' >TV
Yol. III. SANFORD, NORTH CAROLINA, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 15,1888.
No. 4
MORE QP OUR HERO.
oockery’as;a farmer.
He Voted for t Negro Lawyer in Pref
erence ef a White Farmer.
.(Wrinejijjy CoL W. L. Sauuders.)
Tlie greatest fraud of the present
day, so far os we know, is the pre
tense'Col. Doftkery makes of being
a “plain farmer,” a "horny handed
son of toil,1’ who digs his living out
of the ground. He tells the people
~ that he is nothing hut a plain far
mer,dragged away from homeagainst
his will, tlmt had a brother farmer,
Captain Alexander for ills tan ee been
nominated by the Democrats, noth
ing could hawe induced him to bean
-opposing candidate.
This is the veriest twaddle in the
world, and no man that did not have
the cheek of a rhinoceros would be
guilty of it. Instead of being a plain
farmer, making a living from the
soil, be is the worst demagogue in
the State and a thorough-paced, bro
ken down Radical politician of the
lowest kind.
If any one doubts this, let him
look at the man s record since the
war. Iu 1808 he rah for Congress
twice. Twice in one year1 is pretty
fair for a plain farmer averse to pol
itics and happy' only when watehidg
Iris growing crops Mn 1800 he show
ed his love for his crops by staying
in Washington City; and so ill 1870,
when he ceased the bitterness of his
grief at his absence from those same
crops hy another race for Congress.
Bat this Was not a good year for
Radicals, and as Dockery was beaten
and in 1871 he wont back to his be
loved crops. And then the Demo
crats changed the makeup of his
district so that lie had no showing
for Congress any more. But for
this little circumstance, he would
have been running for Congress ev
ery two.years from that day to this.
Not to he idle, however, in 1870 lie
was a candidate fig Elector for the
State at large and was defeated, and
again in 1880 he was a candidate
for the ,sume.place and1 waa again
defeated. In 1882, when by aeci
•dent, as il were, there was .a Con
gressman fof tho State at Large, and
the election coming on ip an off
year, lie made race, and, as well all
know, was beaten. Since then there
has been no opening for him' for
Congress, his district boing over
whelmingly Democratic, and so,
having run down on his farm, he
now seeks to lie Governor.
And this is the man who is para
ding the State as the farmer’s friend!
We know just the kind of farmer he
is. Thgre is at least one of that sort
in every neighborhood in the State,
as the commission merchants know
to their cost. They farm on supplies
and advances from commission mer
chants, and make cotton and buy
corn and work poor mules. This
sort of farmers know it all, hut
somehow their crops don't put out
well. They can tell a poor neighbor
who drops in of a Sunday evening
just all aljout it, hut that same poor
neighbor, who knows nothing about
scientific farming, hut plants right
straight along in the old way, will
sell twice as much cotton to the
acre. , -•
leu.wm hear a ”tarmer nae
Col'. Dockery, ex-member of Con
gress, almost any <lay now ealculilr
ting how much cotton he will make.
There are so many hills, says he, in
an aere; so marly stalks in the hill,
so many mhtured bolls on the stalk,
'‘certain,” so many bolls to the
pound, and 400 pounds to the bale,
and the result is anywhere from one
tij two bales to the acre1-and when
it is iil| picked out the average will
about 125 pounds of lint to the nr.rel
That's the kind of farmer Col. Dock
ary iq. Ijtu affectedly shabby dress
and apparent want of attention to
his person do riot prove him to be a
fartnerhy any means. If this sort
of thing proves anything at ull it is
the demagoguery of the mop or the
want of soup and water.
Jlutwhota low ostinmtoiie puts
upon the sense of the people to sup
- pose that such tilings as these will
win their esteem and regard! They
may catch negro votes, hut they will
never catch white votes. ' Negroes
May think a man. is nearerftheir lev
el because he is slovenly in his dress
and regardless of the decencies of
of life, but white men see no
special virtue in a dirty shirt
when a clean one can be convenient
ly bad, or ill dirty hands, when soap
and water are convenient. We ven
ture to say, without tlie slightest
fear of successful contradiction, that
Col. Dockery has not hoed a dozeu
rows corn or chopped a dozen rows
of cotton since he was twenty-one
years old.
