jiARRU
SANFORD, NORTH CAROLINA, SATURDAY, MAY 24,1890.
A VALUABLE ADDRESS.
The Church in Connection with the
' <v Anglo-Saxon Race. ’
'Rdw. A. W. WiuldtU JBtjfote IJw JSpl»eopa\
Convention at Tarkoro, ■
' ~. i ‘t ” ;•
..Tub subject assigned to' me fot
3 fiiseussion ob this interesting occa
sion is of vast proportions, and there
fore the most I cup hope to accom
- piisji mli be to present a very gener
al outline of it.
... To the student of church history
there have been few spectacles with
in the last two centuries more af
fecting ilian'the persistent devotion
with ’which - in the face !of over
whelming prejudice and aversion-—
the sons of the" church in America,
at the close of the Revolution, clung
to her.- In the hu’nds of ambitious
or stupidvor feckless Colonial Gov
ernors and Councils, who freijuent
ily sought to enforce the ecclesiasti
cal legislation of the mother coun
try, upon a people. whose environ
ment was wholly different, and be
cause of its identification in the
.-minds-of the people' with the politi
cal govern men t und its oppressors.
theehureh had beconiean object of
suspicion, and finally of intense
hate; .and yrhen the Revolution
closed it was regarded with more
hostility than -Royalty itself. Left
to struggle against this feeling,
which dominated the minds of l»er
fellow, citizens, and without an
Episcopate of her own, they were
, compelled, to see the church t jvhich
they loved decline and wither into
Unmerciful insignificance. It had
■ been a:growing power, especially in
the Southern Colonies, and if its ad
herents had been willing to throw
off , the 3, Episcopate ns they had
thrown off royalty, and -adopted' a
hew form of: Church Government,
;>it might and probably would have
! enjoyed a very great advantage over
any other ecdastical organization in
the country, so ter as increasing its
membership was concerned. ' ' ;
•Within its folds were gathered
many of the greatest and best -men
in America, who had been chiefly
instrumental in the enlightenment
of the liberty and independence of
the country aud these would doubt
1 ;ss, have largely increased their in
dividual popularity and influence by
extending their work to the severe
ftnoe of all independence on, or con
•nection with the Church of England.
But their faith in the Episco
pal form of church govern
ment was honest and deep-rooted,
and their love of the grand noble
iaturgy, to which they were accus
tomed, was sincere and hearty, and
hot prejudice, nor hate, nor ridicule,
hor abuse could Shake their loyalty
to their convictions, or induce them
to abandon the hope of rebuilding
and strengthening the shattered
walls of their Zion.
They had only to look back at her
history, aad, in connection with it?
the history of the race from which
-themselves had sprung, to find both
support for tbeir convictions and en
couragement for their hopes. Such
a retrospect would show to them, as
r it will show to ns that the Ch ureh
is indissolubly connected with nearly
all the great achievments of the
Anglo-Saxon race, from the first
etnergement of that race, under her
guidance, Out of the darkness of
paganism to their day and to ours,
when its mastery is recognized
throughout the earth. The history
of the one is, indeed, largely the his
tory of the other, and hence the
vastness of the subject to which I
have already referred. ' Let us take a
'rapid glance at it. •; _ ■ '
With the history of Christianity
in Britain before the Anglo-Saxon
invasion we are not concerned. We
know that when the pagan English
lmd secured a foothold and acquir
ed asfcehdehiiy over the Britain»(
'who were living under Kpman gov
ernment. the religion, law, litera
ture, ana manners of The country
were swept away, and it ^ became a
heathen land. Before the English
"invasion, Christianity prevailed in
every country in western Europe,
except Germany, from which the
English came, and the conquest of
the island by the English “thrust a
wedge of heathendom into theheart
of this great communion made two
unequal parts, says a great histori
an, who also adds; that it was “the
one purely German nation that rose
.- upon the wreck of Rome. In other
. .lands, in Spain, Or Gaul or Italy,
though they were equally conquered
by German peoples, religion,' social
•Jife, administrative order still re
mained Roman. In Britian alone
Rome digd into a vague tradition.
