vn iuesoay, mucn oi tne nation paused to
pay their respect to the memory of the late
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. for his
momentous impact on the American con
sciousness and the resulting demise of legal
segregation and discrimination. While in
justice has not yet disappeared in the 17
years since Dr. King’s death, his non
violent leadership has moved America
much closer to fulfilling its true purpose,
that is, justice and equal opportunity for all!
As we all know, Dr. King was the na
tion’s spiritual leader who set in motion
actions that moved 20 million disenfranch
ised black Americans across the threshold a
few steps into the land of self-respect,
justice and equality.
Ironically, in 1985, there has emerged a
core of zealots who insist that_ Ronald
Reagan’s landslide political victory last
November was somehow more than a
mandate to promote certain government
policies, values and programs consistent
with his campaign rhetoric. Meg Greenfield
wrote in NEWSWEEK that, “...you hear the
impressive Reagan majority (57 million
votes to Mondale’s 37 million) being re
ferred to not as an impressive majority, but
rather, in a breath takingly immodest leap,
as the whole nation: ‘the American peo
ple.’” Significantly, the 37 million people
who voted for Mr. Mondale, and those who
zealots as totally wrong and “out
with the American^peapie’* - as if
themselves are something other than
ricans.
Implied in this kind of narrow-minded
thinking is an apparent attitude of dis
enfranchisement for those out of touch with
the "real” Americans. Thiskind of think
ing, too, could be aimed primarily at black
people because of the overwhelming voter
support that they gave to Mr. Reagan’s
opponent in the November election. Thus,
the justifiable things that Martin Luther
. King Jr. fought and gave his life for may be
thratened not so much based on racial
differences. But more the mere act of
disagreeing with the majority along with
many white voters. ;'
Any embracing of the zealots’ viewpoint
by the Reagan Administration could set a
dangerous precedent and crack the foun
dation of our democratic society. The right
to dissent and the right to have minority
opinion does not make anyone less ah
American with a right to, expect consi
deration in national, state or local policy
issue decisions. This is and has historically
been the American way. To suggest any
change in this democratic tradition is to
threaten the freedom and welfare of us all.
Drugs And Our Athletes
David Thompson, the highly talented .
athlete and North Carolinian, who led the
N.C: State basketball team to victory ovei*
then powerful UCLA in the 1972 NCAA
Championship, is finished as an NBA
basketball player at the relatively young
age of 30. Phil Ford, another North Caro
lina young man of great basketball talent
who at only 28, is also at the end of his
basketball career in the NBA.
Recently, John Lucas, a rookie sensation
in 1979 was waived by the Houston Rockets
when he failed a urinalysis test for cocaine,
an* all too familiar story about big time
American sports and its undermining of
basic .life values. Likewise, David Thomp
son’s demise was drug related and Phil
Ford reportedly had an alcoholic pro
blem,
In a four-part series on drugs in sports,
Peter Richmond makes the disturbing
observation that “the next generation o£
professional athletes is abusing drugs and
alcohol at an unprecedented rate in higlT;
school and college.” Mr. Richmond’s com
ment is supported by a preliminary report .
of the NCAA’s national drug use study
which said that 31 percent of 2,048 ath
letes at 11 schools had used anti-inflam
matory drugs at least once in the last 12
months. Sixteen percent said they had been;
frequent users of such drugs. The report
noted other incidents in the use of drugs by
college athletes ranging from 12 percent
who had used cocaine in the past 12 months,
using major ^mkiller'med^at11 f^rhteh
includes narcotics, and 82 percent who used
some alcohol.
