I editorials
& comments
*>
i
*
Destiny And The ’83 March
As even the most uninformed
citizen must know, on August 28,
1963, a quarter of a million
Americans, mostly black, had
“marched” to stand in the sha
dow of the Lincoln Memorial in
98-degree heat to physically ex
press their support of the civil
rights movement.
The spiritual leader of the
March On Washington was the
late Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
As the final and most eagerly
aWaited speaker, King electri
fied the crowd with his “I Have A
Dream” speech. In the midst of
that emotional address King
s^id, “Those who hope that the
Negro needed (to march to
Washington) to blow of steam
and will now be content will have
a:rude awakening if the nation
returns to business as usual...”
•The focus of the 1963 march to
end “business as usual” was a
straight singleness of purpose
a|med at ending the second class
citizenship of black Americans
through hastening civil rights
legislation and the removal of
official signs and symbols of
segregation and discrimination.
‘Fortunately, the March had a
significant impact as change did
opcur as the remaining decade of
the 1960s was characterized by
the passage of civil rights legis
lation, civil rights and voting
rights laws.
Ikicome Disparity
jWith these laws as the foun
dation the 20 years between the
1^63 and 1983 Marches on Wash
ington can be summed up pri
marily as years when black
Americans gained significant
freedom to go and do as they
please as do most Americans.
'However, much of this “free
dom” continues to be limited or
denied by the absence of equal
ity, that is, opportunity in the
marketplace where jobs provide
the income to give true mean
ing to much of what we call
freedom. For example, integrat
ed schools are now providing
equal educational opportunities
for black youth; however, un
equal job opportunities have
eroded the motivation and ini
tiative of too many black youth.
These factors have contributed
to a shocking 56.8 percent un
employment rate among black
youth.
Furthermore, while Affirma
tive Action Programs have re
sulted in a 20 percent growth rate
for minority employment
-among 20 to 30,000 companies
doing business with the federal
government between 1974-80,
black families’ incomes still
averaged on 56 percent of that of
whites in 1981, a drop from 60
percent in 1971. Ironically, this
economic disparity is destined to
get worse because the Reagan
Administration plans to issue
new rules to weaken the Af
firmative Action Program. Thus
even those business not under
such programs which have had a
minority employment increase
of only 12 percent in the same six
year period will be even less
inclined to hire minorities in
years to come.
Budget Cuts
In summary, while black mar
ried couples made significant
financial gains in the 1970s, eco
nomic conditions brought more
poverty and unemployment to
blacks overall, the Census Bu
reau reports. The Bureau notes
that blacks living in poverty
increased from eight to nine
million in the decade of the 1970s
and black joblessness remained
twice that of whites.
Here, too, conditions will get
worse before they get better as
recent studies show that budget
cuts by the Reagan Administra
tion over the past two years have
been largely absorbed by low
income families. For example,
40 percent of the cutbacks have
affected households with annual
incomes of less than $10,000.
These cuts include retirement
and disability payments, health
care, education and social ser
vice programs and unemploy
ment benefits.
Thus, while the 20 vears since
the 1963 March On Washington
has resulted in substantial poli
tical freedom, economic inequal
ity is still very much a part of the
character of America. It should
therefore be easy to understand
why “jobs” | was one of the
themes of the 1983 March.
Yet, blacks' failure to fully
exercise the freedoms they have
gained are partly the reason for
economic inequality. By this we
mean that unequal economic
opportunities can in part be
changed by registering to vote
and the voting out of office those
who would oppose affirmative
action, and economic policies
that would increase job oppor
tunities for all Americans at all
educational skill levels.
Therefore, the destiny and
successful impact of the 1983
March On Washington is in your
hands through your voting. Re
gister and vote.
) MUTUAL
Urn4ULmm*
COOPERATION
As / See It
Run, Jesse Jackson Run!
By Gerald Johnson
Special To The Post
So, the Rev. Jesse Jack
son plans to run for the
presidency of these United
States, you say! His plans
are causing concern among
the country’s black politic
al leaders, you say! His
running is going to cause
disunity in the Democratic
Party and cause Reagan to
be re-elected, you think.
