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SANFORD, NORTH CAROLINA, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 21,1889.
CLEVELAND AND GRADY
Male* Speeches Before the Business
Men of Boston./. '^7
Grover Cleveland is still the man
♦if the hour. A banquet was given
him and Henry \V. Grady on the
night of the 12th, inat, by the busi
ness men of Boston, at which both’
taen made timely speeches. When
Mr. Cleveland, came forward, he was
greeted with shouts of applause,
nondkerslnefer and'hats flying titesP
ery direction. Following appeals
Mr." Cleveland’s speech?
POLITIOAX. SELFISHNESS. ‘
Political selfishness cheapens in
the minds of the people their appre
ciation of the character and func
tions of the government; it distorts
(Story conception of the duty of good
citizebship and creates an atmos
phere in which iniquitous purposes
and designs lose their odious feat
ures; It begins when a perverted
judgment is won to the theory that
political action may bepsed solely
for private gain; and advantage, and
when a tender conscience is quieted
by the ingenious' argument that
such gain and advantage are identical
with the public welfare. This stage
having been reached and self-inter
est being now fully aroused, agen
cies are used aqjl practices permitted
in the accomplishment of its purpos
es, which seen in the pare light of
disinterested patriotism, are viewed
WHD rear ana uatrea. iuuc
pendent thought and free political
preference of those whom Fate has
- made dependent upon daily toil for
hard earned bread, are strangled and
destroyed by intimidation and the
fear of loss of employment. Vile
• unsavory forms rise to the surface of
our agitated political waters, and
gleefully anticipate in the anxiety of
selfish interest, their opportunity to
fatten upon corrupted and.debauch
ed aufferage. • * *
CORRUPTION OF VOTERS.
This train of thought leads-us to
consider the immineutdauger which
threatens us from the intimidation
and corruption of our voters.
It is too lute to temjjorizej fiyith
these evils or to speak of them oth
erwise than in the plainest terms.
Wb are spared the labor of-proving
their existence, for all admit it
They are terribly on the increase
all must concede. ' i
Ju.iiUlLttsMj' u. me mutive yi.
our citizens were, unselfish and- pa
triotic, and if they sought in poli
tical action only their' share of the
' advantage occrneing from the ad-'
vanceof out country at ail points
to wards her grand destiny, there
. would be no place or occasion for
■ "the perversion of our Suffrage,
Thus the inauguration of the inti-'
initiation and corruption of our vo
ters may be justly charged to selfish
Schemes seeking success through
political action. But these evils
have been neglected by honest men
disgusted with all political endeavor;
-they have been tolerated by respec
table meii, who hf weakness of patri
otic sentiment, have regarded them
as only phases of shrewd political
management, and they have been
actually encouraged by the honors
which have been' bestowed upon
those who boast of their use of such
agencies in.aid of party supremacy.
A FREE BALLOT.
.' Many of us therefore, may -: take
to ourselves a share of blame, when
we find confronting us these peril^
which threaten the existence of our
t free inatitutions, the preservation of
our national honor and the perpetu
ity of our country. The condition
annexed to th? founding of our gov
ernment upon the suffrage of the
people, was that the suffrage of
the people, should be free
add pure. We consented to
. abide by the honest preponderance
of ’political opinion, bu t we did not
consent thuth free Voter expressing
the intelligent ami thoughtful.•eh*
.’tijnbnt of the voter, should be balan
ced byvote of inti mutation and feat
.or by an unclean, corrupt vote, dis
gracefully bought and-treacherous
ly sold.
SMSSfSiS
' Let ns look with a degree of pity
and charity upon those who yield to
fear and intimidation in the exercise
of their ''suffrage. Though they
Ought not thus to yield, we cannot
forget that as against their free bal
lot, they see in the scale, their con
tinued employment, the comforts of
their homes and the maintenance of
■their fattrlies. Wo need not stifle
our scorn and Contempt for the
'wretch who basely sells his* vote,
•and who for ft bribe>betnrp*:-hM
trust of citizenship’. And yet the
thought will intrude itself, that be
hut follows in a low and vulgar
fashion, the example of those who
proceed upon the theory that poli
tical action may be turned into,
privategftin. ’fr-wdl !•£■;■ .5
*>'■■■ ’ , NO SDHRENPEB. * ■ .