The whole organization of govern
ment and society disappeared with
the people who had used it." • ~
V Although Augustine and' his
monks landed in the year 597, and
thereby renewed the union with wes
tern world which had been destroy
■ rid, and re-introduced the civiliza
tiori, arts and let ters which had been
driven out, the Roman church soon
came into rivalry with the church
of Ireland and Scotland which had
long existed before they came and
was superceded by the latter in the
work of converting the English.
Christianity in Ireland was more
vigorous than elsewhere because
that country was exempt from in
vasion, and had consequently great
ly advanced-in arts and letters. In
the year004, however, at a council at
Whitby, and in a controversy over
the trifling questions of the treas
ure and the proper time for observ
ing Easter, the Irish. party were
overruled by King Gswl, and they
all, accompanied by some English
clergy, returned ..to Iona, leaving
the Roman Churchtriumphaut in
England.
And .now the history of the En
glish Church proper began. ^Theo
dore, of Tarsus, a Greek monk, be
came Archbishop of Canterbury,
and at once set about by organizing
tuc yuurtin uy aumiig new sees to
the old ones, and grouping them all
around the central sco of Canterbu
ry. He then settled the clergy, who
until then hud been chiefly mission
aries, and organized parishes. He
gathered Synods, and these were the
first national legislative assemblies,
in England, long antedating the
\rhittenagemote, or the first parlia
ment of the civill government. The
canons passed in these synods wore
the real orignals from which the
national system of laws sprang. So
that, in the matter of organization
and legislation, the church in En
gland antedated and formed the mod
el otfhe State, and it .was.the only
bond of union betwen the people
for about two centuries.
Its noblest product flowered
two hundred years later in King
Alfred, who lias justly be,en pro
nounced “the first instance, in the
history of Cbristiandom of the Chris
tian King, of a ruler who put aside
every personal aim or ambition to
devote himself to the welfare of
those whom he ruled.” A thous
and years have r pased since his
death, but the longing which he ex
pressed—“to leave to the men that
came after him a remembrance in
good works”—still finds realization
in the veneration entertained for
his memory by all English speak
ing people.-, l’hey recognize in him
not only the pious -and self-sacrifi
cing monarch and wise ruler, with
whose reign English history began,
but the real creator of English lit
erature and the educator of his peo
ple. ^ ■ ■
After the death of Alfred appear
ed the first of the great ecclesiastical
statesmen of England, who wielded
all the power of the realm for a series
of years, Dunstan, Archbishop of
Canterbury, a niun of great versatil
ity of genius, who gave to the. En
glish Constitution its first impress
of genuine liberty, and lifted the
church which threatened it into a
higher and purer atmosphere.
The successive sovereigns and
privates of England had frequently
resisted, or evaded the exactions of
Rome upon the English Bishops,
but it was not until the Norman
Conqueror ascended the throne that
an open defiance of any claim of pa
pal supremacy was made. These
claims had* with the persistency
that has always characterized them,
been continually urged, directly and
indirectly, until they culminated in
the demand by Gregory VII. upon
William to do fealty for his king
dom, when that monarch .proudly
replied*' “Fealty, 1 have never
willed to do, nor do I will to do it
now, I have never-promised it, nor
do I find that my predecessor did it
to yours.” 1 .