To talk abbuta man being a “plain
farmer” who goes to Congress when
ever he can get chance, who runs
for Governor whenever he can get
a chance, and stays at home only
when he can't go anywhere else, is
absurd. Broken-down politician is
the right name for him, and that is
just what Oliver Ilart Dockery is.
And this is the man who goes
about the State pretending to he a
farmer and trying to stir up strife
among the people. It is not our
purpose here to make any defense of
the lawyers; they are a class of peo
ple quite well able to take full care
of themselves and have withstood
many harder blows than Col. Dock
ery's puny arm can give them, and
need not fear anything that a bro
ken-down politician and broken
down lawyer can do to their hurt.
He loves farmers, lie gays,' and
hates lawyers. What are the facts!-'
fn 1884 the Democratic candidate
for the Legislature in the county of
Richmond was a highly respected
farmer, named J. W. Sneed. He
was a plain, steady unassuming old
farmer, and a one-legged Confeder
ate sohjier, who was well thought of
by atm neighbors. The Republi
can candidate-was a young negro
lawyer, named William II. Quick,
who had obtained his law license in
February, 1884. Now here were
the two candidates for the votes of
trie people of Richmond county—
one an old, steady white farmer and
the other a young negro lawyer—
and Dockery voted for the negro
lawyer!
But this was more than the other
Republicans of Richmond could do,
for Sneed was elected, although
Richmond is a Republican county.
Now, when Dockery, who pre
tends to huie farmers so much, calls
upon the people to vote for-him be
cause he is a farmer and against
Judge Fowle because he is a lawyer,
ought he not to he asked why he vo
ted against a white farmer and for a
NEGRO LAWYER? And will the peo
ple consider it a good excuse that in
this cose the lawyer was a negro
buck and the farmer a white Con
federate soldier, with one leg shot
off? We think not.
The fact is, Dockory is a perfect,
failure. He failed ns a lawyer, fail
ed as a planter, failed" iTs a soldier,'
failed as a politician, and now hav
ing failed at all these things, sets
himself up as a farmer! The wonder
is he has never set up as a’ newspa
per man. But. it takes something
more than sixty years spent in ease
and luxury, to make either a farmer
or a newspuper man! 1
As a slanderer of respectable, hon
est women, however, he is a suc
cess.
The (lutes of holding some of the
fnirs in the State are as follows:
North Carolina State Fair, meets in
Raleigh October Klth-lOth:* Oolds
horo Fair, October V>th-12th; Wel
don Fair, October 410th, November
5th; Rocky Mount Fair, November
14th»lflth; Catawba Fair, Newton,
Sftpt. 18t-h-21si;-Elizabeth City Fair
October 10th-18th;Alamance Fair
Association, Darlington. October
10th-12t.h; Siler City Agricultural
Society, Ootolier 24th-20th; Cjibar
rn» Fair at Concord, October Oth-'
18th; Cumberland County Fair,Nov.
Ht.h-lflth; Warren ton- Fair. Oct.
10th-12th. The colored Industrial
Fair will lie held in Raleigh Sept.
21th-28th. Wilmington will ■ have
a giBiud gala week Oct. 2;)rd-27tl».
WE WILL TELL YOU.
ORGANIZATION AND PARTY DISCIP
LINE.
Our Prosperity Rests Upon Democrat
ic Supremacy.
(Written by t'ol. W, L. Saunders.)
Amlnow a word^to you, fellow
citizens in conclusion.
If it be true, as we liave shown
you from the] record, that under
Radical rule North Carolina went
nigh to ruin, and that under Dem
ocratic rule she has steadily improved
and gives good promise of contin
uing to improve; in other words, if
we have shown you that the welfare
of the State is dependent upon the
continuance of the Democratic par
ty in power, what then?