But whether we -pity or Whether
we hate, our betrayal is none the
less complete; nor will* either pity
or hate restore our birthright. But
we know that when political selfish
ness is destroyed our dangers will
disappear; aud though the way to
its stronghold may be long and
weary, w<s will follow it—fighting
as we go. There will be no surren
der, nor will there be desertions
from our ranks. Selfishness and
corruption have not yet achieved a
lasting triumph, and their bold de
fiance will but hasten the day' of
their/destruetjop. :
as we struggle on and confident
ly invite a direct conflict with these
entrenched foes of our political'safe
ty, we have not failed to see - anoth
er hope which has manifested itself
to all the honest people of the land.
£t| Reaches them that though they
may not immediately destroy at
their source the evils which afflict
them, they may check their malign
influence and: ! guard themselves
against their baneful ‘results. It
assures them that if political virtue
and rectitude Can not at once be
thoroughly restored to the republic;
the activity of baser elements may1
be discouraged. It inspires them
with vigilant watchfulness and de-‘
termination to prevent as far as
possible their treacherous betrayal'
by those who are false tor their obli-1
gatiousofcitizenship. •
THE DAT IS NEAB.
This hope, then like the Star in
the East., has fixed the gaze'of our
patriotic fellow-countrymen; and
everywhere—in our busy marts of
trade and on our farms—in pqr cit
ies and in our villages—in the
dwellings of the rich and in the’
homes of the poor—in our universi
ties and in'our workshops ' in our
banking houses and in tbe ranks of
inexorable toil—they greet with,
.enthusiastic acclaim the advent of.
Ballot Reform. -
There are no leaders in thw cau
cus. ' Those' who seem to lead- ■ the
movement are but swept to the front
by the surging force of patriotic sen-,
tinient. It rises far above partisan
ship; and only the heedless, the sor
did and. the depraved refuse to join
its the crusade,- -i
FOB XHB AUSJJUlUJt. ; 8X8TBM.
The reform is predicted upon the
cool deliberation of political selfish
ness in its endeavor to prostitute
our suffrage to the purpose oft pri
vate-gain. It is rightly supposed
that corruption of the voter is enter
ed upon with such business calcula
tion that the corruptor will ‘ only
pay's bribe when he has oscular
proof thu’t the suffrage he has bar
gained for is cast in' his. interest.
So too it is reasonably expected that
if the employe or laborer is at the
time of casting his ballot removed
Turom the.immedj|&- control ’ of his
employer, the futility of fear anil
iutimidation will lead to their aban
donment. , ; ‘T , ..
The change demanded by this re
form in the formalities surrounding
the exercises of the privilege of suft
fragiybas given rise to real or pre
tended solicitude, for the rights of
onr voters! and the fear has been ex
pressed that inability on the part of
electors to conform to the require
ments of the proposed change,
might produce great inconvenience
and in some cases result in disfran
chisement. It has even been, sug
gested that the inauguration of the
new plan might encroach upon uu
constitution guaranties.:
BEWARE OB ENEMIES.
It wilt npt do to- accuse of hostil
ity to the-veformall thteewho pres
ent these objections; but it is not
amiss to inspect thiir ranks for ene-.
ini^s in disguise. iPhough the emer
.gtjricy which is upon. us ^iacfull, - of.
danger andthongh we sadly, .need
relief ali rights should he scrupulous
ly preserved, But there should be
00 shuffling, and no frivolous objec
tions should be tolerated. When
a dwelling is in flames we use no set
phrase of speech to warn its in
mates and no polite and courtly
touch to effect tlifeir rescue. Exper
ience has often demonstrated how
quickly obstacles which seemed
plausible is not convincing when
urged against a measure of reform,
are dissipated ,, by the test of trial,
and holv readily a new order of
things ajdjusts itself to snccessful
use. P - :%f
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.