But while he defied Rome he had
reduced the Church of England to a
state of dependence upon the crown
which had crippled its influence for
good; and the same policy was pur
sued by hiS“sons until the coufage
ous Archbishop Anselm re-asserted
its rights, and largely restored inn
dependence-:,j _-. . -
Under the irifluehceof the great
religious revival which, occurred dur
ing the reign of Stephen and by the
power of the church, Henry the Sec
ond, become King, but his successor,
Richard the Lion Hearted, died as
he had lived, at war with ’ God and
man. Then came that consummate
villian of the ages, King John,
whose Charter, wrested from him at
Runnymede, has ever since been the
corner-stone of Anglo-Saxon free
dom. The leading spirit in this
great historic drama of Runnvmcde
was Stephen Lnngton, Archbishop
of Canterbury, who, although made
Primate by an act of Papal usur
pation, rebuked aud protested
against the submission of John to
tne supremacy of the" Pope, rallied
the church and the barons to the
support of their liberties, threatened
the king with .excommunication and
saved MuMipuntry from the ruin that
threatened it. The very first article
of this great Character of English
liberty begins with the3e words:
“Imprimi* Cpncessimus Beo,et hac
presen ti char'fa nostra confirmarirdm
pro nobis, et haeridibus nostus in
perpetuara, quod Kcclesia Angelicann
libera sit ,ct nabi-at omnia jura ear,
integral\ et libertutes suas illaesas
. First of all, the Church of En
gland was to be free, and to have all
its rights and liberties intact. Again
in the reign of Henry III, this great
churchman, Stephen Langton, whose
services in tho cause of English lib
erty were never surpassed, was chief
ly instumeptal in establishing the
great principles that rodress of
grievances most always be had before
a grant to the crown is made by
parliament.
The most striking feature, of this
epoch, however, so far as the church
was concerned, was the work of
those wonderful men, the Gray Fri
as, whose self-sacrificing labors in
mo uuisc ux jeugum ure inmost un
paralleled in human history. They
are doubtless, generally very lightly
regarded, because of the subsequent
degeneracy of the order to which
they belonged, but at this time
their services to religion and. hu
manity were almost beyond praise.
-W» all, last year did homage to 'the
Christian heroism of that noble Ho
man Catholic priest, Father Dkmien
who sacrificed his life in the service
of the lepers of the "South Pacific
islands and ho richly deserved the
praise of the whole Christian world
for his unselfish devotion. The
Gray Friars of the thirteenth c£h
tury in England performed the
same service. ‘‘The rapid progress,
of the population within the
boroughs," says Green in history,
“had outstripped the sanitary regu
lations pf the middle ages aud fever
onplagqe or the more terrible
y&oufge- of leprosy festered in the
wretched hovels of the suburbs.
It \vas_ to haunts such as these that
Francis had pointed his disciples
and the Gray Brethren at once fixed
themselves in the means and poorest
quarters of each town. Their first
work lay in the noisome lazar-hous
es; it wps among the lepers that
they commonly chose the site of
their houses."
The patron of tho Friars was the
patriot soldier and statesman, Simon
de Montfort, whose pity equalled
his wisdom, aud whose reforms in
the civil administration were of in
calculable value.
It was to.this mendicant frater
nity that Roger Bacon—after forty
years of devotion to study, whose
only recompense, as he said, was
that he was “unheard, forgotten
buried”—allied himself, supposing
that thereby he would sink into ob
livion; but it proved to be the
means of introducing him to fume.
Some of his writings coming under
the notice of the Pope, he was invi
ted to continue his literary labors,
(although no pecuniary assistance
was offered), and, amidst all sorts
of embarassments and difficulties,
he produced his wonderful “Opus
Hajus,"which Dr- Whewell pro
nounced “at once the Encyclopedia
and the Novum Organum of the
13th century.”
x Mv icigu ui xiuwtifu me r rstr ai
though the result of a process of
evolution, was really the beginning
of the England which we know.
All the great reforms in the judi
ciary and in legislation; which,
with continued improvement,
have reached our day, had their ori
gin during his reign, and chief
among these who did the work were
the'Primate and the Clergy. 77
-But' it was in reign of Edward III
that the great reformer John
Wyclif drove the wedge which ulti
mately separated the English
church from.the dominion of the
Pope. His work has borne fruit in
every succeeding generation. Begin
ning his warfare on the practice of
ttieehiifcli in his-day, he proceeded
to attack the doctrines then preva
lent—the central doctrine of tran
substantion being his first objec
tive point—and by appealing.to the
masses of the people, in tracts writ
ten in their1 own tongue, he struck
a deadly blow not only to that dog
ma, but to the practice of indulgen
ces, absolutions, pilgrimages) im
ago-worship, and 3aint-worahip, and
thus began the movement which re
sulted a hundred years afterwaid in
religious liberty; r
Contemporary with Wlyclif, too,
wad one whom they called “a mad
priest”—John Ball, of Kent—whc
first stirred the hearts of the peoph
by declaring, what was then regar
ded as the most abominable of at
heresies, the equality of hnmar
rights. One of the most exquisiti
specimens of modern English liters,
wire, I think, is William Morris’i
little essay, entitled “A Dream 01
John Ball,” which portrays the firs’
awakeningof this idea and its prac
[continued oh second page.]]