The answer is easy: Every man
ought to goto work to help that
party secure the victory in the com
ing election; soberly, seriously, ear
nestly, from a sense of duty and in
the fear of God. The lives, the lib
erties and the properties of over a
million and a half of people arc at
stake.
But liow are you to work? you
may well ask. We will tell you.
A political campaign, to be suc
cessful, is no mere holiday affair that
can be left to take care of itself. If
we would win the victory we must
work for it, and to work to advan
tage we must work together. Sys
tematic, persistent, organized efforts
is what we must have, and to accom
plish this no better machinery has
been found than that to which we
have keen accustomed, that is to say,
the system of Township. Bounty,
Congressional and State Executive
Committees, And of all these the
Township Committees are the most
important, for upon them rea'Iy de-!
volves the work and labor necessity
to he done to insure success The
difficulty we have had to contend
with in North Carolina has been to
induce the pimple to register and go
to the polls. Once there, they are
sure to vote right. Especially is this
true of people iu the. country pre
cincts. In the towns and cities the
act of voting involves hut little
trouble and hut little loss of time,
and through the newspapers and the
current talk of the .streets every vo
ter almost is brought to realize the
importance of exercising the highest
right of the citizen; that is to say,
the right of selecting his rulers.
Not so, however, in the country. To
bring out a full vote there, men
must be seen and talked to especially
and individually—must he warned
of the time and ylace of voting, and
the danger of not voting. Provi
sion must he made for securing the
the attendance of the lame and the
halt alul the sick who have no means
of transportation of their own. In
different men and eareless men must
he roused to a Sense of their dutv
to their parly ami to their State,
Tickets must be- provided -and- -dis
tributed, challengers must he ap
pointed, and the registration hooks
must he thoroughly inspected.
All these and other things, too,
must bedone if we carry the day.
and they must be done by the mem
bers of the Township Committees.
No organization can Is- efficient that
does not rely upon these local com
mittees, each one operating in a
small territory' and conseijuctly fa
miliar with every part, of it, its mem
bers knowing and known to every
qualified voter in it.
If there ho a full and net ive Exe
cutive Committee in every township
the work can lie done easily mid
smoothly. Every mini in the town
ship can he seen and prevailed upon
to (jo to the polls. Everyman will
he regietered in due time and illegal
regis (oration will he guarded against.
On the day of election our ehallen*
gel's will have lists of the registered
Democratic voters and will cheek
off all who vote, and. when one o’clock
comes it will he easy enough to send
for those who have not pnt in an np
pearanee. If matters ho arranged
j in this way there is no need for us to
lose a single vote unnecessarily.
| I’lildic spoeelies are ail very well in
their way, newspapers are all very
well in their way, and so afe formal
county canvasses; but they are only
means to an end and that end is to
bring out the voters on election day.
They serve a useful and necessary
purpose in furnishing the local com
mittee with the facts and arguments
to use to stir up indifferent ami unin
formed men upon the great issues of
the day. But if the work stops with
the making of speeches and the cir
culation of newspapers, the work is
only half done, and the smaller half
at that, for the great mass of the
people in our sparsely settled country
and with our limited mail facilities'
and our limited means of transpor
tation, will not be reached.
It will he the worst madness iri
the world for us to sit still and rely
for victory upon the shout that
come to us from the busting. The
men who go to hear the candidates
speak will not constitute one-half of
the voters of the State, and are
mainly men who have already made
up their minds how they intend to
vote Let us bear these things in
mind and go to work. A good town
ship executive committee is worth nil
the speeches that can be made and
all the newspapers that can Ire cir
culated in that township between
now and Christmas.
J he present is no time for bicker
ings and heart-burnings and squab
bling and quarreling; no time for
divisions and dissent!.,ns and discord,
but a time for standing shoulder to
shoulder, to give succor to our friends
and destruction to our enemies. Per
sonal animosities and person
al preferences should all be lost
sight of and the common good of
the party constantly kept before us.
The enemy is already in sight and
.must he fought. Those who are
not with us are against ns. All in
dependents are disorganizes, and
disorganizes are enemies. Time
was when we ail*'worked together,
•because -we all saw it was necessary.
