJJ ?.u were apprehensive about her
THE CHARLOTTE POST
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IX7X
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^ __
f Capitol Mill
voting RigWpponents Can’t Accept
Voting Justice
Alfreds Madison
Special To The Post
The Voting Rights Act
came out of the Judiciary
Subcommittee on Civil and
Constitution Rights, which
is chaired by Represent
ative Don Edward, who
successfully led the 1975
fight for extension of the
Act, in tack. Represent
ative Henry Hyde, the
ranking minority member
of the committee was all
set, at the beginning of the
hearings, to lead the oppo
Kidison
anion, especially to .section h.M .
5. which calls for the eight . * wk
Sonlhem Mate, and part,
of other states that have ha, h_rt in
historically used methods jty
to prevent minorities Hon £ev
voting rights. However, ’
after several days of listen y , .con
ing to a long list of wit- v°7
nesses, Mr Hyde decided ,whlcl]
to withdraw his amend
which these
ment, stating that the p. lions guaran
pronderance of evidenci the election
proved that the time isr
ripe for deleting Section to reaistrati™
the committee held 18 da .ai
«• tearing. and teard
timony froo, over 100 ina^nH
nesses on extension of letiiSds us^to
Voting Right! Act Som u“ed t0
P ' 1
dilute the Black vote. Th<
Supreme Court stated ii
1968, "The right to vote car
be affected by a dilution ol
voting power as well as bv
an absolute prohibition ol
casting a ballot."
Representatives John
Conyers, Fauntroy and
Rev. Jesse Jackson went to
Mississippi and talked with
some residents. Many
things they found were
startling. One man stated
that the district line was
drawn through his bed
room dividing it in half
requiring his wife to vote iii
one district and the hus
band to vote in another
After a Black elected or
ficial won in a countv which
was overwhelmingly
Black, annexation of an
other white community
was immediately done, the
election was held again,
and the Black man was
defeated. Voters who live
in towns that are located in
counties are required to
register in both the towns
and counties, in order to
vote in either The require
ment is that the person
must register in the county
first. Evidence was also
f°und that in some in
! stances the polling place
was changed to a destin
ation of thirty miles away,
the night before voting.
The subcommittee unani
mously voted out HR. 3112,
a bill sponsored by Re
presentative Peter Rodino:
-extends the original,
social (or temporary) pro
visions of the Act, pri
marily the Section 5 pre
clearance requirements,
for 10 years through Au
gust 6, 1992; continue the
1975 provisions which pro^
vide assistance to language
minority citizens where
they reside in substantial
numbers, for 7 years so
that they will expire con
currently with other spe
cial (or temporary) provi
sions of the Act on August
«, 1992.
amend Section 2 of the
Act to clarify the burden of
proof which plaintiffs must
carry in voting discrim
ination cases. This amend
ment addresses one of the
issues raised in the i960
Supreme Court City of
Mobile v. Bolden decision.
Representative Caldwell
Butler, of Virginia who led
the fight in '75 against
extension of the Voting
♦
Rights Act, stated that he
plans to introduce a bill
which, if passed, would
certainly render the Act
most ineffective. He wants
. only the aggrieved person
or persons to bring a suit in
the state federal courts
which requires proof of in
tent and that instead of
having whole states under
the Act, only the area
where voting violations
exist. Mr. Butler repeated
J5 Position of an easy
bail out” as an incentive
for states to cease using
["“8ur“ to deny minor
■ties voting rights
“ the briefing Mr.
H5P1 wa* a8ked. since
~*r® *■ no stock in mind
reading, how can intent be
proved other than by
results of actions? Espe
cially, since the eight
covered states have histor
ically continued to use
voting violations against
Blacks. He was also re
minded that even if his bill
of having only the part of a
state where the violation
occurred covered by the
Act, it would not help his
state of Virginia since the
Justice Department,
■ecently, decided that Nor
ihi*t oidiltriCt lines diluted
S" Black vote, and those
lines were drawn by the
!ttte'egi8lature His use of
bad out as an incentive,
ignores the fact that to
correct an age-old wrong
and to deal fairly and Justly
with citizens should be
enough of an incentive. He
admitted that he feels his
bill will have a slim chance
of getting through the
House, but that it steds a
better chance iif" the
Senate. He said that he will
vote against the bill’s ex
tension, whatever, the
changes.
Representative Hyde
was opting for an amend
ment that would allow a
*tate to bail out if it had
met all mandates of the Act
for ten years.
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