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5A OPINIONS/The Charlotte Post November 21,1996 Who’ll control state House of Representatives D.G. Martin Who is going to control the North Carolina House of Repr^entatives? T^e inside state political jiinkies have been wearing out that question since the recent election that gave the Republicans an apparent 61-59 majority. It is far less than their 68-52 majority in the last session. But it is still a majority, and many people outside of the political junkie group wonder what all the speculation is about. The Republicans have the power to control if they stick together. If they stick together, and don't let anybody get sick. Or get hurt in an accident. Or go to the bathroom during an important vote. Or go home for a wedding anniversary, or birthday, or child's soccer game, or closing on an important business transaction. Or get in trouble with the courts. Or die. These kinds of things always keep some legislator Sum voting on almost every important issue. But this year there will be an extra premium on the contending parties keeping their members healthy, aUve, out of trouble, and present. Recognizing the difficulty of organizing the house, you ask, “How win it be done?” There are several possible scenarios: First, the iron hand model. Under this model the 61 Republican House members agree to stick together on everything. They further agree to decide every important matter by a majority vote among themselves in their caucus meetings - and then be bormd by the caucus deci sion when it comes to a formal house vote. Since there will be no room for defection they will have to agree never to stray finm a decisiorl of the caucus. The senate Democrats were able to discipline them selves this way during the last session when they had only a 26-24 majorily. But it will be much more difficult in the house where there are more than twice as many people to manage. Second possibility, a loose relaxed orgemization. Under this model the Republicans would stick together to elect speaker and control the leadership. But they would not attempt to control every issue. Party members would be flee to stray fiem the ‘party line” more often. Temporary coeditions could form around various issues. Third, the Republicans might try recruit a few Democrats to join a coalition — that would have more staying power than the 61-59 majorily. I doubt if this can be done on any formal basis. There is too much remaining bitterness about a multi-party coali tion several years ago. But an informal vmderstanding might be arranged. “Work with us when you can,” the Republicans might teU a few Democratic members. “We won’t embarrass you. And we will give you a place of real influence on commit tees. And we'U pay attention to the needs of your local community in the budget.” It would be called "bi-parti- sanship" rather than “coalition.” Fourth, the Democrats coidd try to steal control flam the Republicans. (If you follow these things, it would be done the same way Willie Brown, the famous speaker of the California house, did it two years ago.) It would ordy happen if a Republican member or two, for one reason or smother, voted with the Democrats to organize the house and elect the speaker - or, more like ly, just didn't vote at aU. \^y would a member not support his own party's nom inee for speaker? Several reasons: • He mi^t be angry at his own party and be looking for a way to “teach them a needed lesson.” • He might be' a close Mend of the opposition's candi date for speaker. • He mi^t covet some particvdar leadership post that could be promised by the “other side.” • He might live in the same town or region as the oppo sition candidate for speaker. The folks at home might say, “It would be so beneficial for the speaker of the house to come finm our community. Won’t you cross over party lines just this one time for the benefit of our com munity?” 'Those are all possible reasons. But if any Democratic candidate for speaker has gotten such a commitment finm a Republican member, it is still a dark, dark secret. So, back to the original question, how is it all going to turn out? I still don’t know. But it is sure going to be fun to watch. D. G. MARTIN is vice president of public affairs for the University of North Carolina system. He can be reached via e-mail at dgmartin^a. unc.edu Republican Party’s star rising in N.C. politics By Sam Currin SPECIAL TO THE POST It hsis long been said that not too many years ago, the Republican Party in North Ceunhna could meet in a phone booth. Today, it would require a mighty big phone booth to accommodate the growing num bers of Republicans in thi.s state. In 1992, there were 42 Republicans elected to the N.C. State House. This year, the Republican Party retained a majority in the State House by electing 61 members. Similarly, in the State Senate, Republicans increased their membership finm 11 four years ago to 20 in 1996. ^ ■The Council of State remains the last Democratic stronghold, Imt our slate of Republican can- ffidates came closer to winning those offices than ever before in state party history. In fact, the State Auditor’s race and the State 'TreasurePs race were too close, to call until well into the morning after election day. Interestingly enough, the Republican Party had never fielded a fiiU state of candidates vmtil this election cycle. Clearly, North Carolina is now a two-party state. With more Republicans regis tering to vote than Democrats, it appears that the trend will hold fast. But Republicans have historically been more success ful at holding federal offices than statewide offices. With more power returning to the states in a revitalization of fed eralism we must now concen trate on North Carolina’s role as a laboratory for democracy. The question of who will be in charge of