jiARRU SANFORD, NORTH CAROLINA, SATURDAY, MAY 24,1890. A VALUABLE ADDRESS. The Church in Connection with the ' <v Anglo-Saxon Race. ’ 'Rdw. A. W. WiuldtU JBtjfote IJw JSpl»eopa\ Convention at Tarkoro, ■ ' ~. i ‘t ” ;• ..Tub subject assigned to' me fot 3 fiiseussion ob this interesting occa sion is of vast proportions, and there fore the most I cup hope to accom - piisji mli be to present a very gener al outline of it. ... To the student of church history there have been few spectacles with in the last two centuries more af fecting ilian'the persistent devotion with ’which - in the face !of over whelming prejudice and aversion-— the sons of the" church in America, at the close of the Revolution, clung to her.- In the hu’nds of ambitious or stupidvor feckless Colonial Gov ernors and Councils, who freijuent ily sought to enforce the ecclesiasti cal legislation of the mother coun try, upon a people. whose environ ment was wholly different, and be cause of its identification in the .-minds-of the people' with the politi cal govern men t und its oppressors. theehureh had beconiean object of suspicion, and finally of intense hate; .and yrhen the Revolution closed it was regarded with more hostility than -Royalty itself. Left to struggle against this feeling, which dominated the minds of l»er fellow, citizens, and without an Episcopate of her own, they were , compelled, to see the church t jvhich they loved decline and wither into Unmerciful insignificance. It had ■ been a:growing power, especially in the Southern Colonies, and if its ad herents had been willing to throw off , the 3, Episcopate ns they had thrown off royalty, and -adopted' a hew form of: Church Government, ;>it might and probably would have ! enjoyed a very great advantage over any other ecdastical organization in the country, so ter as increasing its membership was concerned. ' ' ; •Within its folds were gathered many of the greatest and best -men in America, who had been chiefly instrumental in the enlightenment of the liberty and independence of the country aud these would doubt 1 ;ss, have largely increased their in dividual popularity and influence by extending their work to the severe ftnoe of all independence on, or con •nection with the Church of England. But their faith in the Episco pal form of church govern ment was honest and deep-rooted, and their love of the grand noble iaturgy, to which they were accus tomed, was sincere and hearty, and hot prejudice, nor hate, nor ridicule, hor abuse could Shake their loyalty to their convictions, or induce them to abandon the hope of rebuilding and strengthening the shattered walls of their Zion. They had only to look back at her history, aad, in connection with it? the history of the race from which -themselves had sprung, to find both support for tbeir convictions and en couragement for their hopes. Such a retrospect would show to them, as r it will show to ns that the Ch ureh is indissolubly connected with nearly all the great achievments of the Anglo-Saxon race, from the first etnergement of that race, under her guidance, Out of the darkness of paganism to their day and to ours, when its mastery is recognized throughout the earth. The history of the one is, indeed, largely the his tory of the other, and hence the vastness of the subject to which I have already referred. ' Let us take a 'rapid glance at it. •; _ ■ ' With the history of Christianity in Britain before the Anglo-Saxon invasion we are not concerned. We know that when the pagan English lmd secured a foothold and acquir ed asfcehdehiiy over the Britain»( 'who were living under Kpman gov ernment. the religion, law, litera ture, ana manners of The country were swept away, and it ^ became a heathen land. Before the English "invasion, Christianity prevailed in every country in western Europe, except Germany, from which the English came, and the conquest of the island by the English “thrust a wedge of heathendom into theheart of this great communion made two unequal parts, says a great histori an, who also adds; that it was “the one purely German nation that rose .- upon the wreck of Rome. In other . .lands, in Spain, Or Gaul or Italy, though they were equally conquered by German peoples, religion,' social •Jife, administrative order still re mained Roman. In Britian alone Rome digd into a vague tradition. The whole organization of govern ment and society disappeared with the people who had used it." • ~ V Although Augustine and' his monks landed in the year 597, and thereby renewed the union with wes tern world which had been destroy ■ rid, and re-introduced the civiliza tiori, arts and let ters which had been driven out, the Roman church soon came into rivalry with the church of Ireland and Scotland which had long existed before they came and was superceded by the latter in the work of converting the English. Christianity in Ireland was more vigorous than elsewhere because that country was exempt from in vasion, and had consequently great ly advanced-in arts and letters. In the year004, however, at a council at Whitby, and in a controversy over the trifling questions of the treas ure and the proper time for observ ing Easter, the Irish. party were overruled by King Gswl, and they all, accompanied by some English clergy, returned ..to Iona, leaving the Roman Churchtriumphaut in England. And .now the history of the En glish Church proper began. ^Theo dore, of Tarsus, a Greek monk, be came Archbishop of Canterbury, and at once set about by organizing tuc yuurtin uy aumiig new sees to the old ones, and grouping them all around the central sco of Canterbu ry. He then settled the clergy, who until then hud been chiefly mission aries, and organized parishes. He gathered Synods, and these were the first national legislative assemblies, in