HENRY W. QASOY’S LIFE STORY.
the tarebr of the Most Brilliant Son
•UtaSouth, . -
^ - When Henry W. Grady was a bey
be chose hie life's occupation. He
i followed his bent with diligence
; und power from the time be left
sehool until he died. He, was there
' fore in many.respects a great man.
He thought, he worked, he pleaded
,, with pen and tongue os few men oi
l. his years have ever been able to do
ia this, country. He was broadtnim
r ded, enthusiastic eloquent and pa
triotic. a He was a wonderful advo
, cate whenever he opened his mouth
or put his pen to paper. He was so
brilliant in all the best powers of
brain and heart that he was an in
‘ spiration to the section in which be
lived. He knew so much of nation
al life that he was a great counsel
lor for the South,
In all his fiber there was not a
narrow cord. * While he loved hie
home, and all that belonged to the
sunny land in which he lived, with
l, a sublime devotion,- he . was broad
Chough to handle the problem now
being worked out by that section
with a frankness that no other wri
■ ,, ter or speaker living in it has at
—Aemptect • - - . *«
^ Mr. Grady led a very singular and
charming life. He was filled With
sentiment. He loved the euphony
of language, and few men ever lived
in this country who could frame it
so well into beautiful pictures.' But
. he was more than an orator. He
possessed a strong power of .state
ment which he could couple With
the rhyme and melody of the choic
est rhetoric. He chould say much
. in. a few words, and yet elaborate
«ny idea that heyhad with a wealth
- of expression. He had a poetical
*; mind, which illuminated pfose rath
er than verse. Terse editorial sen
tences and beautiful descriptions
■each always at his command. He
.knew so much of affairs and of men
- that he was trusted by all. - '
The practical North looked to
‘ him more than to any Other man in
. the South to speak for that section.
His words and his influence took a
i d* wider scope than those of any
political dignitary in it His infln
1 once was wider and stronger than
, that of Congressmen, Senators or
Governors, and his career demon
strates the wonderful effect of a well
trained mind and honest purpose de
, voted to journalism. No man north
. of Mason and Dixon’s line ever ex
l erted a better influence on society
f than he who has been laid low in
;. the gladdest and holiest season of all
the year. ■ +.
Mr. Grady was in love with life,
ft The altar of his profession was a
sacred pulpit to him. He believed
f in the power of his pen, and his won
derful gifts of tongue were seconda
ry to the mute messenger in black
which he guided so skillfully over
white paper. His library of thought
• expression and action notonly mark
ed him as a genius, but made him a
benefactor of the broad community
which he represented; for Mr. Grady
Jived beyond the limits of thft State
| of Georgia, and argued for a great
«, section with wonderful power. He
presented his case at the National
altar with the skill of a great advo
cate, stating a proposition to learned
judges. Yet, he was a born journal
ist, ; His first ambition was to write
well. While at the University of
Georgia he wrote a seWes of letters
signed “King Ban," which aitract
; «d attention and marked him as a
[ lad of superior mental gifts.
| The moment he left school he es
I bablished the Daily Commercial alt
| Borne, Ga., hot far from Athens,
where he was bora and raised. With
' all the pluck, energy and ability he
: could put in it, there was nothing
ft but failure in store for him, in a alow
eld town where people were poor
abdihe energies of life sluggish from
the cruelties of war. Mr. Grady's
? father was a Colonel in the Confed
erate Army, being killed before Pe
tersburg. He left some money to
bis family, and the son’s share was
invested in type* flffSaes and the par
aphernalia of a newspaper office.:
The venture at Rome did hot las
long, and he abandoned it for
liberal investment in Atlanta, th
city ha energy ■ and example hi
done so mnch to build up. Young
full of ambition and -brains, h
started the Herald, ..having as hi
partner Colonel Bob Alston, th
brother-in-law of Governor J. B
Gordon. Alston was a pushing
restless, ambitious man, and the Her
IctM naturally became a power in th<
community. During all its caree:
under Mr. Grady’s management, i
wan a thorn in the side of the old
conservative Constitution. But thi
day came when money ran low, th<
resources of Mr. Grady and his par
tner were exhausted, and the Her
aid passed out of existence. Alstoi
was killed by Captain Cox, and Hen
ry Grady, broke in fortune, etarte*
to begin life anew in 1876, at thi
age of twenty-five. He had beei
offered a position on the Chronicl
at Augusta, aud was just about tak
ng the train to begin life as a ser
vant when he had been a master.,
“Accident changes all our lives.'
