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TBTe JOBIIKAL OF FHEED0KI:
PUBLISHED XTKRT SATUBDAT, AT KALEIOH, N. C.,
J. Q. lAX CEANE;;
. . - .- .
EDWARD P. DRGOKG, EDITOR.
Devoted to the interest! of the FREEDMEN OF THE
1
SOUTH and the establishment and maintenance of
EQUAL BIGHTS FOR ALL MEN, legardless of class
or color.
Alabama on the Negro.
It is useless to affpct any surprise at the
ordinance of the Alabama Cdnvemtion ex
cluding negro testimony from , the courts.
The proceedings of the Convention through
all its sessions have pointed to such a con
clusion. There has not been one word ut
tered showing a purpose to accept cor
dially or even intelligently the altered
condition of affairs. Every voice heard in
the Convention ha9 been for a recognition
of emancipation as compulsory ; and un
welcome. Every speaker has indicated
his purpose to make freedom mean as lit
tle as possible to the negro. Such a con
vention fitly crownsits labors with a reso
lution denying to, the freedman everY civil
right except the right not to be sold on
the auction block. Erskine,' raised to the
peerage, painttd over his doors the le
gend, "Trial by Jury," to signify his sense
of its inestimable value to the free English
man. What words would his indignant
lips have found strong enough to de
nounce an act that denies to the half-freed
negro not merely trial by his peers, but
the right to be heard in any case that can
arise in any court of law. Under this
Alabama ordinance the only spot a negro
has a right to occupy in the. ceurt-room is
the prisoner's dock. When he is there,
charged it may be with a capital, crime,
the word of a perjured white man, who
never saw him may convict him and send
him to the gallows, though twenty blacks
stand ready to prove his perfect innocence.
Such law and such legislation as that is
an outrage against civilization, but one
degree less brutal than slavery itself. It
ont strips even the barbarity of the slave
code, for that permitted the negro to testify
in cases where negroes only were parties ;
this excludes him in every case.
In judging of the loyalty of Alabama
and ot her disposition to concede manhood
to the negro whom she did not : emanci
pate, this last ordinance controls' all other
testimony were there any testimony any
where that the State is inspired by tne
spirit of freedom instead of slavery. This,
and not the so-called ordinance of aboli
tion, stereotypes the opinion of the Con
vention. This is the . . shape which 6uch
speeches as that we quoted from last week-
llUdliy lane. xuaii opcctu- jui( uuiicd
might be deemed the utterance of but
one man. It was in fact the opinion of
the Convention. In all its proceedings we
have not discovered one speech pitched in
a truer key than that. The opponents of
Mr. White talk on this subject exactly as
Mr. White talks. In the last report that
comes to us, we find an address by Mr.
Langdon of Mobile, in opposition to the
substitute offered by Mr. White, making
the recognition of emancipatian contin
gent on the decision of the Supreme Court,
i'et the former speech was milk-and-water
to this. Mr. Langdon makes no sort of
concealment of the fact that the present
convention is to do just so much as is ne
cessary to get back into tho Union, and
no more. Therefore he deems it inevita
ble to admit that slavery is abolished. He
would not admit that if he could help it.
Neither he or any other speaker parts
willingly with the institution. "Most
gladlv," exclaims Mr. Langdon, "would 1
vote lor the substitute, if the. institution
could thereby be saved." Of all acts
looking toward emancipation, he says, "I
agree that those acts are all unconstitu?
tional, illegal." and atrocious. ; . We
are not responsible for the act. '. . I
glory in the Tact that we yielded no princi
ple till we were compelled to. . . The
Proclamation of the President and acts of
Congress wejre unmitigated inhumanities.
... I denounced it as an atrocity, and I
Btlll believe that the Confederate Govern
ment did not adopt as severe measures as
it shouldliave done. I say this to let
men know that 'I for one don't yield
slavery willingly. I believe that setting
the slaves free in these States will be put
down as the blackest act ever performed."