I remember the inauguration of
another reform; and I have seen it
grow and . extend, it has become
•firmly established in our laws and
practice. It is today our greatest
safeguard against the complete and
disgraceful degradation of our
public, service. It had its enemies
and all of them are not yet silenced.
Those openly and secretly unfriend
ly, said in the beginning that the
scheme was impracticable, kid un
necessary ; that it created an office
holding class;’ that it established
burdensome and delusive bests for
entry: in the public service which
should be open to all; that it put in
the plaee of real raent and efficiency,,
scholastics acquirements; that it lim
ited the discretion of those charged
with-the selection of public em
ployees, and that it was unconstitu
tional. But its victory came—
wrought by the forcqof eiiligtened
public sentiment—and upon its tri
al every objection which had been
urged against it was completely dis
credited.
As it has been with Civil Service
Reform, so will it be with Ballot
Reform, except that the coming vic
tory will be more speedily achieved
and will be more comlete.
Henry W. Grady, the eloquent
editor of the Atlanta Constitution,
has been again trying to teach the
Boston yankees something about
the Southern negro. Among other
things he said”: *
The Southern States will give this
year a cotton crop worth $450,000,
000, and its equivalent in grain,
grass and fruit. Such erops could
not come from discontented labor,
unrequited. The fax books of Geor
gia show that the negro in that
State alone, who, twenty years ago
was a slave, owns property assessed
and $10,000,000 and worth twice
that much. Whnt -people under
like circumstances has ever done so
well?
: And the public schools .bear-testi- I
niony to the work done on behalf of
the negro; For while" the whites in
Georgia pay 07 per cent of the
school 'fond, atnouiiting to. more
than a million a year, 40 per cent, of
the beneficiaries are black children.
The South, since 1865, has spent
out of its poverty $122,000,000 on
education and this year will spend
$87,000,000 more. Charleston, pros
trated by the" exhaustion of the war
and its subsequent disasters, spend*
a large proportion of its taxable
value ou- its schools than does
Boston. v .
... But education is ttot the only or
chief help to the solution of the pro
blem. It is a slow process but Mr.
Grady says: ^ rv
In the South there are jiegro law.
ye'rs, - teachers, editors, doctors,
preachers, working in peace and
multiplying with the increasing
ability of-their race to support them.
In villages and towns they have
their military com pan if s equipped
frojp tho armories qj! the State, their
churches and cocieties built and sup
ported-, largely by-their neighbors.
What is the . testimony of the
courts? In penal legislation we”
have steadily reduced felonies to.
misdemeanors* and ‘ have led the
world-ill mitigating punishment for
crime, that we might save, as far ns
possible, this dependent face from
its own weakness. In qur jjeniten
tiary record sixty per cent otr the
prosecutors are negroes and %rery
court the negro crimiual strikes, the
colored juror, that white men may
jodgein his case. In the North one
negro in every 185 is in jail; in the
South only one in 448. In the
North the per centage of negro pris
oners is six times as great as that of
native' whites; in the South only
four times as great. If prejudice
wrongs him in Southern courts, the
record shows 'it tq be deeper ia
Northern courts. . -
The Philadelphia Times, a news
papar that has generally beeen fair
in its treatmen t of the South, com
menting on the above says: vr
■ *xtr> ' '<• ' - ■
What nonsense to talk as though
the white people'in the South were
•‘terrorizing’’ or tryihg to “re-en
slave”. the negroes whom they are
thus slowly but steadily leadiug out
of barbarism aiid helping to become
self-respecting and sustaining citi
zens. And how much worse than
nonsense it is to suppose that the
meddlesome interference of Con
gress is needed or can in any way as
sist in the healthy solution of one of
the most appalling problems ever
thrown upon any people~-a problem ;
that the South is working out for it
self with a courage and a success
uuparailled in history. . -
,: V’-—'■ ■ . ». » ■/ " — v -
" The New Law and the Doctors.