So the old [adage runs! Captaii
Evan P. Howell had just bought i
controlling interest in the Constitu
turn. Hemet Grady on the street
and they stopped to chat. Howel
asked Grady about his intentions fo:
the future.
vu, 1 m gqmg to Augusta, I havi
got a place up there,” said he. '
“What are you-going to Angus
for?” inquired Howell.
Because 1 cannot get anything
to do here,” said Grady. “There - i
*00 work except on the Constitute)
and they would not have me there.1
“I think they will,”1 replied How
el}.. “I own the controlling -nter
e®t» and you neednot,go to August
for a place."
Before they parted they had madi
a bargain, and the two men haw
never been separated in interest iron
that day until the dark messenger o;
death yesterdy struck the faires
flower of the Southland. Thi
union of strong forces took place ir
1870, and Mr. Grady began on th<
Constitution at a salary of $25 i
week. Of coarse he succeeded at th<
start in the local endeavors of i
thriving town. His first experienci
in National journalism was" during
the dispute between Hayes and Til
den over the Southern Electoral vote
In this contest Mr. Grady was sen
to Florida to represent the Comtitu
tiou and the New York Herald.
By common consent his work wa
regarded as the broadest and faires
done upon that topic. It market
him as a broad-minded, manlv writ
§rt with the truest instincts of i
great journalist, and from that da'
his career lias mounted step by stej
until his fame was as wide as tin
nation and his influence command
ing throughout the land. He neve
held apolitical office. He had high
er views of his profession, ant
when they proposed to elect hin
United States Senator a year age
he refused to be tempted frojn hi
work that he loved so well into th'
uncertainties, disappointments t ant
servility of a political life, rf
Nothing; could illustrate how
clear-headed he was more fully thaE
this declination of offiicial posi
tion. His commanding place as the
writer and spokesman for the sec
tion jn which he lived was his ideal.
He had the ear of the nation, and
men warm with ambition for contro
versy upon subjects he most loved
to discuss would give heed to his
words. There was a subtle power
in everything ihat he said and did
that was charmig. He believed in
his cause; and it waa worthy of his
name and feme that his last utter
ance should have been delivered in
Boston upon the relations of the
two races, which is One of the burn
ing questions of the hour in the
South; While he naturally took
the white man's view of the situa
tion, he was fair to the black,
and has ever taken a bold Wnd
against ever) and any assault upon
• the negro race." In this os in
all other matter coscern
t i»g the South, bp has been rv
i bold leader and an advocate of the
s new South rather than the old. ‘ 0
j Mr. Grady was never a moneyma
, ter. No man of his peculiar habits
i of thought and action ever was.'
i He loved »to weave beautiful
j thoughts in his busy bruiu and give
them expression, either on paper or
in the forum. He was a delightful
companion. His Seen wife/ and
quaint humor, were constantly
brightening his conversation and
narrow ideas of life nevef found
a place in his composition. He
| thought well of mankind] and played^
, the game of life amid flowers. His
. home was a paradise, as his mind
, was a storehouse of gems, i He never
j had an ambition to be. rich, but was
. constantly hunting, for borne chance
I to improve those around him.
, In 188Q, when ' he purchasedL B
i fourth interest in the Conxtitution
, his life became jeweled with a great
. i°y, an(l started on* a pathway
. strewn with flowers. His income
was ample to save him from any
' financial trouble, and he gave . his
! mind the fullest freedom at' all
, times. He wrote a great deal, but al
. Ways upon matters tending to tbe
elevation of the South, He never
[ I®8* opportunity to speak When.