There is any quantity more of . the same
venomous outpourings.
Now- who believes that a convention of
which Mr. White and Mr. Langdon are
leaders can "mean to do justice to the
freedmen, whose emancipation, in ' their
eyes, is a crime of the blackest dye ? Who
believes that the State, left under the
guidance of such men, will allow any real
freedom for the blacks to exist within its
limits? Nor is this feeling of exasperation
against the negro and against the authors
of his freedom the sole motive which con
trols the policy of the Convention. Mr:
Lansrdon. bitterly hatinsr emancipation as
he does, yet tells the Convention they must
admit it formally otherwise no chance of
readmissien and no other means toward
mat political supremacy wmcn tlie pro
slavery leaders expect to establish over
the North. "The -gentleman is mistaken
in thinking that we are 'conciliating the
radicals. We are acting not.oniy for our
selves, but also for our friends in the
North, to enable them to destroy the-radi-
cai party."
We are oblieed to Mr. Lancrdon for let
ting that particularly large cat out of the
f.S. Words could not declare more ex
plicitly that the Democratic leaders at the
iiorth have notified their old allies that
they must agree to some show of emanci
pation to conciliate Northern. ' prejudice
to get back into Concress. Once
IT M - till ,Min m 1: It
Eqnal Rights Before the Law for .all MenSocial Coiiditi
. j c T
Oacmota.....l. , ' 777 2 60
60
VOL T.
lohs will Regulate Themselves.
RALEIGH, N. C., SATURDAY- OCT. 14, JL865.
NO. 3.
thero, the two will again strike hands, and
will effectually obstruct any Congression
al legislation looking to the security of the
freedmen against such .oppression as this
Alabama ordinance of exclusion from the
courts contemplates. Mr. Langdon, how
ever, proposes to crack the old plantation
whip in the same lively style as before.
"We have not been disgraced,"- he. de
clares, "and I want our Congressmen when
they go to Washington to go with a bold
front and a high head, as honest men, and
not as criminals supplicating mercy. Is
Mr. Langdon's petition for pardan on file ?
but independent, as guilty of no crime,and
to fearlessly demand our rights in the
name of the.ConstitutionV 1 ;.: v i -.
If the policy then to be. pursued be still
doubtful in anybody's mind, listea to this :
"We must get control of these negroes, .
. We cannot endure what is now going
on. I will not particularize, for you afl
know to what I refer. We know how to
manage the negro better than anybody
else, but we cannot get control of him
without first getting back into the IJnion."
. Needless to continue the quotations.-
What Alabama cannot endure is simply
the Freedmen's Bureau, or any other 'ef
fort toward justice and protection by law
for the negro. Abolish that Bureau,with
draw the United States troops as seems
to be the ttfesent policy at Washington
open the doors of Congress to the ' Ala
bama delegation, is to remit the negro to
such an unchecked despotism as this ordi
nance imposes upon him, and to announce
our acqniescence in a policy that will not
stop short of the extermination of the
black race. New York Tribune. .
Gov. Marvin's Address Gospel for Copper
heads. The most sensible Southern speech we
have read for many a day is that of Pro
visional Governor Marvin of Florida, on
th 5th. of September, at Quincy. His
ideas on the war, on the present condi
tion of. his State, on her duty to the
Union, and even on her colortd citizens,
are far in advance of those propounded
by any of the other Provisional Gover
nors any, at least, whose addresses-we
have had the fortune to meet with.
Take; for instance, this eminently prac
tical statement of the results of secession.
Beginning with the remark that it is im
possible for a State to secede, he yet says :
"Florida has been a State in rebellion,
and, by her acts; has destroyed her State
government and particularly the institu
tion of slavery, which was nursed in jt
bosom and defended by it. She is now
held by martial law in a 'state of tute
lage, with her political rights in abey
ance, and will be kept there until she
organizes for herself, on a new basis, a
new government."