^ While^each athlete, like any other adult,
pressure placed on athletic coaches at both
'vin ^ a^ost any cost. Likewise, the ath
paycheck, tod often submits to the indis
Priftlinnfp HOP of Hri 1£7C ta rnHnrn n_ * - •
Ordfir TP KPPn nl#)Vin0 IfninA CfnVrio
xv* • w UljWIC KCHiVf l| £%
mereiore, an tne enforcement rules and
1L MnA A , ,, _
I np INv/AA fl nn fnP nnvfpcQiAf
pi VlvOOlUl
jLet us begin to place competitive sports in
11s proper place among the needs and values
wj, viir nation ano stop exploiting botn
The Charlotte Post
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By Alfreds L. Madison
Special To The Post •
Representative John Conyers,
who spent a night in Jail in Free
South Africa Movement, vowed to
document tact* which show that the
Reagan Constructive Engagement
policy supports South African apar
theid.
The Upited States is a signatore to
the United Nations Arms Embargo
against South Africa. The Embargo
mandates cessation of the sale of all
"arms or relsted material to South
Africa. The arms embargo Is a
tangible way of expressing
abhorrence for apartheid. It gives
all nations considerable leverage
against the apartheid regime.
An effective international
embargo would cripple the South
African Defense, by freezing its
access to all weapons and the
technology to make them. Since the
nations failed to comply .with the
United Nations embargo, South
Afriea has grown to be sn
aggressive military power, capable
not only or terrorizing its own
population but also of invading and
occupying neighboring countries
Conyers documented facts to
prove the Administration’s support
of the South African policy.
1. The U S State Department
lifted export restrictions on military
and militarily potential equipment,
kjagto the UN. embargo. Official
IfllB show that between 1M1 and
^TWrth* Reagan Administration
allowed the export of $28.3 million,
in munitions list equipment to South
Africa. The first quarter of 1984, the
amount erf munitions list equipment
licensed for export to South Africa
exceeded 888 million. This Includes
military and space electronics,
optional and guidance equipment.
. 4 •’" , *j*‘, 'v ■ * • *f ’ • V
private South African firm.
fniTtran*" J.- 4
6. The Reagan Administration has
expanded nuclear cooperation with
South Africa despite South Africa’s
unwillingness to adhere to the Non
Proliferation Treaty. In 1982, the
Administration licensed Control
Data Corp to sell advanced
computers which can be used to
simulate nuclear explosions to South
Africa’s leading defense research
group.
7. Nuclear technicians have
traveled to South Africa and South
African nuclear technicians have
been trained in the U S. FaciliUea.
S. In 198$, the Commerce
Department approved the export of
2,900 electric shock batons to the
South African police.
9 Recently the South African
Defense Force received air
transporta for, civilian source in
South Africa. The engines for these
planes were manufactured by
Garrett-AIrsearch of Los Angeles.
10 U S manufactured Colt and
Browning weapons, other police
equipment art used in South Africa.
11. The House African Affairs
Committee documented U.N. arms
embargo violations in which
Defense and CIA officials were
Implicated.
11 Itallo-West German police
aircraft were exported to South
African Military Force. Engines for
these aircrafts were manufactured
in the United States by
Avco-Lycomlng. The Commerce
Department failed to do Its duty in
monitoring the end-use of all
military rdated exports.
■r ''-"r • •
13. In 1962 this Administration
expanded diplomatic contact with
South African military police which
included the training of the South
African Coast Guard. The Admini
stration also resumed official
intelligence arid official nuclear
advisory.contacts with South Africa.
The Reagan Administration has
supported a $1.1 billion International
Monetary Fund loan to South Africa
in 1962. This loan allowed South
Africa U> increase its military
expenditures by that same amount.