. ever he could eulogize the land he
loved. No trouble was too great for
advocating the Cause of his people*
. or of presenting the facts of their
remarkable progress, <
\ Ever since be began hia^areer^as
t a journalist he has taken a liberal
( view of his duty. He has dealt much
' with practical affairs, and whenever
. a great event occurred be bore^a big
. hand in picturing it to the world,
i His prosperity never-made him uh
tnindful of the duty he owedto those
i, who read his paper, and he would
i handle any event worth j of his pow
i er, whether it was an editorial', or
■ description of an earthquake.
; This made him popular both in his
i sanctum and out of it, and Grady’s
i name was upon every one’s -tongue,
i Pew men ever1 possessed' so many
i and varied gifts, and his place will
, not soon }je filled in the land of his'
i birth,' There was not an unmanly
. element.in his composition. To
j him all the world- was glorious in
, its actio'tt and in itself, and almost
f the last words that he spoke were
; tempered with that’idea. ' * -±'
His career should be an example
to every American boy. HewaS well
i educated, but not overchoked. Very
. early in life he began sharpening his
[ Temarkable talents by grinding them
. on the stone of practical life. He
, ton! Captain Howell were well suit
. ed to each other for the manage
, meut of a newspaper, but they were
, entirely unlike in every element of
life. The one is a blunt, plain, out
spoken soldier whose career in the
; War was filled withr gallant deeds,
and since with good works? the qth
L just tnat class of man who liyes
In a realm of thought, every hour
, of which sparkles with gems,
i His career has been cut short just!
i as it was really beginning. What
there was in store for him we can
never know; but could he have lived
ten yerrs longer, and have advanced
as rapidly as he had in the past dec
ade, there is no measuring the
breadth of his influence upon our
national life. 4
When the historian comes to deal
with his life, it will not be the gift
apd tinsel of official position that he
will write s but of the genius in the
man,, and his high aspirations for
the good of the people in whose
cause he met his death.
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HENRY GRADY’S LAST WORDS.
Hit Eloquent Description of a Quiet
Country Homo.
Mr. Henry W. Grady’s last speech
was delivered atfa reception given
to him and other gentlemen of the
South, by the Bay State Club oi
Bostop on the evening' of Decem.
her 13. This-was the day after his
great] speech before |the Boston
Merchants’ Association. +-In the
course of his speech before the BaJ
State Club, Mr. Grady said: • ~ o
j “It seems to me that the great
struggle in this country • is a fight
against the consolidation of power,
i the concentration of capital, the
domination of local sovereignty and
the dwarfing of individual citizen.
Boston is the home on one side oi
the Nationalist party, that claims
that the remedy of our troubles i
to put all our interests under Gov
ernmental control. T(je Govern
ment thus usurps the functions of
the citizen; and, on the other hand,
of Democratic doctrine, which says
that the citizen is master, and that he
is best fitted to carry out the diver
sified interests of the country. It is
the pride, I believe of the South that
her simple and sturdy, faith, the
homogeneous nature of her people,
elevates her citizens above party and
above evmything. We teach man
that his best guide is the conscious
ness of his sovereign tv. and that his
strong arm and stout heart are .the
best evidences that he can give to
bis State that he is able to do for
himself. That he may not ask the
National Government for anything
thei State ean do for him, and not
ask anything of the State that he
can do for himself. That he should
stand up and be respectable, loyal tr
the Republic, earnest to his allegi
ance, builingat last big altar above
his own hearthstone, shrining his
own liberty in his own heart. [Ap
plause.] What I have spohen j
should not have been afraid to speak
last night and yet it is mighty good
Democratic doctrine. I was in Wash
ington the other day and I stood on
Capitol Hill, and my heart beat
quick as I saw th$ totoering marble
buildings of my country’s govern
ment. A mist gathered before my
eyes as l thought of the tremendous
significance. There were the build
ings of the Treasury, the Courts
and Judges, of the President and
Congress, and, as I thought of .what
gathered there, I felt the sun in all
its coarse couldnotlook down on a
grander sight than i tie domestic
home of the Republic—a Republic
that has taught the world its best
lessons of liberty and patriotism.