- . " l-- . ’ •
'A1.-- : • —7.
ROGER Q. MILLS
To the Texas Alliance—HI* Views
of the Sub-Treasury Bill. ■
The most prominent feature of
this policy is the entire absorption
o£ the private business of the people
by the government. The Alliance
tel! U3 that our farmers cannot sup
port themselves and those dependent
on them without the Government
will take these products and lend
them money on them. 1 But if that
be true how much better will be be
next year than he is now? He will
have to borrow agai#, arid as he is
not able to make his income meet
his out-go without borrowing «• lie
must get worse year by year, -and
sink at last into bankruptcy. When
the Government begins to take
charge of the cotton, wheat, com,
oats, and tobacco, it Will go on, - and
bacon, pork, beef, butter, cheese.
idru, nay ana an ocner Irani products
will demand of the Government to
take their surplus and advance
them 80 per cent, on it. And in
periods of manufacturing and rain
ing depression,, iron, steel, woolen
and cotton: goods will demand to be
deposited and taken care of and
money loaned to their owners and so
will coal and ores and lumber. If
the policy is adopted it must apply
to all, and the power of those inter
ested in these products will compel
the Government to extend its pater
nal care to them. How much mon
ey will it take to make the 80 per
cent, advance on the five articles
provided for by the bill ? Its friends
say it will require enough Treasury
notes to1 about double our present
circulation. The amount of money
iu the United States to-day, outside
the Treasury, i3 about $1,•100,000,
000. W ill it put this amount of
paper money in circulation? Say
that it will increase the circulation
one-half of that amount, the first
effect would be suspension of specie
payments. Gold and silver would
quickly leave the channels of circu
lation, perhaps leave the country,
and the business of the country
would be floating on a vascillating
volume of paper money. All prices
would rise in proportion to the in
crease, and then as the bill provides
for the destruction of the money
when it is paiiPback to the Govern
ment, there would be a contraction
: equal to the expansion, aDd prices of
all farm products would fall in com
pany with all other property. This
measure provides for an annual ex
pansion and an annifal construction
of the currency. That itself would
bring incalculable disaster to the
county, and no class of our citizens
would feel it more severely than
** ,^arniers' When the businees
of the county is on a vascillafciug
paper circulation is exposed all the
time to the perils of speculation and
gambling in the products of labor,
in which gataie the working people
of the country are always losers.
The policy which the sub-treasury
system will inaugurate will look up
and keep out of market the products
necessary to feed the human family,
and, of course, it will bring with it
distress and suffering among all the
peupie wno live by
tbeir daily toil^ &ud must rsccivs
their daily supplies from the mark
et places- Why Southern farmers
should go into it I cannot' compre
hend. They buy their bacon and
flour from the North-west; and if
the producers are enabled to lock it
up and hold it for higher prices it
will be at the expense of the cotton
grower, flow is he to lw benefited?
When he locks up his cotton against
whom is he contending? All his
crop is sold. Two-thirds of it goes
to Europe, and the other to cotton
manufacturers in the United States.
If the cotton grower expects to bell
at the market price, and tries to
force the manufacturer to give him
-more than ther markot price, the
manufacturer can close his mill
and turn his wprking people in the
street and wait until tue grower is
ready to sell., He can stand the
strian longer than the farmer can.
His employes will drink the cup of
suffering to the dregs but it will not
come near his lips. In the meantime
the cotton grower Will lie paying the
warehouse combination price for his
bacon, lard ana flour, and if he holds
his cotton for the year provided for
by the bill he can put two crops on
the market at once, sell-tliem at half
price, pay interest, insurance and
other charges and close up the
transaction a heavy loser. Let us
•look at it from the position of the
consumer of-farm products. What
are they to do while farm products
are locked up in- the sub-treasury?