What endless mazes of cobwebs that
brushes away I No matter whether a
State can theoretically get out of the
Union or not ; she. can at least rebel, and
by her own aet suspend her State gov
ernment, and reduce herself to such a
condition as that she shall have no law
but martial law, no political rights but
such as are granted her, and no power to
release herself from that condition of tu
telage and subjection except by the favor
of her conqueror. Gov. Marvin is clear
headed enough to see that his own ap
pointment and authority, emanating not
from the State but from the Federal gov
ernment, is the best answer to such theo-
nsts as assert that the rights ot the ibtates,
under the. constitution are not to be med
dled with in rebellion or in reconstructs.
Slavery, Gov. Marvin of course agrees,
1 1 ! 1 J 1 1 i 1 '
is to oe aDOiisnea, dui ne agrees in a
hearty way very unlike the formal re
commendations in some other quarters.
"The tuture constitution oi n loriaa muss
guarantee freedom alike to all it must
not be black or white, but free' That
is scarcely the language of a man who
hates the blacks, etui less is inis most
unexpected statement : . ,
"And I am free to confess, that in view
of the disorganized state of our society,
it is well, in my judgment, that - slavery
has passed away forever. Supposing the
institution , remained and the 150,000
colored troops, who have been thorough
ly drilled in the ,use of arms, and in
structed in the rights of freemen, and
who have exhibited on many a battle
field, and in the storming of batteries a
steadiness and a courage .equal to that of
the white man, were turned loose among
us, how long would that institution last,
or whose life or property would be s'ecure ?
In that case slavery would disappear in
carnacro and in; rivers of blood. Thank
God, the thing is out of the way, and we
are sate I The luture or jc loriaa, in tnis
resnect, is that of every other State in
the Union, except Kentucky and Dela
ware, and ahortlv these States must be
free. ; As citizens, before the law, the
freedmen must be in all resnects our
requals'. : v : ;
Such, testimony and such opinions are
manlv. honorable' to Gov. Marvin, and a
stinging reproach to Northern Copper
headswho still strive to belittle the val
or and destroy the citizenship of the ne
groes. We are not even sure that the"
Governor does not believe in negro suff
rage. He- does not advocate it, but he
does not oppose it, contenting himself
with the remark that, it is a political
right, arid does not necessarily accompa
ny oivil rights. Perhaps a word of en
couragement from Washington might
open the way for Gov. Marvin to show
himself "an advoeate off equal justice to
all, even at the ballot box. -
On the question of negro testimony
in court, he is perfectly explicit, and de
serves quoting in full :
"Furthermore the constitation, must
declare that persons of color shall be ad-
mitted as witnesses itf all our courts of
civil jurisprudence. The law, in this re
spect, knows no distinction of color.
yi am aware that this is a hard doc
trine to many, but is not, and nerea was
such to me. Seme think the negro con
8titutionally . a liar that falsehood is
marrow in his bones, and that it circu
lates in hi a blood. Now that is not true,
iu whole or in part, and the statement
is" a slander upfln both God and man.
An experience of thirty years in the
South has satisfied me that the slave has
often told the truth, while the master has
lied. For some years I occupied the
bench, any many are the instances in
which I have known guilty parties to go
un whipped of justice because colored peo
ple could not come into the court and
testify. The admission of such witness
es would have given the State prison or
the gallows its due, and relieved society
of bad and dangerous characters. I have
much feeling upon this subject, because
the impressive and painful lessons of
years crowd in upon my memory. You
know that the menial classes of all na
tions are permitted to appear in court
and testify, and that in some instances
lords and nobles have been sent to the
gallows' om the evidence of house serv
ants Our colored population are as well
qualified to to testify as they. You
keep the negro- out of court, and what
chance has he for justice? Just none at
all. The government and the word are
aware of this, and I do not think Con
gress will: regard the constitution you
may frame as republican in form, or cal
culated to. secure the ends of justice to
all citizens, unless the negro is permitted
to come into court as a witness.. I mav
be mistaken, but should Jhat wrong be
perpetrated, arid your constitution reject
d on that account, for one I shall ac
quiesce in the justice of the decision.