Well, lift up your head, my
boy, and never give up,
never give up the ship.
Sounds like a song, doesn’t
it?
Little has been said about
the positive aspects of
Jesse’s running for the pre
sidency. Most accounts of
this historic and unprece
dented occasion have been
negative. But, since I am
an optimist (smile), I am
going to tell you why Jesse
should run.
first of all, this is the
only country where any
citizen can aspire to be
numero uno huncho, at
least that is what we’ve
been told. But any kid who
is bom black or bom fe
male would find this state
ment difficult to believe.
The difficulty in the belief
is not because we have
never had a black or a
female president, but from
never having a serious can
didate to vie for the posi
tion. I think Jesse’s can
didacy, if it materializes,
would be a positive step in
paving the way for women
and minorities to seek na
tional political positions.
It is true that the time is
not right for a black per
son or a woman to win the
presidency. But the time is
ideal for blacks and women
to pursue the position, me
pursuit of the presidency
and being president are
completely different. One
Gerald Johnson
is a means to an end, the
other is the end itself. I
take exception to those who
contend that since you
can’t win, you shouldn’t
run. You can’t undermine
the statement “Blacks are
ready to become directly
active in national politics’’
that will be made by
Jesse’* candidacy.
Secondly, the success of
the black registration drive
underway in the South is a
consequence of Jesse’s
running for national office.
This effort alone is enough
to justify the candidacy.
How can the negative as
pect of disunity of the De
mocratic Party (which was
not unified in 1980 before
Jesse-by the way) out
weigh the long range affect
of registering millions of
black voters.
Finally, and most im
portantly, I think if Jesse
can get a large following
and make a good showing
in the primary, he will have
enough political clout to
have an influence in poli
tics. This clout is effective
regardless of who is in
office. The country is con
trolled by lobby groups, not
by the President. Lobby
groups deliver either
money or votes or both in
exchange for legislation
that favors the group. In a
manner of speaking Mr.
Jackson is indirectly build
ing a lobby group. Since we
don’t have any money, we
have to use votes.
I personally feel that
these positive aspects of
the probable candidacy of
Jesse Jackson for Presi
dent outweigh the negative.
I find it quite refreshing
and progressive to know
that in less than IS years
our chants of frustration
have changed from “Bum,
Baby, Bum” to “Run,
Jesse, Run.”
Blacks
Shouldn't Run
For President ?
De^r Editor:
. .1 am black, but I do not
think that a black person
should run for president.
I am not racial against
my own color, but, if there
is a black President, what
will he do?
Now we all know how
money-hungry black peo
ple are. Once a law has to
be passed, -and some
money flashes in his face,
what do you think he’ll do?
We all know how it is
being black and poor. What
do you think a black pre
sident will do for his
people? He will have to
realize there are more than
just black people in the
United States.
What America needs is a
poor white president.
Charles L. McNeil
THE CHARLOTTE POST
“THE PEOPLE’S NEWSPAPER”
Established 1918
Published Every Thursday
by The Charlotte Post Publishing Co., Inc.
Subscription Rate $17.68 Per Year
Second Class Postage No. 965500
Postmaster Send 3579s To:
1531 Camden Rd., Charlotte, N.C. 28203
Telephone: 704-376-0496
Circulation 11,023
106 Years of Continuous Service
Bill Johnson
Bernard Reeves
Fran Farrer
Dannette Gaither
Editor. Publisher
General Manager
Advertising Director
Office Manager
Second Class Postage No. 965500 Paid at
Charlotte. North Carolina
Under the Act of March 3.1878
Member, National Newspaper
Publishers* Association
North Carolina Black Publishers Association
Deadline for all news copy and photos is
5 p.m. Monday. All photos and copy
submitted become the property off The Post
and will not be returned.
National Advertising
Representative
Amalgamated Publishers, Inc.
2400 8. Michigan Ave.