What are they to do for daily sub
sistence? What have they to de
1 posit upon which to draw 80 per
cent, of its value with which to pur
■ chaseIheir daily supplies? They
t are entitled to equal considerations
with'-W^rest. As Democrats, we
all belieVA with Mr. Jefferson, in
"equal and exact, justice to all ” Our
whole system of free Government is
founded on that cardinal principle,
and the Democratic party was or
ganized at the beginning to secure
it. All the battles it has fought and
all tlie victories it has won have been
to preserve it. The Democratic
party has never favored class legis
lation and it never will. When any
measure is proposed for their adop
tion it must impose its burdens, and
bestow its benefits alike on nil, I
am thoroughly convinced that the
sub-treasury scheme will injure
farmers ami all voters, but I am pre
senting it to you in the light in
which its advocates present it, as a
measure beneficial to the depositors
of the farm products, but injurious
to those who have to buy and con
sume them. There is another xpb
j.'ctiqn to the proposed scheme that
I aiuafraid was not, considered bv
my democratic incuds in Milam
county. It will require ten or a
dozen officers at each of the sub
treasuries to receive and eare for the
products deposited, return them to
the depositors^ and make settlement
for adygnees, interest, insurance and
other charges, or sell them at auc
tion and accuutfor proceeds of sale,
to render accounts to the govern
ment, to Receive its money, keep
books, make returns, and perforin
such other duties as will be found
necessary in conducting so large a
business. The bill only provides for
one suph officer, but that is mani
festly insufficient and the' Govern
ment, if the hill is passed, will pro
vide force enough to execute its pro
visions. Under the Constitution
they must be appointed by the Pres
ident or by those under his authori
ty. Have, my Democratic friends,
considered what would be the effect
of filling the Southern States with
Republican office holders dispensing
hundreds of millions of money? Do
you want to return to the period of
I reconstruction again? Have the
Democrats of Milam county forgot
ten the throe3 and convulsions
through which we passed during
that time? The Republicans in the
Senate and House are holding night
ly caucuses to agree upon a syttirn
of Federal control over our ballot
boxes, in order that they may take
control of our electors, and by Re
publican returning hoards, appoint
ed by Harrison, have Republicans
placed in office, instead of Demo
crats who have been elected liy the
people. Ever since they secured
the Administration and both branch^
es of Congress they have been busy
devising ways and means to over
turn the Southern State govern
ments and put them again in the
control of a mercenary board of ad
venturers worse than the locusts and
lice of Egypt. To pass either of
these bills and inaugurate, the sub
treasury system would be to prepare
the way and make the paths straight
for the restoration of that control.
It would bring to the South a peri
od of corruption and oppression that
by contrast would make the former
period of reconstruction respectable,
[fall the houses provided for j>y this
bill could be built without cost to
tne government, and if all the offices
necessary to carry it into effect, could
be filled with Democrats, and if the
Government had a thousand millions
of gold and silver, to lend the farm
ers without interest, and without
inflating the currency the measure
[would then be full of evil and desti
I tute of any compensating good. The
throwing into the cH-eulatiun of a
thousand millions of |;ohl and silver,
would raise prices very greatly, and
while the products the farmer has
to sell would greatly inerease in
price, so would that which he had to
buy. So that exchanges would be
lifted'upon a higher plane, but their
relative value to each other would be
just the same.
