New Directions Without A Mandate Last week’s national elections were his toric, not so much because of President Reagan’s landslide win, not because of the national attention and cost of the Helms Hunt Senate race, and not because Re publican Jim Martin was elected Governor of North Carolina; but rather because of the clearly defined philosophical differences between the Republicans and Democrats - differences that have not been so clear since the Hoover-Roosevelt election 52 years ago in 1932. President Reagan’s victory, with an historic first President ever 525 electoral votes, a first ever presidential sweep of 49 states for electoral votes and a 59 percent popular vote majority would appear to suggest a voter mandate for Mr. Reagan to push strongly his programs including anti abortion legislation, prayer in the schools, cuts in social programs, deficit reductions, strong defense and expanded economic opportunities. The assumption of a mandate appears also by Mr. Reagan’s ability to capture 78 percent of the Protestant white male vote, . 54 percent of the Italian-American female vote in spite of Geraldine Ferraro’s back ground, and the female vote generally. In addition, Mr. Reagan won heavy voter support among labor union workers, Catholics, Hispanics, young voters, con servative Christians, and even eight per cent of the black vote. Nevertheless, neither the 59 percent vote majority, nor the gain of 15 Republican seats in the House of Representatives are sufficient to justify a mandate not to give the President a partisan working majority in the House as his personal victory and “coat-tailing” might appear to suggest. Undoubtedly, over the next few months journalists and political analysts will be seeking to put in perspective the full meaning of the 1984 election. Underlying all of their conclusions will be the firm fact of a more solidified conservative philosophy much of which is inconsistent with some of the liberal Democratic programs, especially social programs, to benefit many low income blacks and other minorities. ■Kepublicans New South ivcpuumran jesse neims nouy contested Senate victory over Governor Jim Hunt and Republican 9th District Congressman Jim Martin's win over Rufus Edmisten for the governorship will result in a conservative New South North Carolina, becoming a little more conservative. While North Carolina has the image of being a “progressive” New South state, it is not, nor never has been, “liberal” by any definition. The larger shift to the conservative right has and will give the state a new image largely as a result of the viewpoints and policy stands taken by Senator Jesse Helms. Hunt, while a symbol of the New South, was by no means a liberal, and, in fact, blacks had become increasing- • ly disenchanted with his policies and pro grams. In this regard, and in deed from the national election’s standpoint, blacks should not consider Reagan-Helms and their philosophies and policies as racist, but rather as one of class and economic conservatives. This means that they will continue to favor cutting back on social and welfare programs to benefit primarily the poor and retired people. Already talk is occurring about cuts in Medicare, Medi caid and pensions programs for federal employees including the military. Underlying the Reagan-Helms-and other like them- social welfare policy is that a progressive and expanding economy will provide sufficient jobs to off-set the need for social programs. While this is an over simplification of how to address social and human needs, when these cuts are pro posed and opposition occurs, the response will be td tell the people losing benefits to gei a jod. A further drift of North Carolina to toe conservattveright is evident in the defeat of three veteran state legislators - Parks Helms, Craig La wing and Cecil Jenkins, all Democrats - by cross-over Republicans Jim McDuffie, Larry Cobb and Jim Johnson. Likewise in the N.C. House, veterans Jim Black and Louise Brennan were defeated by Republicans Ray Warren and Ivan Mother head. In toe Charlotte bond issues, too, a conservative shift was evident. While the street, water and sanitary sewer bond issues were approved with big majorities, the Coliseum bond passed but with a much f small victory margin. In the Mecklenburg County Commission er race, too, the conservative shift from the • Reagan coattail or partly straight ticket voting was evident as Democrat incum bents Fountain Odom and Bob WaltoA were reelected but lost their Democratic majori ty to three Republicans - Carla DuPuy, Rod Autrey and Jerry Blackmon. In summary, the old Democratic Party coalitions cracked and then wrpanded li beral {policies - support for gay rights, ERA, abortion and religion-politics confusion - combined with the charisma of Ronald Reagan, general economic prosperity except for the very poor, and a relatively weak Democratic Party presidential can didate and platform to unseat many De mocrats and bring about the Reagan landslide coattail Republican victory across the nation. Impatiently, historians and the voters alike can only wait to see what the next four ; years will mean for America. The Charlotte Post North Carolina’s Fastest Growing Weekly 704-376-04%_ “The People’s Newspaper” 1% Years Of Continuous Service