The fact is, we have no other course left
us but to make a clean breast of this
whole business, dq full justice to the ne
gro, though he is of an inferior race,
arid remove the whole subject growing
out of his slavery emancipation and
status from the theatre of politics."
Is seems a pity that a man of Gover
nor Marvin's calibre should not have a
wider scope for his good sense and abili
ties. Why not mke him Governor
where he is more needed than in Florida,
flay in ooutn uaronna or Connecticut r
The Wisconsin Republicans.
The Radical Republicans of Wisconsin
held a convention at Janesville last week,
for the purpose ot expressing their views
on national affairs and ratifying the
nominations of the Union party. Judging
from the large number of . eminent men
there present,from the unflinching plain
ness of the resolutions, and from the
great ability and courage of the speeches,
no convention ever held in the State has
exercised so direct and general an in
fluence as this will upon the people of
"
Wisconsin. -'
The leading idea of the convention as
expressed in its resolutions was Impar
tial Suffrage, as an essential condition of
a safe Reconstruction .and the 'security of
the Union in the future. It was unani
mously resolved : ' '
"That in our opinion it is incompati
ble with the honor of the nation, after
having called in the negro to aid us, to
abandon him in the hour of that victory
which his efforts helped to secure ; that
to brand him as unworthy the right of
suffrage is to deliver him disarmed and
helpless into the lhands of his enemies ;
and that, therefore, it is competent and
right, and in 'accordance with that na
tional faith which is virtually pledged to
him for- his.protection, to impose on the
SUU's recently engaged in rebellion as a
frther condition. of their; return to full
fellowship in the Union, thatf hr fixing
the qualifications for the exercise. ot the
elective franchise in their several con
stituencies, they make no discrimination
against any person on account of race or
color." ' -
The Convention proceeded to declare
that whatever theories about the impos
ihilitv of secession mieht prevail, the
States were practically under control of
the Federal Government, as was soown
by- the appointment of Provisional
Governors, by prescribing the qualifica
tions of electors, andlby anajsting on
Emancipation as the. condition precedent
to their return. They resolve that Con
gress in conjunction with the President,
and .not the President alone,' is the
proper authority to fix on the conditions
of reconstruction," and. that all the loyal
people of the South, not repentant rebels
alone, are entitled to vote.; , -
The main speech to the Convention
was made by the Hon. T. O. Howe,Unir
ted States Senator from f Wisconsin, He
indorsed the resolutions 'without reserve.
He .fur ther called the attention of the
Convention to : the fact " that- the last
Legislature of the State; had passed a
law abolishing the exclusion of I the ne
groes from the ballot-box, a law. which
required the ratification' of the' people,
arid whM'hebesbughr-the people to
agree to. There are but 353 colored
men in Wisconsin ; the question,- there
fort, might seem of little practical im
portance, but Senator Howe reminded
his fellow citizens that "it is of immense
ly more importance to you, white- men,
and -to your, characters as citizens and
Republicans, that you shall do this, than
it is to any interest that these 353 llack
men have."- The Senator . urged it as
one step toward securing suffrage for the
negroes of the South, and that without
suffrage emancipation is a sham.
"These people, tho negroes, they live
down in certain communities vhich have
been waging war against the people of
the United States. They wre owned
almost entirely by the men who made
that war. and carried it to the bitter end.
As we knew, these men have been eman
cipated simply because they have ceased
to be the property of their former own
ers. I will wait for official information
on that point. If you mean by emanci
pation that they have simply ceased to
be property, 1 must be allowed to say
that does not come up to -my notion of
emancipation. In the States, somebody
has got to wield .the powers of the Gov
ernment, and that power has tube
wielded by the white population, by the
men who formerly owned these colored
people, and by them exclusively, or by
the colored. . . . Whenever the
authority and prerogative of States are
given to these Southern countries, it is
your duty to see that the colored people
have a share in such authority, so that
they may be able to protect themselves
in the enjoyment of their rights."