The relief which our farmers need
is the relief for which Cleveland
fblight and fell. That relief was to
give them more markets and a great
er demai.d for their products; that
greater demand would raise their
prices and put into their pockets,
more than a thousand million of
dollars annually, not of borrowed
moueyybut of money that belonged
to thorn, and which did not have to
be repaid to any one-,- While -open
ing the markets of the-world to tlieir
surplus products would increase the
value of what they had to sell it
would at the same times decrease
the value of the things they had to
buy. - This policy would begin a re
distribution of the wealth of the
coun try l and the weal th that is now
piled up in castles would be distri
buted in the pockets of the produc
er^. The only way in which Con
gress can emancipate our farmers is
to reduce, greatly reduce, taxation
on all manufactures' and other
things which are , imported' aud
which we have to buy, and thus let
[in five or six hundred mllhms of
f ireigii products that, .ire now kept
out. When these eon: • in a:i equal
amount of cotton, wheat, corn and
other things would go out -to pay
for them and that would make an
increased demand, which would in
crease the value of the entire crop
many hundred million dollars. In
1881 we expected §730,000,000 worth
of agricultural products. That is
the largest amount we have ever-ex
ported in any one year from the
beginning of our Government. The
greatly increased demand for for
eign products made high prices. If
we take the prices of corn, .wheat,
oaks, rye, barley, buckwheat, pota
toes, hay, cotton and tobacco for the
year 1881 and apply them to the
same products of the year 18S9 we
will see that the crop of 1889 would
have been worth $1,570,000,000
more than it was. Why did we not
have the prices of 1881? Because
there was not the same demabd for
export as in tool. We only exported
$532,000,000 worth of agricultural
products in 1889, which was about
$8.00 per.head of our people, while
in 1881 we exported about &14.00
per head. But why did we not e-x_:_
port a larger surplus In 1889 than in
1881? Because tve put high duties
on the manufactures of France, Ger
many, Austria and other countries
and in the last ten years they have
been retaliating by putting on high
duties on our agricultural products.
When we reduce thq.{Julies on their
goods they are ready to reduce the
duties on our agricultural products.
It was to accomplish this that
Cleveland drew the Democratic blade
in 1887, and it is to accomplish this
that the Democratic party is em
battled to-day.
What does the “Original Package”
Decision Mean.?
[ As to the time when an or
iginal package becomes a broken
package so as to deprive it of in
terstate commerce privileges and
make it subject to State laws, Chief
Justice Fuller says in hs famous
opinion:
This is not the instant when the
article enters the country but when
the importer has acted upon
it that it has become incorporated
and mixed up with the mass of
property in the country, which
happens when the original package
is no longer sucil ia his hands.
Under our decision in Browmait
vs. Chicago Railway Co., the plain
tiffs in error had a right to import
this liquor intq Iowa, and- in the
view which we have expressed they
had the right to sell it, by which
aet alone it would become mingled
in the common property within the
State.
It is contended that this means
only that liquors must not be med
dled with under States laws while
the boxos or barrels in which they
are shipped are not opened, but the
interpretation put upon the decision
by the dissenting minority of the
court would seem to be that the
protection extends to bottles and
flasks as long as they are unopened
though they may have been taken
from the box, barrel or other pack
age in which they were sliiped from
another State.
The First American Settlement.
Baltimore Herald.
Mr. Stephen It. Wueks, o£ the
Johns Hopkins University, read an
interesting paper on Raleigh’s Set
tlements in Virginia and their His
torical in tlie ltith Century” at the
meeting of the Maryland Historical'
Society last night. -Mr. Weeks said
that the first American settlement
was at Roanoke Island, N. C., near
Cape Hatteras, and not St. Augus
tine, Fla., as so often been alleged.
It was settled in 1585. The first
American child, a girl was born
there in 1587. The inhabitants of
the Island were a race of Indians
known as Croatans, and were very
hospitable people. Their decendants
are recognized today by the State of
North Carolina, or' at least they
were in 1882. They greatly de
spised the negro and refused to in
termarry with them.
Who are ^Bosses?”
Charlotte Chronicle, \ —- —i t!
“The Register believes in the
principles of Democracy, and''has
never voted any other ticket, but it
believes the time is past when it is
the duty of an honest man to vote
for a candidate simply because- he
happens»to be the nominee, if he
does not possess the necessary qual
ifications of pharocterL and fitness
for the position. No man should
be nominated for any office unless
he is worthy of it,” . ,
; It is simply because he is the
nominee of this party, that the can
didate does “possess tho necessary
qualifications of character and fit
ness for official position,"
A BAD HOLE IN THE LAW. '
Ex-State Treasurer Archer Cannot Bo
Convicted of Embezzlement.