The Charlotte N'tws status that
the new law bearing on the doctors
in this'State, gocsinto effect on Jan
aary 1st, After that date heavy
penalties are prescribed for all phy_:
sicians who practice without a certi
ficate of registration/obtained from
the clerk ot tlie Superior Court. To
get this certificate,’ the doctor shall
produce and exhibit before the clerk
a license obtained from the Board of
Medical Examiners, or a diploma
issued by a regular medical college
prior to the seventh day of March)
1885, oFmake oath that he was
practicing medicine or surgery in
this State prior to the s^d seventh
day of March, 1885; and upon such
exhibitor oath being made as afore
said, the clerk shall register the date
of registration with the name and
residence of such applicant in a
book to be kept for this purpose in
his office, marked “Register of Phy
sicians and Surgeons,” and shall is
sue to him a certificate of such re
gistration under the seal o£ the Su
preme Court of the county, upon the
form furnished him, as hereinafter
provided, for which the clerk shall
be entitled to collect from said ap
plicant a fee of twepty-five cents.
The person obtaining said certificate
shall be entitled to practice medicine
or surgery, or both, in the county
where the same was obtained, and iu
any other county in this State; but
if he shall remove his residence to
another county lie shall exhibit
said certificate to the Clerk of such
other county and be registeredi
which registration shall be made by
said Clerk without fee or charge;
Provided, that any one having ob
tained a temporary license, as pro
vided in section thfee thousand one
hundred and twenty-five of The
Code, shall not be entitled to regis
ter, /but may practice during the
time that such license shall remain
iu force. /. - ■
Section 6 provide* Unit any per*
son who shall practice or attempt
to practice medicine or surgery in
this State without first haring re
gistered and obtained the certificate
as aforesaid, shall be guilty of a mis
demeanor, and- upou conviction
thereof shall be fined not less than
twenty-five dollars nor more than
one hundred dollars, or be- impris
oned at the discretion of the Court,
for each and‘every offense.
J -Vi i
•:! .
, INGERSOLL’S PHILOSOPHY.
Hat the Great Agnostic Yielded a
Point tor Immortality.
^Philadelphia Press Spt&iul. *
New York, Dtc; 7th.—“It may
l>e that we live no • more;
that we go back to the unconscious
dust; and yet the heart will always
say ‘perhaps there is artother life.’
“Robert G. IkoEtssot'j,.”
Has Colonel, Ingersoll begun to
change his Views about tbd doc
trines of the Cristian* faith, which
hitherto he has been thought to
have held an pbolute unbelief?
A lawyer of this city Well known
in professional life has distributed
among some of his friends a bro
chure in which he has applied to
the doctrine of immortality the law
of circi' n.ilantial evidence; but .al
though full of interest for itself, it
if st ill more remarkable and is like
ly to be mueh more extensively ex
amined from the fact that it has in
spired a letter made public to-day
written by Col. Ingersoll to the au
thor, Mr. E. R. Jhones, in which
the great agnostic, as he fs consider
ed and as he has called himself very
recently, expresses sOme remarkble
ideas.
Colonel Ingersoll's letter is still
full of those denials which have
placed him at the head of the ag
nostic sehool in this countiy; but
there is in it a tone. of admission
that is unmistakble.
Mr. Jhonss’essay is an attempt
to show .that there is circumstau
cial evidence enough to indicate
that there is a hereafter. \(fi it
Bishop Henry C. Potter says: “It
is interesting and shows great in
genuiousness.” " 4
colonel ingeesoll’s vutt.