that experiment should be on the mind of every North Carolinian who cares about the future of our state. We are the driving force in America. Republican governors across the nation are imple menting new ideas. Gov. John Engler of Michigan is in the process of abohshing the state income tax so that his state can join the ten other income tax free states in this nation. Gov. Pete Wilson of California has implemented a program to rein vigorate statutory rape laws to stop teenage pregnancy bought about by men over the age of 18. Gov. Tommy Thompson of Wisconsin has presided over one of the most successful school choice experiments in the coun try. Gov. William Weld took his state of‘Taxachirsetts” and low ered taxes dramatically while preserving services. In this state we caimot be con tent with the status quo. TTie experiments of the liberal left have negatively impacted our state for a century. For exam ple, we now claim the dubious honor of holding the 48th slot in education. Somehow, North Carolina has gotten completely ofif the track with out of control spending in education, spending on everything but teachers and their students. Crime and drug abuse are out of control rapidly, with one feed ing on the other in a dangerous dance leading toward a societal breakdown. But Governor George W. Bush of Texas has actually reduced crime in the Lone Star State dramatically. The secret, according to Dr. Morgan Reynolds of Texas A&M University, is in the increase in available prison space. Reynolds, an economist, wrote that crime is a matter of economic choices. If there is a greater chance that hard prison time will be the end result of a criminal deed, and if more crim inals are placed behind bars rather than free to commit crime, that crime will decrease dramatically. With welfare reform now ' passed down to the states, one need only look to Thompson of Wisconsin, who successfuly reduce the welfare rolls by half. Whatever the issue may be, there is an innovative program that has a track record some where in the U.S. that can'be applied to North Carolina. We should not be satisfied with con tinuing in the program develop ment business or with a gover nor who only comes up with cre ative proposals every four years, usually in the month proceeding the general election. It is a los ing proposition. Instead, we should see what program actu ally works before spending one tax doUar to build a bureaucra cy that we can never get rid of - a bureaucracy lhat ends up only serving as the governor’s body guard - once it is determined that it simply doesn’t work. SAM CURRIN is chairman of the N.C. Republican Party. Texaco lawsuit shows need for affirmative action Bernice P. Jackson The recent revelations about Texaco executives make the case for the continuing need for affirmative action, although that was far from the intent of those involved. It seems that a secretly taped conversation revealed racist language and illegal behavior regarding a Federal lawsuit brought by minority employees of Texaco. Like the Rodney King video tape, these tapes show racism in America during those unguard ed moments that prove for peo ple of color what we had known all along. As California voters went to the polls and voted for Proposition 209, to end affirma tive action programs in the state of California, they were faced with the news story which showed Texaco upper echelon employees shredding documents which would have implicated their company in the suit brought by some 1,500 minority employees of that company. These employees charge that Texaco systematically discrimi nates against its minority employees and that the compa ny fosters an atmosphere of racial hostility. In tapes which they did not realize were being made, the former treasurer of the company, along with other high-level employees, call AMcan Americans “black jeUy beans” and “niggers,” proving that behind many closed doors of corporate America, racism is stiU acceptable behavior. The suit by minority employ ees of Texaco contends that they were systematically pa!ssed over for promotions in favor of less experienced whites. In the secret tapes, one official says, “This diversity thing, you know, how all the black jelly beans agree.” Another offided agrees, adding, “That’s funny. All the black jelly beans seem to be glued to the bottom of the bag.” The suit also charges that Texaco fostered a radally hos tile environment, sa3dng that they were called “uppity” for asking questions and charging that black employees were called "orangutans" and "porch monkeys." At least one AMcan American Texaco employee, upon hearing the tapes, said, “It sounds like a Klan meeting, and nobody seemed to object to what everybody was saying.” That may be one of the most troubling aspects of this case - that no one else in the room objected to such racist language and to racist and illegal behav ior. But it is important to note that Texaco is not alone in allowing such language and attitudes to exist in the work place. While other corporations might not have gotten caught. there are many minority employees who have had simi lar experiences in other compa nies. Which is exactly the reason why affirmative action is still needed. Despite arguments to the contrary, people of color and women are stiU underrepresent ed in corporate board rooms and work rooms. Women and people of color still hit that imaginary glass ceiling in every industry and stiU find it difficult to start and operate their own business es. BERNICE POWELL JACK- SON is executive director of the Commission for Racial Justice in Cleveland, Ohio. Time for a change toward self-empowerment By Sidney E. Morse NATIONAL NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION ^ The taUy is in and, to no one's surprise. Bill Clinton regained his position as leader of the hiost powerful