This speech of Senator Howe was pre
ceded by one from Gen. Paine,, of the
same tenor, and ' followed by no from
the Union candidate for Attorney-General
of Wisconsin, who avows his unhesi
tating conviction that "the question, of
negro suffrage is one of the deepest ne
cessity in the preservation of this Union,
and to sa ve what we hare gained by our
vast struggle." He sees that "this
question of negro suffrage is the great
one now before the American people. It
will be the great one before Congress
when these rebels are applying to come
back, and the terms on which they are
to come back have to be decided upon,
and as .it is decided, will itbe determined
whether we shall hereafter have in the
South, free States, based upon freedom
and justice, or the slave tyranny of the
past. It is therefore the duty of the peo
ple to interest themselves deeply in this
subject, and while we refuse to restore to
power the Democratic party of the North,
also refuse to restore power to the Demo
cratic party of the South. If the States
are reorganized on a rebel basis, treason
arid copper headism will be made respectr
able, and patriotism and liberty made
odious, and if on the basis of loyalty ,the
reverse will be true."
On the whole, weiudge the Wisconsin
Rpniihlioans have verv clear ideas of
their, own, and don't hesitate to express
them. ' l ;
. ' Tne Free Press In the South. '
A Tact which ought to make us the
more patient with the political . and so-
cial evils left by slavery, is the absolute
freedom of the . press to discuss every
public concern. Such a freedom "exists,
and.is practically exercised, in every
Southern State. It is not military au
thority that secures it, but public opin-
ion. JNoooay calls ix in ouesii n. xuo
assimilation to the North in this respect
is universally recognized to be one of the
natural and necessary results of the war.
This in itself is of more real consequence
than anything which has bees done, or
left undone, by the tonventions.
Under the regime of slavery, the press
was as closely chained as under any ty
rannv in Europe. The omission of an
innflnrliarv -nnhlication ' was by , law a
penitentiary offence ; and every publica
tion was deemed incendiary which, in
anvwise exposed the evils or questioned
the Ranctitv of slavery. The slave power
with its three thousand millions of what
it called property at stasre, suDjeciea
Averv ten. every tongue within its limits,
to an absoiate'powerlessness of discussion
aminat if. nr a o-ainst any of its adjuncts
Tift1 . The wonder : is that
auu 4uwiu"" . . -
ti not trron. under this system,
Vo Tinrrih1 arid detestable than
it actuallv was There is- nothing ot
which human selfishness is not capable,
when, for any prolonged period, ; p held
by la w, and exem ptea irom u uuut
ion or rebuke. This success in Jocking
- '-"-VACUW 1
One-fourth coluW,
On9
1
I oo
Ana nVH4V i j KM
tt
- 15 OO
A iir percenttsM win v. J, . . - w
other oontrtcu. quoted fb 7earl7 tnd
AU buiineM communictt
me puoiuher.
top aU comment in the South ripen the
domestic institution, was t.W
. m . -i , , 1 -.w VUG bUlli lr 1
which brought despondency to all patriot!-
X r . 91 7 . lmiJ contemplated
the future. ; It is morally impossible for
tho mind of any people to be long kept
under such an incubus without bein
paralyzed outright, or else monstrously
perverted. -The aetual result was the
most transcendent piece of infatuation to
be tound in modern history. .