But Colonel Iugersoll is not con
tent with this, and it seems to have
affected him deeply. He says:
If we admit the existence of in
finite wisdom and compassion we
mhst say that there must be a world
better than this; but how do we ac
count for one worse than that—that
is to say than this. If justice tri
umphs here, why not there ? If
honesty, goes without bread in this
world, why not in another? Cer
tainly God'will be not better then
than now. Still it may be possible
that a God of infinite love and com
passion will reward those who suf
fer, though suffering itself—that'all
that happens will he consistent with
wisdom and compassion.
I do not see any evidence in this
world that it was created either by
wisdom or compassion. Nor do I
see what right we have toasay, that
man lias a spiritual bedy, any more
than trees have. The tree springs
from a seed; so docs man. The trees
produce others and then perish
from the earth. The same is true
of the human race. * You have had
the courage to accept the logic of
your position and give to all life the
immortality that Christians give to
man. I hardly know the meaning
of the words Spiritualists and Ma-;
terialuts. I do not see that it makes
theslightest difference with the nr*
gurnent to admit that everything is
"spiritual" or to assert that every
thing is “material.” He who as
serts that all is “spiritual” admits
the existence of everything that
another calls “material," and be who
insists that all is “material,” admits
the existence of everything that an
other called “spirital.” Call it what
you will, it remains beyond the grasp
of your miud. . -a.
milton’s heaven chitiSized.
I congratulate you on what
yon *■ said concerning the
war figures of Milton. His
“heaven” was simply another En
gland, with agovernment somewhat
worse. You have endeavored to ea
ts Wish your doctrine by reason, by ;
something universal, and yon have
wisely left out the provincialisms1
tha prejudices and puerilities of
Christianity, Love and "hope are
universal. As long as mon love and
as long as they hope there will prob
ably be in heart and brain the splen
did dreapj of i'i»iuortality.
r'titsfe
It may be that we live no more,
that we go back to the unconscious
dust, and yetthe heart will always
say, “Perhaps there is another life.’*
But whether there, is or not, let
us all paint on the canvass of the
future, the picture that delights and
satisfies thy Soul. We know that
in this world after grief comes joy
a* after light comes day. | ■ /
... EFFijOt OP THE LETTER. > '■
’This tetter, When it was read by
the few who saw It exhibited ..the ut-.
most. Surprise, because it gave at
once the idea that Colonel Ingerspil
had at lost begun to feel that agnos
ticism' was but a poor creed.’’ ■
“I think,” said a distinguished
degyman to whom the letter was
shown, “that Colonel Ingersoll ha3
revised his conception of his chief
doctrine of Christianity. He says
that the idea can not safely rest upon
the inspiration of the—Bible, bat
when he admits the universality of
those principles ;which alone have
any basis when they are considered
in connection with a future life and
says that a God of infinite love may
bring happiness and a reward to
those who have sorrow and grief in'
this he admits a great deal.”
Colonel Ingersoll has lately otter
ed other words publicly which con
tain the same note of change in the
rigor of his scepticism. The effect
of his letter in the circumscribed,
circle who have read it has been
very striking, and many have been
lei to examine their own views. ' .S
The War and Politics.
Ifeiff York Times.
The, remarks'of the press j upon
Jefferson Davis, so far as they have
been received, are of an unusual and
hopeful interest. In a survey of
them it is not necessary to take ac
count of the “organs,” which are
written according to their retainers,
and in which the President of the
Confederate States accordingly. ap
pears as a monster, either of unmit
igated depravity or of .unmitigated
virtue. •• Bukin all the newspapers
that have opinions of their own and
express the same, there is an evident
effect to estimate the career of Davis
with entire fairness and without
reference to any bearing it may
have upon our present politics. The
aricles of intelligent and honest
American papers are conceived and
written in a spirit as purely critical
and historical as the articIaTof" Eu
ropean newspapers that' have been
transmitted to us by the cable. The
opinon of foreigners was tong ago
said to foreshadow the opinion . of
posterity. Jn each case the fact pf
the knowledge of events that is hod
by the actors in’them is more than
compensated by disinterestedess.