nation in the World. And while the Republicans were able to maintain control of both the House and Senate by the slimmest of margins, the voters sent their message loud and clear that they want the tenor of government to be one of moderation and not one that is reflected in the agenda of the “extreme right.” But while the White House and Congress remain the same, “is it time for radical change in the African American community?” Neglected urban communities, drugs, crime, a severe lack of jobs, health problems, including the AIDS crisis, and a general absence of a definitive direction appear to be the most pressing challenges facing the African- American community today. If not radical change, then at least two fundamental dynam ics need to be modified if AMcan Americans are to take advan tage of this new “strategic win dow of opportunity” provided by the re-election of President Clinton. It is clear that the con tinuity reflected in the presiden tial election results, aided by a “tempered” Congress, at a mini mum, signals a period of “benign” governance at the fed eral level as it relates to the con cerns of African-Americans. 'The first change calls for a shift in examining the cause of the challenges the African- American community faces nationwide from an external perspective to an internal one. That is to say we must first change the instrument of analy sis fi:nm a telescope to a micro scope and look fitan within. There is a critical need to engage in a national introspec tive dialogue and use it as a pil lar for building effective "self empowerment strategies." My mother used to frequently tell me that “prosperity starts at home and spreads abroad.” As AMcan Americans, we cannot build the kind of iiffiastructure that will facilitate our participa tion in the 21st century unless we understand what strengths we possess both as individuals and as a national community. Equally as important is the notion of our wfllingness to bet ter understand our weaknesses and use them to develop strate gies that will make us stronger and healthier as a people. The second dynamic is one that is currently being controlled by media forces outside of the AMcan-American community. At each important juncture of om socioeconomic evolution, we have made a definitive change in our public image to support structural changes necessary to facilitate progress. Just us we changed the nomenclature of what we were called from “col ored” to “Negro” in the late ‘50s, “Negro” to “Afro-American” and then to “Black” in the late ‘60s and early ‘70s and “Black” to “AMcan American” in the 80s, it is now time to change the con tent of our dialogue from “civil rights” to “self-empowerment.” The Civil Rights Movement is a legacy of which all African- Americans can be proud, as it has served as a shining example to the world of what it means to engage in human struggle to achieve a noble and virtuous goal. That is why we should con test every time the media choos es to use the term “civil rights” leader or organization because it has come to be the equivalent of “code language” which signi fies “Black” or minority. SIDNEY MORSE is a Los Angeles-based columnist and author. VA should care for vets with spinal injuries The writer is advocacy ! leg islative director for the North Carolina chapter of the Southeastern Wheelchair Sports Association As a nation, we observe Veterans Day, a day set aside to honor those who sacrificed serving our country. For those who sacrificed a spinal cord impairment, the best way to remember their per sonal sacrifices is to continue to provide them with high- quality medical care year long so they can live life to its fullest. Fifty years ago, the Veterans Administration started specialized services for paralyzed soldiers return ing from 'World War II. In the decades that followed, our grateful nation pushed the VA to expand these services as separate and distinct pro grams that did not exist else where. As a result, the VA devel oped extraordinary expertise in caring for those with this catastrophic disability. And, this expertise benefits not just veterans, but many American who use wheel chairs for mobdity. Today, the high-quality care provided by this national resoxirce may be in jeopardy. The reason is that the VA is facing a major reorganization that may result in staff and budget cuts that could threat en these unique special pro grams. We are concerned. Given these changes, the VA must assure our members of the continuation of the high qual ity health care provided by the VA Spinal-Cord Center in Augusta, Ga. and Richmond, Va. which served Charlotte’s veterans. • • - As we pay tribute to our veterans this Veterans Day, I call on the VA to honor our spinal cord impaired veterans with assurances that the Augusta VA and VA Spinal Cord Injury Center will con tinue to provide paralyzed veterans with the high-quah- ty health care they earned, deserve and need. For members of the Paralyzed Veterans of America, quality health care is a matter of fife and death. Kater W. Cornwell Charlotte The Post looks like a daily newspaper Just wanted to let you know that I was in Charlotte a few weeks ago and picked up your newspaper. I’m very impressed. The format looks like a daily newspaper and I’m sure you take pride in putting a lot of effort in mak ing it look that way. Again, great looking paper. Helen Blocker Adams e-mail: hba@GroupZ.net What’s on your mind? Send your comments to The Charlotte Post, P.O. Box 30144, Charlotte, N.C. 28230 or fax (704) 342- 2160. You can also use E-mail - char- post@clt.mind- spring.com All correspondence must include a day time telephone num ber for verification.
The Charlotte Post (Charlotte, N.C.)
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Nov. 21, 1996, edition 1
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