Bill Johnson Editor, Pub. Bernai d’Reeves Gen. Mgr. Fran Bradley Adv. Mgr. Dannette Gaither Of. Mgr. Published Every Thursday By The Charlotte Post Publishing Company, Inc. Main Office: 1531 S. Camden Road Charlotte, N.C. 28203 ————————— Second Class Postage Paid at Charlotte Member, National Newspaper Publishers’ Association North Carolina Black Publishers Association National Advertising Representative: Amalgamated Publishers, Inc. One Year Subscription Rate One Year $17.76 Payable In Advance By Alfreds L. Madison Special To The Post A 25-member National Urban Policy Advisory Committee has issued its “Urban American 1964 Report Card.” The Advisory Com mittee was established by the Sub committee on Investment, Jobs, and Prices of the Joint Economic Committee. The hard-hitting mino rity advocator, Parren Mitchell, chairs the group. The study was ordered in response to the uncer tainty surrounding the economic recovery and the implication for the Federal role in shaping urban policy strategies. *Hir Cniiimlttrr rails tha rniianl urban policy a tale of two visions. It la a vision of market-determined development, abetted at the federal level primarily by policies condu cive to economic growth and non interference in local affairs. It is not really s policy but a strategy for cities that relies primarily on the impact of economic policy as a whole The strategy has four ele ments: an economic recovery ~ program, decentralization of Fe deral responsibilities, reduced fe deral assistance to cities, and public-private sector cooperation. Measures which grant cities special federal attention and support are opposed by the Administration. Its policy does not alleviate unemploy ment, economic distress and de caying infrastructure. The alternative vision recom mended by the Committee takes issue with the Administration on the role of the federal government in volvement. It argues that cities need the benefit of direct federal involve ment in the provision of s range at public goods and in the stimulation of extensive public-private sector __ >•- f Alfred* L. Madison pannprs7iips;--K calls for federal investment in the cities’ infrastruc ture, education and training of the unemployed, housing and transpor tation. The most important acknow ledgement of the alternative vision is the need for federal assistance to aid cities fan ameliorating the hard ships experienced by the poor and near-poor. During this period or modest economic growth, the United States is experiencing employment and production expansion, the dollar is strong, jobs are being created at high rates in certain industries, new technologies are spawning new firms, productivity growth hsa recovered, and there is a wide spread feeling of optimism about the ftiture. In spite of all these facts, the Committee found that for many urban areas and their residents, particularly their minority and less affluent residents, the recovery has stimulated very few. If any, im provements. Fiscal problems limit the quality and quantity of needed services; jobs are scarce, neigh borhoods and housing choices re ' » A HERITAGE TO 6g PWXrt) OP k *U£ MUST GIVE OUR CHILDREN [ A SENSE Of PRIDE IN BEING I SLACK.THE GLORY OF OURPAST b AND THE DIGNITY OF OUR PRESENT f MUST LEAD THE NAY TV THE I PONER OF OUR FUTUREf A0V1 CLAYTON POUKLL Consumer Are Nearing TIkw Timfr? By Sabrina Johnson Post Columnist News in brief. Consumers have been borrowing money to buy automobiles, furni ture, appliances and other “big ticket items” at an incredible pace this year, fueling continued economic growth. The spurt in auto loans, credit card purchases »nd personal borrowing has raised the question of whe ther consumers are nearing their buying and borrowing limit. This Christmas’ shop ping rush begins with econo mists being aware that spending and borrowing is pacing the year’s economic recovery. Many economists feel that there is still room for con sumers to increase the bor rowing. Others tend to be more cautious. They predict a good, strong Christmas in consumerism but venture to expect a halt in 1985 - be lieving that consumers will run out of “rope” and will begin to slow down or cut out some spending. Consumer installment debt in 1984 has increased 12 percent, or $47.2 billion, to total $443.2 billion at the end of August. A proportion of personal income, the debt in Sabrina August held at 14.56 percent, up from 13.57 percent in January and the highest since May, 1980. Borrowing reached a re cord high as a proportion of pensopal income in May, 1979 when it hit 15.03 percent. One major problem. If con sumers decide they cannot afford to make additions to their installment debts - overall decline in spending could result which, in turn, equals economic downturn. Some economists say that consumer installment debt figures are misleading large ly because they include credit card balances, part of which does not represent real borrowing. Consumers buy goods with credit cards and pay for the purchases when the credit card statement arrives, taking advantage of the float in the meantime. r rum lAJipuui niu President’s New Federalism Hurts Inner Cities main limited and poverty is in creasing. The effects of the recovery are felt in the inner-cities in various areas. Federal reduction of federal