Newspapers / The Charlotte Post (Charlotte, … / Nov. 21, 1989, edition 1 / Page 4
Part of The Charlotte Post (Charlotte, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
Page 4A - THE CHARLOTTE POST - Tuesday, November 21, 1989 Cljarlottc Gerald O. Johnson, Publisher Robert L. Johnson, Co-Publisher Herb White, Editor EDITORIALS Thanksgiving’s Advantages Three Black Societies In U.S. As we approach this Thanksgiving season of cheer and merry-making, stretching from Thanksgiving Day through January 1, 1990, we all hope, and most of us pray, for a brighter and more prosperous future for ourselves and our loved ones, both near ;md far away. Yet, in the realism of our 'times, there is a growing Inescapable fact of three black separate societies in America. An awareness and understanding of the three black societies phenomenon is too of ten blurred by still other realisms of our times. These realisms capture wide news media attention, perhaps, because they symbolize the two extremes between which our black societies fall in all its shades of gray. For example, at the University of Mis sissippi (Ole Miss) where federal troops were necessary to protect the first black student, James Meredith, In a bloody deseg regation struggle in 1962, a mass of poster, radio appeals and fund raising efforts at football games by 31 crusading white fra ternities and sororities is in high gear to aid Roy Lee "Chucky" Mullins, an Ole Miss student paralyzed by a football injury. Mul lins is black while most of the people lead ing the fund raising drives are Mlssissippl- bom white people. Within two weeks, sup porters had raised over $350,000, mostly from white people. More money is being raised from letters mailed to over 5,000 alumni and a monthly annuity of $3,000 will be paid from the university's insurance policy. Mullins, paralyzed from the neck down, and now in need of lifetime care, lost his parent who died when he was 12 and saw football as his way up and out of a poor ex istence. Yes, some white Mlsslsslppians are beginning to overcome their roots of anti- black racism. Sadly to say, while these humane efforts across racial lines are taking place, black racist and Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan is spreading racial|»^hatred across that same state of Mississippi. In a Charlotte Post page one story last week, Farrakhan says black people need to unite against a government plan to destroy them. According to this AP story, Farrakhan of fered no evidence of this plan. However, he told a Jackson, Mississippi, audience of blacks not to apologize for hating whites and that they, blacks, should make friends with their enemies. While we have great respect for the success of the Nation of Islam's sense of self- discipline, its strong anti-drug use values and similar values; we adamantly oppose Mr. Farrakhan's anti-white viewpoint. History has repeatedly shown that people consumed with hate for other people suffer at the most from the forces of their own hate. Witness what the Old Confederate State have, and In some ways continue, to suffer from their legacy of institutional slavery and black inequality. Reread the history Adolph Hitler and his superior white race idea that killed over six million Jews. Hitler and his mistress committed suicide and all of his master race anti-Jew, anti-black supporters are either dead or In prison. Lastly, observe the hatred underly ing the never ending war in the Middle East. While the peoples of these nations lack ade quate food, clothing, shelter, educational opportunity and quality health care, their leaders waste their limited national re sources on religious wars of hate, again, those who suffer the most are their own people. Mr. Farrakhan's so-called government plan to destroy black America is a myth. While white racism remains a strong factor In Influencing the self-image of black peo ple, we also would be first to state that the larger or national black community has failed to develop an agenda to counteract black poor self-images and the consequent problems of drug and alcohol abuse, low self-esteem, family irresponsibility and a poor sense of the work ethic. Farrakhan might have even suggested that the eight years of the Reagan presiden cy with its "drastic curtailment of civil rights protection for blacks was without question a low point In our contemporary histoiy, but It was not a plan designed to de stroy black America. In fact as bad as Rea gan's policies were, especially through his appointment of federal judges, a developing national black agenda and program can offset much that we lost. A workable black agenda, not rhetoric, is greatly needed, that is, an agenda developed by blacks for blacks primarily Involving raising the level of political activities - es pecially voting and economical develop ment - especially the businesses large enough to attract black and white custom ers and able to hire black workers at more than the minimum wage rate. Steps To Improve Economics A first step toward the development of a black agenda should be In recognizing the existence of the three societies that black people are divided into. "Blacks have ig nored or failed to recognize