Nor can any true man look hack to
the darlc days of Radical robbery,
and remembering the strength there
was in unity then, fail to appreciate
fully the strength there is in. Ik mo
>'ratio unity now, and the lieeu for
putting it forth,
TVithJthe experience of the past to
guide us, we may lay it down as a
safe proposition that the Democrats
will always win when a full vote is
polled, and that they will always be
in danger of defeat if a small vote is
cast. Our object, then, should be to
bring out a full vote, and to do this
requires work Remember the nar
row escape we had in _ 1882. The
vote was. small that year and our
majority scarcely-- anything less
than, 1,1 HHi. Take warning.
PROTECTION AS SHE IS
A Knock-Down Argument—The Big
gest Speech of the Campaign.
J’-wgPtiBHivo Farmer.)
Pkak Sir: I noticed in your last
paper that if a man buys a suit, of
clothes for $22 he pays $i) for pro
tection. This is notliino in compar
ison will, inrexperience', ['hare an
overcoat sent from England, eo;(t
cost $10; the freight on same was
$2. When 1 went to the custom
house to see if there was any duty to
pay, imagine my surprise when I
found it hud to pay/my/mi rtollurs.
L said I could not afford to pay this
price, and asked to have same ship
ped under bond to England again.
I was informed I could leave it'ulone,
and that it would be sold at some
future date at public, auction.
These are just the absolute facta,
and when a man can buy an over
coat. in America shipped from En
gland for $12, which in America
cost one hundred per cent., more,
; why shouldn't he have this benefit,
instead of having to pay $11 for
protection?
Yours'truly,
Howard E. Strudwtok. ,
Auburn, N. C. Sept. 5 '88.
The latest, tiling seen at tli.e -sea
side bathing was a girl in diamonds
with a cork corset on,
THE NOBLE OLD ROMAN.
MORE OF HIS PLAIN TALK
Extracts from Judoge Thurman’s
Speech at Newark.
BOMB OF THR ISSUES.
Now, iny friends, passing these
general observations, allow ^ne to
come to some of the issues that are
most sharply marked in this cam
paign. One thing of vyliich I wish
to speak is this. Many people, and
Republican newspapers in particular,
have raised the cry that Democratic
principles m the present Campaign
and the Mills bill mean free t rule.
Why my friends, they must not have
studied the measure. It is one of
the most conservative tariff bills that
was ever introduced in Congress.
They say that it is opposed to Amer
ican industries. 1 say that it is not.
Isay that it will benefit America in
dustries. It does not mean free j
trade in any way, shape, or form.
Those who cry that the Mills bill is
a free trade measure apparently do j
not know what free trade is.
Free trade is the unrestricted ]
commerce between nation and nation
You have a very intelligent illustia- j
tion of it in this country. There are
thirty-eight States/which go to make
this vast and glorious ItCpu blic. Be
tween these thirty-eight. States,
which form a part of this -. ast uni
ty, there is absolute free trade To
bring the subject nearct nomo 1
might state that when good.- are
manufactured in your mills hen at
Newark they can he transported to
Minnesota, to Maine, to Texas or to
California without the payment of
any duty. Between these thirty
eight States and the many Territo
ries, which it is unnecessary for me
now to mention, there is absolute
free trade.
lint there is no such tree trade
between this country and Great Brit
ain or any other country. There has
never been free trade between these
two countries, and the possibility is
is far distant. There never has been
in the United States anything ap
proaching free trade except as I have
mentioned. Any man who speaks
of the Mills bill as. a free trade
I measure is wither an ignoramus or a
rascal.
What an absurdity it is to con
sider it in any way at all a free trade
measure. The present rate of tariff
to date is 47 and a fraction per cent.