While there another vision came to
rue of a modest quiet country home.
Tt was just a simple, uqpreten tious
house, set about with great big trees,
encircled in meadow -rich With
the promises of harvest. The fra
grance of the pink and hollyhock in
the front yard was mingled with the
aroma of the orchards and of the
gardens, and resonant with the cluck
of boultry and hum of bees. Inside
was quiet, cieanliness, thrift and
comfort. There was the old clock
that had welcomed in steady meas
ure every newcomer to the family,
that had ticked the solemn requi
ring of the dead, and had kept compa
ny will the waether at the bedside.
There were the big, restful beds and
the old open fireplace and the old
family Bible, thumbed with the Au
gers of hand long since still, and
stained witl! the tears of eyes long
siuje closed, holding the simple an
nals of the family aud of the heart
and conscience of the home. Out
side there stood my friend the mas
ter, a simple, upright, independent
man, with no mortgage on his roof,
no lien on his crops, master of his
land and master of himself. There
was his old father, an aged, tremb
ling man, but happy in the heart
and home of his son. And as they
started to their home the hands of
the old man went down on the
young man’s shoulder, laying tjiere
the unspeakable blessing of the;
honorable and grateful father and
enoblim* it with the knighthood of
the fifth commandment. And as
. they got to the door the old mother
came with the snnset falling fair on
her Jace and lighting'up ber deep pa
tient eyes, while with lips trembling
with the rich music of her -heart'
she bade her husband and her son
welcome to their home. Beyond
was the housewife, busy with her
household cares, clean of heart • and
eongcienoe, Jim ^buckler And jirfjS
meet of her. husband. Down the
lane came the children, trooping
home after the cows, seeking, as tru
ant birds do, the quiet of their home
nest. And I saw the night come
down on that house, falling gently
as from the wings of the unseen
dove. And the old man, while a
atortled bird called front the forest,
and the trees were shrill with the
cricket's cry and the stars were
swarming in the sky, got the family
around him, and taking the old Bi
ble from the table, called them to
their knees, the little baby hiding
in the folds of its • mothers -dress,
while he closed the record of that
simple day by calling down -God’s
benediction on that family, and that
home.Ti My gkae faded from that
marble Capitol; forgotten were its
treasures and magesty, and I said:
Here in the homes of the people
were lodged the strength and respon
gibily of th» Government—the se
curity and promise of this Republic.
My friends, that is democracy, and
ill the South we are preaching, that
doctrine, and we aim to make oui
homes self respecting and indepen
dent. We try to make them tem
ples of refinement, knowledge and
of liberty, in whieh our sons may
learn that no power can justify the
surrender of the slightest right of a
free and independent American cit
izen: Yon do not know how" we
Democrats live. You cannot tell
how we live from reports you hear,
but we have had a very hard time
since the war. I remember the sto
ry they tell of a poor old fellow who
was buried down there. They cut
his grave right out of marble in a
quarry, yet they had to send to Ver
mont for the little tombstone. He
was buried near a woods, yet his
coffin was brought from Cincinnati
and his coat from New York, al
though right about him was the
best sheep-raising country in the
world. The nails in the coffin were
brought from Pennsylvania, al
though an iron mine was near by
in fact, the South did not contribute
anything but the corpse and hole in
the ground, leaving him nothing to
carry to the next world but the chill
blood in his veins and the marrow in
his bones. [Laughter.] But we
have improved sidee then, aud now
have got the biggest marble quarry
in the country, located right on that
spot, and within 100 yards we have
an iron mine* and as the speaker
said last highl, we are coming to
tak'^’oiir Yevengo upon you by inva
ding you with our iron, as you did us
twentv-uine years.ago. ;
A tot of Interesting Supreme Court
— Trill v Decisions. T V 5' " "
Raleigh Newt and Observer.
State vs. Anderson.—A father
having'hired his son, a minor, to
the prosecutor for a definite time,
before the expiration of the time or
dered hisson to quit wort, which he
did.