the existence of their three levels of societal standards be cause to many of these who have achieved middle-class status often have a deeply emotional desire to get as far from poorer blacks as possible..." says professor Elijah Anderson of the University of Pennsylva nia. These are the black middle class, educat ed and benefactors of the civil rights move ment of the 1960s. Then there is the black working class poor who find it increasing ly difficult to survive in the new economic Jungle that is engaged in de industrialization and threatening worker Job security. Finally, there is the black underclass— the homeless—who are slipping further from the lowest rung on the economic lad der. UntU blacks begin to remember that they are their brother's keepers and begin a re newed sense of group trust leading to the pooling of resources for Joint economic gain, none of the three black economic so cieties will have a significant economic and political gains, the only true route to equality. It is my favorite holiday. No rush. No last minute frantic search for presents. No expectations or hop>es for gifts we are not going to get. No disappointments. No let down. No three-day weekend to hur ry from place to place -- and for get the reason the holiday ex ists. Just one day. Just time enough to stop for a little while. Time enough to really stop. A day to be with family or friends — with those close by -- or by ourselves. Sometimes It seems like a re ligious holiday. But It's not. It Is an American holiday, esta blished by our government rath er than by any church. As Americans, we recognize together that it Is good for aU of us -- In our own way — to ac knowledge that so many good things have happened to us. So we set aside a day to remember that we did not do It all by our selves -- that God had some thing to do with the good things that have happened to us. I remember the scents coming from the kitchen. Turkey and dressing. Warm bread. Some body's special dish — like Mom's tomato aspic or my wife's moth er's oysters. Warm pecan pie. Do you sneak back for turkey sandwiches before the sun goes down? I do. The best things are part of that day. An afternoon nap after the big meal. A walk — kicking the leaves and listening to the last acorns fall. A football game. A parade. The first fire In the fire place. Listening to the thankful prayers of friends -- some of whom we had never heard say a prayer before. We have so many things to be thankful for — so much more than those first pilgrims had. On other days we forget those things that they valued so much on that first Thanksgiving Day — food for the winter, shelter, se curity and temporary peace, the privileges to worship as we choose, and the right to partici pate In our own government. On Thanksgiving Day we re member. Thank goodness for Thanks giving! Dinkins Win Was A Tonic The historic election of David Dinkins as Mayor of New York City Is a victory for aU Ameri cans. African Americans have long held that the political pro cess at all levels of government should be open, fair and repre sentative of all the people. For too long racism and discrimina tion have prevented a successful political campaign by an Afri can American to be the mayor of the largest city in the United States of America. On November 7, 1989, histoiy was changed. David Dinkins and the thousands of persons who worked closely with him In his campaign are to be congratulat ed. The election was also about providing a new vision and a new sense of direction for a clly that had become too racially po larized and divided. Now Dinkins refers to New York City as that "gorgeous mosaic." The serious social, economic and racial problems that chal lenge New York City have not disappeared. Yet, with Dinkins' election a new situation has emerged with a new opportunity to bring the city together to ef fectively confront the city's problems. David Dinkins at the age of 62, with a vibrant commitment to lead New York City forward, un derstands the historic signifi cance of his victory. Standing beside Dinkins as he gave his victory speech at the Sheraton Hotel were his wife and other members of his family. Including his 85 year old father, WiUiam Dinkins. Mayor-elect Dinkins recalled the personal recollec tions of his father who had not forgotten the legacy of slavery in the United States. Dinkins stat ed this his election "forged a new link In that chain of memory and made another milestone on freedom's road." The history of the African American communi ty Is as history of triumphs as well as defeats, but more Impor tantly It Is a history of struggle and the yearning to be free from all forms of discrimination and oppression. The Dinkins' victory Is another one of the great triumphs. David Dinkins, however, is also right to emphasize the Impor tance of his vlctoiy for all peo ple. Dinkins pledged, "to be mayor of aU the people, not Just those who voted for me." He fur ther pledged to lead and orga nize "a new coalition of con science and purpose." The principle of the Rainbow Coalition worked In New York City. Although Dinkins had to contend with the negative cam paigning of Rudolph Giuliani and to avoid responding to ra