assist ance, and household ability to pay for housing threaten to choke future progress, coupled with lax enforce ment of UgisiaHnw forbidding housing discrimination threaten to limit minority household choice. As a result doubling up and homeless ness are on the rise The National Commission on Excellence in Education issued a report which gave startling facts about education of inner-city chil dren. It showed that 40 percent of all minority youth are functionally il literate. Even with minimal sup port inner-city schools have helped to reduce the historical educational gaps between minority and non minority children. In 1900 nearly four out of ten black youngsters completed high school, compared to almoat 70 percent of white young sters; by 1900 almost 70 percent of all blacks finished high school compared to 80 percent of all whites. The report further shows that during the seventies, nine year old black students made gains in reading and in mathematics, while white stu dents experienced a decline in mathematics and they showed lees gain in reading than the black students Because of economic cuts, urban schools cannot easily respond to special needs of the children because of Inconsistent national and local commitment In 1970 the urban school population was Just about equally divided between minorities and whites In 1882 minority en rollment had exceeded 70 percent. Cut back in funds have greatly hurt the inner-city schools. It has 4 slowed integration, postponed raising teachers’ salaries and re pairs and revitalization of school facilities. The impact of the President’s New Federalism program, in its econo mic recovery priorities fall within two primary goals: to build up national defense and to decrease the government’s role in American life. Mr. Reagan feels that federal pro grams are part of the problem rather than a solution of what ails the urban society. The Committee states that the Administration's urban policy to not to have one. It concludes that cities and their re sidents would be beat served by the effective Implementation of the overall plan for economic re covery. This policy, says the Com mittee, perpetuates urban ills and magnifies the problem Further d* terioration can be expected In the urban cities because of the Presi dent’s cuts in the block grants Key components of the President’s program have been: reduction of federal taxes, shift in spending from domestic programs to defense, shift in responsibilities from the federal government to states, re liance on private sector initiatives The report concludes that an un articulated component of this Ad ministration has been its willingness to accept high unemployment in the employment-inflation tradeoff. « Although overall consumer debt burden, as measured by the ratio of debt of personal income is nearing the all time high of 15.5 percent, it would not be unusual to see a new record in the coming year. Possibly the growth trend in consumer debt will point towards a ceiling for the debt-to-income ratio at 16 or 17 percent at present. The psychology of buy now, pay later has increased and gained strength since World War II. Years ago it was considered immoral or “un-American” to go into debt. However, today credit lias become acceptable and very American. Thirty years ago, the credit card was a rarity. . However, today that is not the case. More than 80 per cent of American house holds have credit cards and live by credit cards. The willingness of Ame ricans to borrow for fun-want items reflects a growing con fidence in the longer term future of the American economy. High inflation in the 1970s made borrowing a . smart financial move - today it is a smart “make my self happy” move. Melonie Irvin Continued From Page 1A fesset, “I miss my friends but we keep in touch by writing.” Already Melonie says she’s made many friends In Charlotte and also has a new boyfriend. Melonie’s boyfriend is 5’8” and six foot Melonie claims, “Wbeo we go out people stare at us.” Melonie laughs saying she’d initially thought young men In North Carolina would be taller than she’s found. ”1 love being tall,” she asserts. “I always catch people’s eye and they always ask me do I model.” Melonie, who claims she gets ecstatic when she thinks about mo deling, says her Interest In the profession peaked essentialiy be- ' cause she is "tall and skinny.” ”1 like taking pictures,” she admits, * ‘‘•Bdf love to see them on maga anrTOvwf." Of eouru, her ftr vorite television show is “Paper Dolls” the glittery series about the high-fashion in New York. Besides modeling Melonie’s am bitions include attending college and majoring in English. She’d like to travel more. She also plans to work with handicapped children one day. Melonie has two brothers and one sister and height runs in their family. UNICEF Cards UNICEF cards are now avilable weekdays from $ a m. to 9 p.m. at both the Uptown and Park Road Centers of the YWCA. In addition there are note cards, children’s puzzles, paper dolls, and three different calendar* on sale ' The tradition of sending unicef's multilingual cards begjui 36 years ago. "The exquisite 1964 collection enables yon to spread holiday cheer and help the world’s needy children at the same time ” said Donna Arrington, YW Cre ■* stive Learning Director.