Held, That The Cod", section 3
110, 3180, forbidding any person
from cuticing away any servant who
shall have con talc ted to serve an
employer, does not apply; -first, be.
cause the minor has been hired out
% his father and had not contract
ed himself; and second because the
father had not enticed the servant
away, but had exercised the right
of a father and ordered him awy.
The statute was mode to protect
employers against sinister and offi
coui intermeddling—and Sot to a
case of this character.
Alsop vs. Southern Express Com
pany.—The express agent ate Wel
don, id pursuance of regulations
prescribed by his company, refused
of money tuader
eA after the train had left for * that'
day. Plaintiff sued' for the penalty
allowed by section - 10C4 of The
Code. iU v
Avery J. filled the bpihion of the
court: :'■$*
The statute, embraces- express
companies. While business must
be transacted in reasonable hours,
the regulations of the express com
pany forbidding ah agent to re
ceive money packages except on the
day they are to be sent away, is un
reasonable. -*
Under the statute goods are to be
received whenever tendered at reas
onable hours. S
Clark J. filled a concurring opin
ion. ___'_ _
Merrimon C. J. filled a dissenting
opinion. .. . _ , „ ... .. ..
State vs. Wilson.-—Drunkenness
and mere drunken excitement and
rage constitute no excuse for crime.
The eourt should never give in
structions based upon a statement of
facts not presented by some reason
able view of the evidence. .
State vs. Panky.—When a person
forms a definite purpose to kill and
in pursuance' thereof procures a
weapon and slays the deceased ayd
kills him, it is murder, no matter
what the deceased was doing at the
time |he was killed.
* ■ VUV<V 'JUVOUlUll uuuuu
the presence of the prisoner, the
failure to require him to stand np
and look upon the jury is not fatal.
The refusal to continue a case
because of the absence of a witness
is not renewable. "
Morris vs, Tomlinson.—Thomas
Osborne, the intestate of the defen
dant, had endorsed on a note, that
would otherwise be out of date,
“Renewed,” and signed his name.
His administrator concluded that he
did not then hare the capacity to
know what he was doing.
The court charged that if the ju
ry Believed that Osborne " had un
derstanding sufficient to know the
meaning, import and consequences
of the words, and meant to ac
knowledge that the note ha^ not
been paid they should find for the
plaintiff, otherwise not; held that
the charge was not erroneous. j
Woodruff vs. Bowles.—When
fraud appears so expressly and plain
ly upon the face of the deed as to
be incapable of Explanation (as
where it is manifest \ from reading
the conveyance that it is mode to
secure the case of a debtor embar
rassed with debt at the time of its
execution) here is conclusive pre
sumption of fraud and the court
without the intervention of a lury
will declare the deed fraudulent.
Stone vs. Marshall and Johnson
vs. Murehison were overruled in
Morris vs. Pearson, 79th North
Carolina, and a deed is not to be de
clared* void because the considera
tion is bad in part, the other part
being good and valid.
When a deed contains no internal
evidence that the grantor is endebt
ed, it cannot be declared fraudulent
because to the pecuniary considera
tion there is added that of natural
It is only when in the aspect of
the evidence most favorable ,to the
defendants, the deed is fraudulent in
law, that the court should, so in
struct the jury.
If a part, of the consideration , in
a deed made by hushad to wife, be
the wife's money, the deed k not
fraudulent in law.
The voluntary deed of a husband
who is insolvent, to his wife is void;
but unless insolvent, he can make
her a gift and agree with her to sell
the property and hold the money to
her use as a trustee.
An assignment by a debtor of all
his property ostensibly ' to provide
for the payment of debts, but with
the intent tp delay creditors.is void,
though neither the trustee nor ees- 1
tui quo trusts had knowledge of the
Corrupt intent. j
A mortgage to secure money bor- <
rowed, or a valid debt, but also with ’
the intent on the part of the mort- j
gagor to delay creditors k valid un
less the beneficiary under the mort- (
gage had knowledge of and partici
pated in the fraud. . .
deed pays a valuable consideration .
he gets a good title, though the 1
grantor executed the deed with in- j
tent to defraud creditors, if jibe
guarantee had-no knowledge of the ,
fraudulent intent. - - -
When the
intce in absolute
Centralization In the Federal Govern
ment. * ■'
X<w York JTerntd. l
If the statesmen who framed the ”
; Constitution of the tfnited States
soutd be cognizant of human affairs
| today they would doubltesshe atnnz
ed at the government ns it is now
administered..