cial stereotypes In the esta blished media, dinkins was suc cessful in bringing morality back to the center of municipal politics. After all of the millions that were spent on negative campaigns throughout the Unit ed States during the fall, 1989 election season, the Dinkins vic tory appropriately raises seri ous questions about the effec tiveness of negative and racist political advertising. It Is our hope that millions ol others who live outside of New York City can and will share Ir the positive Impact of the elec tlon of David Dinkins. Our na tion needs more good news anc more good victories for the cause of racial justice. I Voters' Bigotry May Force Jesse Jackson Into Television ] Although It should be manl- ■ -festly obvious to anyone who wants to see, white people can not be depended on to vote for a black candidate (and they lie to pollsters when asked about it), the few whites who are aban doning their racist fears bring an Important new lesson for .ibJacks. •.-.'This white minority, usually .•under 10 percent. Is, first of all, ..growing and, secondly, selecting jiielr black candidates on the basis of political philosophy .and a pleasing piersonallty. The new black mayor of Cleve land, for example, enhanced his ‘'white appeal because of his po- 'sition against busing. David Dinkins, New York's first black mayor, dropped his liberal 's’tance and promised more po lice on the streets and said he Svould be the toughest mayor •ever on crime. Douglas Wilder erased his Tony Brown's! Commentaries white opponent's 15-polnt lead by adopting a strong pro-choice stance on abortion and sup porting a Virginia law barring compulsory unionism. The success of these men Is now being used to prove that Jesse Jackson's political posi tions prohibit him from any real success In the political main stream. I favor as an explana tion, however, what the white minority Is saying with Its vote; political philosophy supersedes racial origin. Jesse Jackson would never embrace a right to work law; he's too close to the unions. Although Jackson wfil talk about the need to get lid of drugs, his solution would more likely by parental education and a "moral" up bringing, rather than more cops on the street. I can hardly Imagine Jesse Jackson admitting that busing is a failure or passing up the op portunity to raise taxes on the most productive citizens to pay for his social reforms. And suffice It to say, Jackson does not take well to pot holes or pot-hole jxilltlcs. He recently told The Los Angeles Times that the restrictions on mayors pre vent them from solving their cit ies' worst problems. Therefore, he said, "The notion of Jesse being mayor (with) the rules beyond my control is un appealing." With that "uppity" at titude, just how appealing do you think Jackson would be to most whltfe voters? However, his leftist philosophy and temperament would not be held against him In Chocolate City, but It would never get him elected Mayor of New York or Governor of Virginia either. Whites like their black politi cians for their moderate philos ophy and non-threatening per sonalities. This reality, which may partly be racist. Is the miti gating factor against Jackson ever being elected President. He tried to overcome the nega tive perception that many whites have of him. He cut his hair, wore conservative suits, toned down his Baptist rhetori cal flourishes, spent most of his campaign time In white areas and on farms talking about hog prices and trade embargoes. No Tawana Brawley. No police brutality. No welfare programs. No quotas. It Just didn't work. Although Jackson has done everything humanly jxisslble to escape the racial label, he Is po litically restricted to serving constituencies with black ma jorities. With a politically wounded mayor In Washington, D.C., openly accused of smoking and repeatedly buying crack co caine, Jackson could easily win that job, if he decides to. The Democratic Party wants him out of the 1992 primaries: The Washington Post Is obvi ously supporting him for mayor; and the D.C. black population prefers him In opinion polls, over his political ally. Mayor Marion Barry. In the meantime, Jackson In sists that he will not run against his good friend, who Is on the verge of being indicted... But he may run If.... And the election Is too far off to know... But If things change he might. Bottom line: Jackson wants to be President, but the strong op position by many Jews and whites and the emergence of more acceptable blacks have eroded his opportunity. Becoming mayor of D.C. Is be neath his self-image, but It Is the only local Job he can get and remain a national figure. But pot holes and a record homicide rate are not Jackson's style. He's more prone to the Intangible; which brings us to the next point. Jackson's solution: The Jesse Jackson TV show produced by Jesse Louis Jackson Produc tions, Inc. TONY BROWN'S JOURNAL TV series can be seen on public television in Charlotte on Chan nel 58 (WUNG). Please consult TV listings or phone station for air time.
The Charlotte Post (Charlotte, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Nov. 21, 1989, edition 1
4
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75