The Administration has shown
continuous support for the South
African Government at the United
Nations, by defending it in the
General Assembly and also in the
U.N. Security Council when the
Council condemned South Africa for
aggression against its neighbors
Conyers stated that these are
some of the examples which prove a
wide range of Reagan’s support for
the South Africa government which
fortifies its stronghold of apartheid
Conyers says this record must be
viewed against increased repression
and violence of human rights and
democracy, during the past four
f ■ *< ”>’•
Randall Robinson, Executive
Director of Transafrica, said, more
people have been killed in the past
four years, than were killed In the
entire 20 preceding years, and that
far more raids on neighboring
countries, by South Africa have
occurred during the same period, as
compared with 20 years previously
All of this shows that the Reagan
Administration’s "Constructive
Engagement” policy and apartheid
have made good bedfellows
IT ALL STARTED WITH A BUS RIDE
FROMDOWNTOWN MONTGOMERY
ALABAMA, BY MRS. ROSA PARKS.FROM
THIS BUS RIDE WITH HONOR" CAME
A NEW LEADER, WHO WAS TO CHANGE
THE THINKING OF THE ESTABLISHMENT
Sabrina's column, “Scope”
will return to this space next
week. 'j
The observance of Dr.
Martin Luther King Jr. 's
birthday on January 15 re
called more than a hero’s
dream of an America li
berated from racial and
economic oppression. In
1965, it is a moment of truth
for the people of this coun
try, so eloquently stated by
the white historian, Louis C.
Harlan, “We live in an al
tered society, but not a
transformed one. Of that much
I’m sure, Blacks are still
subjugatecL ...We are still a
black pedple and a white
people in a state of con
frontation.”
Dr. Harlan is right on all
counts. American society has
changed substantially since
1963 to reflect some glorious
achievements among blacks.
The pero&tage of the group
moving Into the “gainfully
employe§| middle-class” has
been impressive. While still
underrepresented on Wall
Street, and in leadership
positions in major business
es and ^kuporations, the
black presence impacts
strongly upon decisions
made in those sectors as a
,'Md Sabrina ':J;.
result of the group’s power as
consumers.
; * Black political influence is
powerful in geographic areas
With large Mack populations.
As chief executive officers,
they preside over Washing
ton, D.Q., Chicago, Phila
delphia, .Detroit, Los Ange
les, Atlanta, Charlotte,
and in many more cities. In
the last two decades, the
percentage of black elect
ed officials in the U.S. has
increased by j 50 percent.
While this gain represents
only One percent of the total
number of elected officials in
the country, it demonstrates
progress in measurable
terms. Still without a voice in
the U.S. Senate, blacks now
make up roughly five per
cent of the delegation in the
U.S. House of Representa
tives.
In the halls of the great
institutions of higher educa
tion in the U.S., blacks
make outstanding contribu
tions as scholars and re
searchers. While propor
tionately low in numbers,
blacks have even penetrated
the hallowed halls of large
Southern white universities.
To list a few of the break
throughs, they hold acade
mic chairs at Wake Forest,
Duke, Vanderbilt, Emory
and the Georgia Institute of
Technology.
As students, blacks in
large numbers qualify on
admissions tests and on mea
sures of personal attributes
for admission to both black
colleges and others through
out the country. Their re
presentation in professional
schools, including medi
cine, dentistry and law, has
increased steadily since the
1960s. Black students are
also meeting the challenges
demanded by the high
technology explosion in em
ployment. They are grad
uating as engineers, com
puter programmers, phy
sicists and automotive
designers.
In spite of the remarkable
progress made toward
achieving the dream ex
pressed by Dr. King, blacks,
as a group, remain subju
gated and locked into a state
of confrontation to defend
themselves against what
Joel Dreyfuss calls - stereo
types as either “helpless
victims of society, predators
or marginal players.” These
stereotypes derive, for the
most part, from the per
sistent pressure of a black
underclass, representing
approximately one-third of
black residents in large ur
ban communities. The code
words of the 90s for this
left-behind group have
changed from “accommo
dating,” “ambitionless/*
“tricky” and “fun-loving.”
Today, conservative econo
mists refer to the unfor
tunate one-third as “cri
minals,” “welfare ad
dicts,” “the womb-to-tomb
poor” and “the generally
undesirable element.
King’s dream held no
separate reality of social
good for any minority group
in the U.S. It did recog
nize, however, that the
structures imposed by
racism and elitism may
force different oppressed
groups to employ social
strategies for obtaining their
social benefits.