Air this has passed. ; The slave powjer
has fallen, and with it all tyranny over
the Southern mind.. .The freedom of
speech and of the, press, which naturally
belongs to ; the republican . system, of
government; has begun to assert? itself in
all its rightful scope. Its power to rectify
and regenerate will be equal to any de
mand, if we will but give it time. Free
discussion insures that the South will
henceforth be ubjeGt to the laws of pro
gress. Wje ought to trust in large
measure to these, and not to insist, fur
ther than is absolutely necessary, upon
forcing on the South our own sentiments
and systems: We should make ample
allowance for the crude notions that still
prevail in many parts of the South con
cerning the just relations of the races.
They are the necessary results of the in
stitution now perished, that demented
men's minds so completely, and will
soon give way 'to the collision of free'
opinion.
This liberty of free discussion will, of
itself, make the re-establishment of
slavery impossible ; and it will also be
an inseparable barrier to any modified
system of servitude which many in the
South fear will follow the restoration of
the Southern tates to their full civil
power. The true interests of the South
require absolute freedom of industry.
This truth is demonstrated by the laws
of human nature, the principles of politi
cal economy, the results of experience in
all other parts of the civilized world. Is
it not possible that a truth capable of so
many kinds of proof should not be'accept
ed in every part of this practical land, if
left to free discussion. There is no
danger that free discussion, once firmly
established as it now is throughout the
South, will be subverted. It will main
tain itself against every opposing in
fluence. . Slavery, to be sure, , had the
power to put it down. But slavery was
an institution of most terrible strength.
It had the almost incredible force to cope
with, the nation itself, in deadliest grap
ple, for four years. We shall never
again see the like of any such power as
that in this republic. The foothold
which the freedom of the press has gain
edupon the grave of slavery, it will keep
against all comers. Let the Northern
people hare faith in it, and trust largely
to its fmture work. Such a trust would
save us from much obtrusive and mis
chievous legislation in Washington, and
would be justified in the end by all ' the
results we can reasonably desire.. Y.
Times. '
Negro Suffrage Proposition of Radicals.
Washington. Sent. 25. -The radical
Republicans are now preparing a compro
mise on the negro-suffrace question. In
stead of insisting upon the adoption of
unqualified negro suffrage in the boutn-
ern States, they otter now to admit tne
Southern Representatives to their seats
in Congress, and to pass a law loaning
to the Southern States from one to three
millions of dollarsto"be distributed for
agricultural purposes, if the bout tier n
States will adopt laws giving the right
of suffrage to all adults, without distinc
tion of color, who can read and write.
It . is argued that this . will satisfy the
Radicals of the North, and secmre the
nttded pecuniary aid for he restoration
of. prosperity in the' South.
The above is taken' from a telegraphic
dispatch to the Cincinnati Enquirer. -
We have seen ,rio intimations of the al
leged proposition of a compromise in any
other quarter.' If it is true that theradi
cal extremists are making such a propo
sition, what becomes of their solemn as
severations that the welfare of the nation
demands that the recently rebellious
States shall be kept under territorial pu
pilage, for; some years to come? VYoma
this compromise change the character
and purposes of the people whose return
to the IJnion is now so much needed f
We have been taught by one ot the
ablest Southern leaders that compromise ,
is the chief element of true statesman
ship. By accepting this doctrince and
actfng upon it in 1861, the Soutb t might
have Avoided war, and been secured in
the possession of her slaves. But sue
rejecLl it, struck for. independence, and
now lies at the mercyof the Tictor AU
of her States will recognize the situation
and abandon all hope of reviving thein
stitution of slavery. They will gofi
ther and provide by law for theprotoc
tion of tho person and property ot the
toen Sutmorejiasbeendemanded
to Btlll to yield further, and agree to
ion thooU -jj . .
w "rwa 19
1
tne comnrnm lea Tnnni.' m m Z T"
seriously proposed ? - 1 18
niMiately.into rotcrs would be .,mi
M00 ,mU t0 add o weight to
such ''l?'. wuld
j m ii a ill I I I I i t n... A. " 1. 1 . -m
dot S IT re?0?e' and the
door forever agaihst -a?itationa iniurion.
of L ! f 0t eventing all sections
? "ntry together iu bonds more
fraterna than any which have yetexist-
il S8e aro considerations which
bught to have great weight in settling
the question.,Van7?e (Tenn.) Union?