In this couutry at this time we have
the advantage of both these helps to
right conclusions. The facts them
selves of the war are very much bet
ter known now than while the
war was in progress or immediately
after its close. All the conspicuous
survivors of the actors in the events
of the years between Sumter and
Appomattox have put their conn
wyuieu iu possession or au mat
they knew, and their countrymen
have .dispassionately drawn their
own opinions from tho facts thus
furnished. Though a man need not
yet be advanced in years to remem
ber the war, or even 'to have ta
ken part in it, we are, in fact, pos
terity to the generation of men by
whom ihe war was carried on in
council or in the field. As the death
of Davis has shown, in a more strik
ing and conspicuous way thaif any
event that preceded it, we are pre
pared to exhibit toward thcso men
the dispassionate temper of posteri
ty, and to judge them os fairly as if
the war were five generations away
instead of one. Indeed, the people
of the North are now much. better
prepared to do justice to the South
erners of a generation ago than
AflJ.oriciiufljrf any scction.are to jus
tice to the loyalists of a century ago.
This showing ought to have im
portant practical consequences. . ,lt 1
means very emphatically that the
Civil war has afloat been" takeo out
! of politics.” It is really in the - -
view of a great majority of the vd>
terS, as idle to talk about tho
“Southern policy" of an Adminis
tration aa to talk about its Western
policy. Doubtless the war'has left -
results that constitute political prol>
lems, or rather it would 'be more
accurate to say that the institution *
of slavery hus left such results. It,
is difficult to seej'jiowever, what the •
General Government either can do */
or should towards the solution of
'tbfeie problems, whicb must be sol
ved at their owfl peril, by the com- -
rauiiities in which the blacks are
numerous enough to raise a ‘ “negro
question.” ' It is certain thflt when
the General Government undertook
to promote the solution bt this
question, in the lawlessness ‘ "of the 'V;
period of reconstruction, it did noth* :
ing but mischief and reduced sever- •.
al Southern States to' a condition_
nearer anarchy and barbarism than -
had ever prevailed on American soil
before.' , . ■. ,
■lvjvci meusss, ueiuier me oiun
ders of reconstruction nor the much • ='
less excusable blunders of the period
that followed it availed to shake the
popular confidence in the Republi- .
Can party-or. the popular distrust of
the Democratic party. The Repub-i j
lican party to use the expression of ,
its own platforms, was the party
that had saved the Union, and the ,
Democratic partyt was the party that •
had tried, to destroy it. As an ex* -i: r :
cuse for Republican blunders.and a -
cover for Republican scandals this '
claim recalled the funeral oration
upon Cokmel Yell, of Yellvilfe, who
had not accounted satisfactorily for
the funds of the bank of which, he
was president, but whoee remarks
upon the occasion of its failure,
“showed that his i heart still ~ heat t
warmly for his native land.” In
spite of its absurdity the claim was
admitted by the voters of the conn
try, who virtually licensed tte Re* -
publican party to misgovern it. No
set of m8n that ever lived could be f,
trusted with such a license, and it
was quite natural that after the sue*
cessful inauguration of Hayes and
the election of Garfield the holders
of the license should proceed to such
an extreme affront to the conscience
as the nomination of Mr. Blaine.
His defeat broke the spell, but it did
not prevent the Republican leaders . •
fiom trusting to the “war record” ;
of their party to save it from the
consequences of any crime or blun- '
ders they might commit. Now they
understand that the party must
stand or fall by its present merits .
and not by its historical merits.
We have been a long time reaching ™
this desirable point, but we have
now arrived there. With the press '
of the country discussing Jefferson
Davis as calmly as if he had been
dead a hundred years, and- with
Iowa “goni? Democratic,” the most . i
fervid Republican must own that r4
it is f necessary to the party
to think a little about its pres
ent and its future instead of losing -
itself in a rapt contemplation pf its
past.,
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have won their great popularity purely
ou theinacrtts.Welyer's store