Baltimore, May 13.—Owing to a
defect in the indictment, ex-State
Treasurer Archer cannot be convic-j
ted of embezzlement,. A demurer^
had been filed by Areher’s lawyer
to the charge of embezzling $132,
000 from the State, and after argu- ■
ment before Judge Stewart of the
Criminal Court this morning it wad
sustained. The defenoe asserted
that penal statutes must be intepre-1
tqd according to the most natur
al and obvious import of their lan
guage. If the, statue js ambiguous
and susceptible of two con
structions consistent with reason,
one of winch will acquit and tbs
other convict the defendent that
construction which will acquit roast
be adopted. The statue* provides
that al^persons holding public of
fice whoerabezzle any funds which
Hiey are required oy law to pay
over to Uie treasurer shall be'pun
ished. It was argued that, inter- ’
preting these words intended to ap- ‘
ply to the treasurer, because tne
statue expressly divided public of
ficers into two classes, those who
pay over and those who receeived
public money, and punish only
■those who are required to pay over.
The treasurer was necessarily net
included in those obliged to pap
over to the treasurer, for he could
not be obliged to pay to himself,
o The defect in the law was - so
plain that even the logic- of Gov.
Whyte, who appeared for the State
unable to place a different eon-,
struction upon it, and the 'Court
sustained the demurrer. The Statei
must now depend upon the charge)
of malfeasance in office, on whims
Mr. Archer will be tried at Anna
polis. •»
Farmers and Chief.
iVetM and Observer.
We copy the following from the
Youth's Companionnot only be
cause it is racy and readable, and
“points a moral,” but also to osk if
any of our readers or brethren of
the Press can tell us who represent
ed North Carolina in the House of
Representatives in 1834, and who
was the Congressman from Wes
tern North Carolina alluded to. '
In short, is the incident fact or
fiction? 7
Doubtless the Hon. T. L. Cfing
man or Col. J. D. Cameron, of Ashe
ville, could tell. ' “ ,
A skillful touch of ridicule has
often defeated unanswerable argu
ment and justice in Parliament and
Congress, and made “the worse ap
pear the better reason.”
An example of this is given by
Oliver Smith, a contemporary in
Congress of Clay, Webster and CaU
houn. In 1834 a bill was introduc
ed by a member from New York,
which was successfully opposed by
the Congressman from Western
North Carolna, whose arguments
against it were sound and rational
and apparently fully convinced the ,
House. At the close of his speech,
however, he unfortunately said i- „
“My constituents are opposed to
such a policy, to a man—"
His opponent sprang to his feet,
exclaming, That settles' the qestioii
then! The constituents of the gen
ii_ t_ 11.. l • ° .
North Carolina are undoubtedly
qualified to decide upon a question
of national policy.
“They subscribe in each town
and village for a single daily copy'
of the United States Gazette, and
not having time to read them file,
them. .
“On each Saturday one paper is
read aloud to the community.. Nat.
urally they fall behind as to news
to such an extent that when I visit
ed that section last month, I found
all the citizens under arms,' drums
beating, flags, regiments forming.
“On inquiry as to what had hap
pened, I was told that the British
were marching on the Capital.
They had. just reached War* of
1812 !" - . •
In the shoot of laughter which
fol|owed the arguments of thi Caro
linian were forgotten.
Probably the most effective use
of ridieulaever made in a legislative '
body was a silent gesture of Sir
Robert Walpole. lie had made a
savage attack upon Pitt and his col
leagues, denouncing them as igno- ‘
rant youths, who know nothing of
'statecraft. . “v
Pitt rose in a white heat of an
ger, and began his speech with the
words: "
“With the greatest reverence for
the white hairs of the. honorable
member—” when Walpole quietly
wity withdrew.his wig, and diclosed ;
hie red, bald pate’. - ",
PitfS eloquence wae quenched in *
|aughter in which he joined hearti
ily, and left the old man in posse* '
•ion of the field.