The government they founded
was of dual -form—national' and
States. Tj»e powers 'of the former
were specifically enumerated and de
fined. and all powers, not expressly
or by clear implication withheld
from the States were reserved to /
them., In its own sphere eg h State.
was to be sovereign. Its people
were to be their own rulers in mat
ters ■within their own 'domain, f
Such was the system designed by.
the founders- Yet since the Repub- ■
liean party came into power thirty
years ago there has been a. marked
and steady tendency toward a cen- |
tralized power in the federal govern- V
ment and a corresponding curtail
ment of State sovereignty. That is
the party of centralization—th'e one
averse t to State rights. It is the -
party of the few as opposed, to the
people—the party of national aa
against home rule, represents ar- .
istocracy distinguished from Demo
cracy. ■
During its existence it baa steadily
headed toward a government con- v
cent rated at Washington. It I has ■
invaded the domain a States sover
eignity with many measures clear
ly unconstitutional and many others
of doubtful constitutionality. Act zl
after act passed by Republican Con
gress since the war have been Bek* ...
aside as invasions of State sover
eignty, even by a Republican Su
preme Court, and others need pnly
to be tested to !be condemned on the
samegroimd. f !
1 ne govern jnent has now entered
npon the first/year of its second cen
tury. It happens to he also > the
first year of jthe Republican party’s
return to power. Yet in the first
raesssage of its President to Con
gress we find a steady drift' toward
centralization, an earnest appeal tot ^
rushing federal goyernnient farther
than ever before into the province
of State sovereignty.
President Harrison recommends—
First—The enactment of a federal M
law.for the protection of all federal
officers and the trial of all such cases
in the courts of the United States^
Second—Prohibitory and penal
legislation against trusts.
Third—Transferring all naturili
zation matters from State to Feder
al courts.
Fourth—-A statute regulating the
constitution and equipment of ail
wav cars. \
Fifth—National said to aid educa
tion—-the notorious Blair scheme. ■
Sixth—Federal control of
elections. Seventh—Legislation to
secure civil rights to colored citizens.
These matters are now and alwavs
haw been left to the States. With
regard to' some of them the power
of Congress is doubtful, and as to :
others it is bore than doubtfnl.
Whether that; body has any author
ity to oust the States from their *
Jurisdictions brer assaults by or
against federal officers is a ' vitally
inportant question now awaiting
decision by thq Supreme Court in
the Nagle case. \ As to trusts, it is - Z
difficult to conceive of any practic
able measure not connected with in- - ~
terstate traffiic Congress can enact 4s;
which the Supreme Court would al
low to stand. Tin! Blair scheme is a
piece of paternalism which if consti- ;
bntimml (innlil s«rva rm Wfar »»».
posc than to reduce the surplus. No
ioubt Congress has power to epact
a proper federal election law, but a
statute which would virtually take
the whole matter out of the hands
of the State authorities would be a
flagrant abuse of that power.
As to the civil rights of colored
ntizens, both Mr. Hamson and the
Republican party seem to be labor
ng under a delusion i£ they think
mat protection is to come tfom Con
gress. These rights are guaranteed
jy the fourteenth amendment
rbiit simply prohibits the States
rom denying or abridging the
•Ights. It does not empower Con
gress to protect them primarily or
»y direct legislation. A Republi
:an Congress attempted to exercise
bat power once. Hut the United
States Supreme Court beld that the
.ower belonged to the States, not to
longrrsss.
Should the Republican party in
/ongress heed the appeals of its
’resident and enact tne measures »
ecommePded, most of them would
loubtlesslw- condemned by the 8u
ireme Court os unconstitutional,
lud they would be condemned on
he ground of an unwarranted exer
iso of centralized power, and in
a«ou by Cougress of the domain
i State sovereignty.