Chicago. III. 4M14
Coiumet 5-4200
l
a w. 4su» ft.. Mte i«n I
New York, New York INN I
212-4M-122S
From Capitol Hill
Blacks Not Included In Rights Policy
Alfreds L. Madison
Special To The Poet
President Reagan is ask
ing the State Department
and the Pentagon to report
on his foreign policy
successes.
Larry Speakes, White
House deputy press secre
tary said the greatest suc
cesses were in Southern
Africa, El Salvador and
Soviet arms control. In all
three areas, White House
success must be measured
by increasing deaths and
destruction in El Salvador
supported by, not only the
55 men we have training El
Salvardoran soldiers,
about whom the President
spoke in his press confer
ence, but the El Salvador
ans that we are training in
this country and the train
ing camps we are setting
up in Honduras to train
soldiers, increased arms
build-up with a goal of
being able to kill more
people than the Soviet* and
our support of apartheid in
Southern Africa. This is a
record of which no person
who is concerned about
human rights, can be any*
thing but ashamed.
In communicating these
so-called successes, the pu
blic must be on the slert for
substance, rather than idel
rhetoric and part truths,
from the “great com
municator. ’’
South Africa is certain
ly the world’s most repres
sive regime, based on skin
(jplor alone, and the Rea
Alfreds L. Madison
gan Administration’s
policy is one of "construc
tive engagement." That is
apparently, he will con
tinue to support South
Africa, economically, and
sell them supplies that can
be of great use by the South
African military and its
police force, until the four
million white South
Africans become good, and
decide to give the M million
blacks justice and equality.
There is no such move in
that direction, at present
Recently, when three
South African students
were executed for protest
ing, there was no outcry by
this Administration, nei
ther is anything said about
the many political prison
ers being detained without
a trial, and some are even
killed in prison. The Ad
ministration is quiet about
the South African raids in
Moxambique, Angola and
neighboring countries. ~
At a hearing of the Joint
Committee of the House
, Subcommittee on Africa
and the International De
velopment Institutions and
Finance, consideration was
given to our human rights
policies at the multilateral
development banks. Em
phasis was on this Admin
istration’s failure to exer
cise the policy that has
made this country great,
"reverence for life and a
commitment to fairness."
It is morally wrong to rage
over human rights abuses
in some countries and sup
port them in others
Special attention was
given to the Reagan Ad
ministration’s opposition to
$3.8 million loan request
ed by the People's Repu
blic of Angola. Out of a
total of 80 loans in 1983, of
the multilateral develop
ment bank, this was the
only one the United States
opposed.
There is no consistency
in the Administration’s fo
reign policy, other than
selectivity of what we de
scribe as leftist govern
ments, as sole recipients of
its criticism and opposi
tion on human rights. U.S.
world credibility depends
upon a consistent human
rights policy. Tortured vic
tims, illegally detained
prisoners and families of
executed detainees cannot
accept nor understand
our policy that makes ex
ception in some cases.
Mr. Reagan is conduct
li* a South African policy
of4 quiet diplomacy to
change apartheid. How
ever, this policy has in
creased diplomatic rela
tions with the South Afri
can government, but refuse
diplomatic recognition of
Luanda and Angola on
human rights grounds. It is
ridiculous for the Admin
istration to cite Angola for
human rights violations,
while stating that we have
no diplomatic corp to
monitor on the spot human
rights violations. Mr. Rea
gan excuses South Africa’s
continued control of Nami
bia because of Cuban pre
sence in Angola.
Treasury Secretary,
based upon human rights
report it gets from the
State Department, in
structs the Administration
on how to vote on mul ti
ls terial development bank
loans.
In the case of Angola
Treasury decided that we
requested $3.8 million loan
was for a study to con
struct a road for opening up
agriculture areas. Should
the construction proceed It
would Increase stockrais
ing and extablish new
farms.
Another Angola
loan was opposed by the
U.S. because the request
for financing a school for
training in accounting,
commerce, finance, busi
ness management, public
management, public ad
ministration, and agricul
ture —
p== WITH SABRINA JOHNSON
W/
_ ■ ——■ I 1
Sabrina
Spending On Education
For the United States public schools, the .