That is the same on every article of
dutiable goods,47 per cent. Now,
the Mills hill reduces that tax to 42
per cent., or thereabouts, making a
reduction of less than 10 per cent.,
and yet this reduction is called free
trade by our Republican friends, al
though it leaves a tarifE at from 40
to42 per cent., or twice that which
'it was at the beginning of the late
Civil War. Why, my friends, this
tariff is nothing but a tax upon the
resources of the country. The pres-,
cut tariff, on an average, assesses
17i per cent, of the articles entered
into this country.
WIIO PAYS THE TAX?
i Now, who do you suppose pays
the tax? Is it the manufacturer?
Not much. In the first, place, the
importer of the goods, or whoever
may act in his place, fulfills a part
of the duty. He must pay the tax
before In' cnii^ake the goods out of
the Custom House.
Of course he must inereaes the
duty when he sells to the wholesale
dealer to cover any little expenses
which he may have had ill entering
his goods. The wholsale dealer
necessarily adds to these charges
when he sells lo the retail dealer, and
the result is that the user of the
goods not only pays for them, hut
must pay the whole tax.
If I were a schoolmaster and
could not make a child of 13 under
stand the tariff, I would quit keep
ing school. It is ope of the simplest
yet most unknown subjects of mod
ern science. You should nil study
it nmh as an old man, 1 think you
would all lie benefited liy it."
My triends, 1 now hold in my
i hand some statistics which may prove
# " - ,
of moment. I find upon looking at
them that the exact amount of the
surplus down to date, or, to be ex
act, down to the 1st of. August of
this year, was $133,430,0(59.87.
Drawn from the pockets of the
working people, who in all this great
laud will deign to say that this great
tax was necessarily drawn from the
workers of the New World? It is
admitted by alt that this surplus
must be reduced. It is drawn from
the people of fife land and there is
no postive necessity of collecting
such a vast amount. There are three
ways of getting rid of tLa^rouble.
They are, first, extraff^un expen
ditures by the Governmeni; the abo
lition of internal revenue, and the
reduction of. the tariff. We as Dem
ocrats advocate the latter. It' is for
the voters of the country to say
whether we are right n not. My
friends, I must bid.yon good night,
(study well the question and give
your decisions at the polls'.
CAMPAIGN SHOT
Twelve Reasons for Believing That a
High Tariff Does not Make High
Wages.
The '‘Tariff i’rimer’li>f tlie Tariff
Reform League of Boston will be
out next week Below are Hie
twelve tariff reasons;
(1 Because ti say mar wage
earners, as .* bod v can*in crease their
wages is by paying high tariff ta\es
which fall inainW upon them, is t<r*
say that i. man can increase his
wealth by picking his own pocket.
(2) Because <he yalun nf wages
consists not in money, hut in the ar
ticles which money buys; and the
express object of a high tariff is to
make these articles dear, thus de
creasing the real reward of labor,
i (3) Because the high tariff poli
cy, while taxing the wage-earner up
on nearly everything that he has to
buy gives him no protection upon
the only thing he has to sell. We
have free trade in human labor.
(■t) Because wages represent the
wage-earner's share of what he him
self produces, ami are high oi low
according as his production is large
or smalt.
^(5) Because the wage- of even
t4ieone wagd-earner out of ten claim
ed to ho "protected are determined
by general causes rather than by the
tariff.
(6) Because if a high tariff raises I
wages at all its first and greatest
effect must be in the protected in
dustries, whereas the rate of wages
is considerably lower in these indus
tries than in the unprotected ones.
(7) Because the high rate of wa
ges in the United States is due to
other causes ih.ajl. S. .high tariff, such
as the extent of unsettled territory
the large returns of agriculture, the
natural resources of the country,
the extensive use of improved ma
chinery. the intelligence ami energy I
at.tlie working population and the
greater efficiency of their labor.
(S) Because at least nine wage
eiirners'out of every tell in this
country are engaged in occupations
not subject to the competition of
foreign importations, so that the rate
of wages which they receive cannot,
be in any degree de|>endeiit on a high
tariff.
('■•) Because a high land upon
raw materials raises file cost of mau
facturiug, restricts the market for
goods ami prevents the mutifucturer
from (Hiving as high wages as he
wouht have to if his materials were
free.