The Colored People's view, o sial Equal
ity and Political Equality 'u1-
The Nashville Colored Tennessean con
cludes a long and.sensible article as fol
io wa:
"Thus far we have endeavored to show
why political equality should be accord
ed to us as a natural right. In regard
to social equality we ask nothing. It is
characteristic of every'raco of people to
prefer -heir kindred and kind as associ
ates We affirm that this is pre-eminently
the case with the negro. Moreover,
we do thiuk it sound n. lir.tl ln.li....
here in the South, to- hear arguments
against- political equality based on tho
presumption that social equality follows,
as a necessary ciutnce. Social equal
ity Has nothing, strictly speaking, to do
with political equality. The tact is, we
have had almost too much social equality
with the whites in times past. Social
equality with them has stolen from us
the complexion of our fathers. We are
the one who of right should complain of
too much familiarity and undue encroach
ments on our social prerogatives. But
society fs not the creature of legislative.
enactment. The naturalized Irishman
and the Wall Street banker both go in
thQ morning to the same polls, each de
positing his vote alike, that of the one t
being of no more significance than, tho
other. Yet, at the splendid entertain
ment at the banker's in the evening, you
will search in vain for the 'ilegant bro
gausmd sprig o' shillaly' of the gentle
man from the Emerald Isle. Nor would
Patrick dream of making a proposition
for the hand oi the fair Miss Dulcina,
the banker's daughter, unless sadly mis
used by that seduclive fluid, very popu
lar" in the Empire city, called election
whisky.
"Our aim has been to show that politi
cal equality; in justice, should bo extend
ed to us at once, and that social equality
is another thing entirely. What we want
is, law to protect our homes, our fami
lies, and all that is dear to us. When
brutal ruffiians stalk into our peaceful
dwelling, insulting our wives and daugh
ters, we want law to bring those ruffians
to justice, and the right to call black
men to the witness stand to testify against
them. When insult or violence is offered
to persons of white men or their fami
lies, we want the right to take our place
on ths witness stand and give our testi
mony against the perpetrators of theso
outrages.- When we have these rights,
and not till then, will justice have been
vindicated."
A Voice from Abkansis. Three things aro
absolutely and indispensably necessary to the es
tablishment of a permanent peaco' and the safe
ty of our Democratic institutions. ? The exten
6ion of suffrage to all loyal meu respective cf
race or colpr the destruction of the landed aru
tocracy in the South by confiscating the landa i cf
leading rebels, and a healthy 3mtm?ra'ou to the
South of tho free-soil and loyal element of tho
North and other countries. ,m '
To work for these three objects is the duty or
everv true loyal American citizen, and until ac
complished it is useless t. talk of 'l8810rT
Better, far better to remain as we are, aa tcrn
S and under marrtal lawman to allow du.
w. . . M?n flf ffovcrnment
!T3,?n u anew into the vortex of sectional
strife
Kew Era.
and even dioousucu. y - .
Mlowirg ordered from J" Low held tff
abaodoned and coofi-cated u .to 'T&oit the
the commlssiooers of the burj WW
South with P'SJiSlp thereof.-
tle of the Same and the V :
The circular ubj ,iw d 5 o their -
portaofabandoBedorwnB--;ucb t.nd in eh
ffe names of former owocrs .if
county, district or pan- , utei wlll
n,a ume u'J v .
The nnmucr M tt;e garoe can ,oa
always """J r-turoi. prF7 l0
arded
-u v f.,rdel fJ lias v.' .
farmer owc-r? with spcMal i.,troc-
as iwnefl, in r0A od lh pJFr. m
8UCU ,tw" , i
'I
Col
til1 lit
ment was hclJ, on SaturdAj m
rooms at the State Hoaso.