1950s and 1960s were the good old days. The
days were marked by large budgets, new
buildings and ever emerging programs for
everyone. As sad as it may be those days
are long gone. The quality of education has . ■
leveled off and in many cases dropped off.
Products of this leveling off have been cuts
in teachers’ salaries, school supplies and
maintenance.
Although the American public education .
system has been competitive with nations
abroad, it still falls short in one particular
area - teachers’ pay. The data comes as a
result of surveys and interviews done by the
National Center of Education Statistics, the
Department of Education, the National
Education Associations and the United
Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural
Organization. • •
Total spending on kindergarten through
grade 12 is lower today than in 1977 (taking
inflation into consideration). The main
victim or the decline has been teachers’
salaries which have plummeted for 10
years. -
One important fact the national average
of spending on each public school student .
has begun to climb again after stagnating •
and falling in the late 1970s. By that gauge •
the U.S. remained ahead of other developed
nations, but trailed Japan, West Germany,
England and many other countries in
teachers’ salaries. Officials realize that to
hire the kind of teachers who demand more
homework, harder homework and take the
time to grade it, they are going to have to :
pay enough money to attract that kind of
person into the profession.
Recent NEA figures show that total
spending for public schools reached $108.3
billion this year. However, when converted
to 1967 dollar figures, dropped to $36.7.
billion-which is higher bv 1967 standards •
than the spending of last year, but below the • •
$37.6 billion figure of 1977.
One reason for the decline is "due to the ",
aging of the po6t World War II generation. ■
Public school enrollment climaxed at 46 --
million in 1971 and dropped to 39.5 million in
1982, according to the NEA and National
Center for Education Statistics. :
In April, 1983, President Reagan’s
Commission on Education discovered that - -
spending on teachers’ materials and text- -
books has declined 50 percent over the past ';
17 years. It was also found that wages were
too low to attract and keep a substantial . -.
amount of talented people in the profes- •
sion. r,
Teachers’ average salaries reached their •
high in 1973. Today’s average exceeds •
$20,000, which is $6,984 by 1967 dollars and
$7,852 by 1973 standards.
Spending per pupil was $937 in 1977, '
according to the NEA. Then as schools •'.
fought with rising costs, the figure hovered *.
around the 1977 figure and dropped in 1979. •
Today’s estimated figure is approximately ;
$1,000. The money for pupils and students
usually comes from the states, less than one . •
tenth from the federal government and the •
rest from local taxpayers.
In contrast, 1979 figures from the National ’ - -
Center for Education reported that the U.S.
spent $2,275 per pupil, West Germany
$2,158, Japan, $1,396, France $1,353, and',.
$1,040 for the United Kingdom for the fiscal ■ .
year 1978-79.
At the same time the U.S. seemed tight
fisted in paying its teachers. According to a ':
survey on 11 countries done by the National
Center on Education statistics, it found that ■.
American teachers were paid less than *.
their foreign counterparts in 1980 - entry • ’»
level of $964 a month and top salary of $1,862
a month. •'* ’
Japan starts its teachers at a lower rate of '
$685 a month but pays its senior teachers ‘
$2,234 a month, second only to Switzerland ! •
who pays its senior teachers $3,562 a month. •
West Germany starts teachers at $1,390 and * ‘ •
closes at $2,050. These figures fail to take
the cost of living differences and the
demands put upon the teachers. When these
salaries were compared with the gross - • *
national product (the value of all goods and ' *
services exchanged) only Japanese, West :
German senior teachers and the French
measure worse than Americans.
A UNESCO study found that in 1979 the
U.S.devoted more of its GNP to education •
than Japan, West Germany, Great Britain * *
and France. Sweden, the Netherlands and *■
Canada were the only nations to devote
more. • ' ,
11. ■» «i •
To get the best far yoar
advertising dollar. eaU
•w advertising execs
Oveo. 37S-S4SS.