(10) Because the rate of wages
increased faster in this conn fry in
the low-tariff period between hSet)
and IStiO than it ever has since un
der a high tariff.
(11) Because wages wom high in
the United 'States compared witli
those paid in other countries before
rt ever had a high tariff or any tar
iff.
(I'd) Because Blima lias enjoyed
for thousands of years the full bene
fits of high tariff “protection," wtiile
her wages for shilled labor is 20
ecu Is u day. and Chinese imigratiou
in search id' higher wages has be
came a menace to American wage
earners.
CLEVELAND ON TRUSTS.
Extracted From his Letter of Accept
ance.
The platform adopted by the late
National Convention of our party
contains the following declaration:
“Judged by Democratic principles,
the interests of the people are be
trayed when', by unnecessary taxa
tion, trusts and combinations are
permitted, and fostered, which, while >
uuduly enriching the few that com
bine, robs the body of our citizens
by depriving them as purchasers of
the benefits of National competi
tion.”
Such combinations have always
been condemned by the Democratic
party. The declaration of its Na
tional Convention is already made
and no member of oiir party will be
found excusing the existence or be
littling the pernicious results of these
devices to wrong the people. Under
various names they have been pun
ished by the common law for hun
dreds of years, and they have lost
none of their hateful features be
cause they have assumed the name
of trusts instead of conspiracies.
We believe that these trusts are
the natural offspring of a market
artificially restricted; that an inordi
nately high tariff, besides furnishing
the temptation for their existence,
enlarges the limit within which they
may operate against the people, and
this increases the extent of their *,
power for wrong doing with unal
teraMe hatred of all such schemes
wo .count the chocking of their base
n*l operations among the good re
sults promised by revenue reform.
While we cannot avoid partisan ruis
represntations our position upon the
question of revenue reform should
he so plainly stated as to admit of
no misunderstanding. We have en
tered upon no crusade on free trade.
The reform we seek to inaugurate
is predicted upon the utmost care
for established industries and enter
prises; a jealous regard for the in
terests of American labor and sin
cere desire to. relieve the country
from injustice and the danger ,^>f a
condition which threatens evil toad
“the’peopJe of tht) land. We aro deal
ing with no imagiary, Rs existence
lias been repeatedly confessed by all
political parties, and pledges of a
remedy have been made on all sides.
Yet, when a legislittive body
where, under the Constitution all
remedied mease rs applicable to this
subject must originate, the Demo
crats' majority wore attempting with
extreme moderation to redeem the
pledge common to both parties they
were met-bydetained opposition and
obstruction and the minority refus
ing to co-operate in the House of
Representatives or proposing anotli
remeily iave remitted the • redemp
t u of their party pledge to the
doubtful power of the Senate.
d he people will hardly bedeoeived
by their abandonment of t he field of ^
legislative action to meet in a politi
cal convention and flippantly declare •
oi their party .-platform .that our con
servative and careful effort tt'i relieve
the situation is destructive to the
American system of protection.
State Treasurer Bain, in reply to
inquiry, lias given tint following
statement ol'the amount of State
money in the State National Bank
at the time thy hank was closed: Of
the general deposite there were $lt,
11 't.fiT. and eashley's cheek for Ifcb
>00 on account of partial settlement
lor taxes to sheriffs. The general
leposit, was the remainder of $3(),<X)0
lor which Treasurer Ruffin of tlm
North Carolina Railroad had given
Mr. Bain a check on that hank on
account of dividends due the Stuto
from tho railroad 'Wturtby, ,r£ho
Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institu
tion had to its credit -in. the bank, ■ »..
M.flS.I®. T-helmllance to the fired
it of the College of Agriculture nrili ’ ^
the Mechanics -Arts was IS.tm.fJS. .. . "
1 he total deposits in the hunk - were
"inch smaller tfian usual. It is al
most certain that-fifty percent. of
Hie deposits will he recovered from
t!(e hank assests. The present plan
if the T'l'easuyer is to keep deposits
in all of the hanks of the city. --
liiilit'nl Hiron/cv.