England, long antedating the \rhittenagemote, or the first parlia ment of the civill government. The canons passed in these synods wore the real orignals from which the national system of laws sprang. So that, in the matter of organization and legislation, the church in En gland antedated and formed the mod el otfhe State, and it .was.the only bond of union betwen the people for about two centuries. Its noblest product flowered two hundred years later in King Alfred, who lias justly be,en pro nounced “the first instance, in the history of Cbristiandom of the Chris tian King, of a ruler who put aside every personal aim or ambition to devote himself to the welfare of those whom he ruled.” A thous and years have r pased since his death, but the longing which he ex pressed—“to leave to the men that came after him a remembrance in good works”—still finds realization in the veneration entertained for his memory by all English speak ing people.-, l’hey recognize in him not only the pious -and self-sacrifi cing monarch and wise ruler, with whose reign English history began, but the real creator of English lit erature and the educator of his peo ple. ^ ■ ■ After the death of Alfred appear ed the first of the great ecclesiastical statesmen of England, who wielded all the power of the realm for a series of years, Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury, a niun of great versatil ity of genius, who gave to the. En glish Constitution its first impress of genuine liberty, and lifted the church which threatened it into a higher and purer atmosphere. The successive sovereigns and privates of England had frequently resisted, or evaded the exactions of Rome upon the English Bishops, but it was not until the Norman Conqueror ascended the throne that an open defiance of any claim of pa pal supremacy was made. These claims had* with the persistency that has always characterized them, been continually urged, directly and indirectly, until they culminated in the demand by Gregory VII. upon William to do fealty for his king dom, when that monarch .proudly replied*' “Fealty, 1 have never willed to do, nor do I will to do it now, I have never-promised it, nor do I find that my predecessor did it to yours.” 1 . But while he defied Rome he had reduced the Church of England to a state of dependence upon the crown which had crippled its influence for good; and the same policy was pur sued by hiS“sons until the coufage ous Archbishop Anselm re-asserted its rights, and largely restored inn dependence-:,j _-. . - Under the irifluehceof the great religious revival which, occurred dur ing the reign of Stephen and by the power of the church, Henry the Sec ond, become King, but his successor, Richard the Lion Hearted, died as he had lived, at war with ’ God and man. Then came that consummate villian of the ages, King John, whose Charter, wrested from him at Runnymede, has ever since been the corner-stone of Anglo-Saxon free dom. The leading spirit in this great historic drama of Runnvmcde was Stephen Lnngton, Archbishop of Canterbury, who, although made Primate by an act of Papal usur pation, rebuked aud protested against the submission of John to tne supremacy of the" Pope, rallied the church and the barons to the support of their liberties, threatened the king with .excommunication and saved MuMipuntry from the ruin that threatened it. The very first article of this great Character of English liberty begins with the3e words: “Imprimi* Cpncessimus Beo,et hac presen ti char'fa nostra confirmarirdm pro nobis, et haeridibus nostus in perpetuara, quod Kcclesia Angelicann libera sit ,ct nabi-at omnia jura ear, integral\ et libertutes suas illaesas . First of all, the Church of En gland was to be free, and to have all its rights and liberties intact. Again in the reign of Henry III, this great churchman, Stephen Langton, whose services in tho cause of English lib erty were never surpassed, was chief ly instumeptal in establishing the great principles that rodress of grievances most always be had before a grant to the crown is made by parliament. The most striking feature, of this epoch, however, so far as the church was concerned, was the work of those wonderful men, the Gray Fri as, whose self-sacrificing labors in mo uuisc ux jeugum ure inmost un paralleled in human history. They are doubtless, generally very lightly regarded, because of the subsequent degeneracy of the order to which they belonged, but at this time their services to religion and. hu manity were almost beyond praise. -W» all, last year did homage to 'the Christian heroism of that noble Ho man Catholic priest, Father Dkmien who sacrificed his life in the service of the lepers of the "South Pacific islands and ho richly deserved the praise of the whole Christian world for his unselfish devotion. The Gray Friars of the thirteenth c£h tury in England performed the same service. ‘‘The rapid progress, of the population within the boroughs," says Green in history, “had outstripped the sanitary regu lations pf the middle ages aud fever onplagqe or the more terrible y&oufge- of leprosy festered in the wretched hovels of the suburbs. It \vas_ to haunts such as these that Francis had pointed his disciples and the Gray Brethren at once fixed themselves in the means and poorest quarters of each town. Their first work lay in the noisome lazar-hous es; it wps among the lepers that they commonly chose the site of their houses." The patron of tho Friars was the patriot soldier and statesman, Simon de Montfort, whose pity equalled his wisdom, aud whose reforms in the civil administration were of in calculable value. It was to.this mendicant frater nity that Roger Bacon—after forty years of devotion to study, whose only recompense, as he said, was that he was “unheard, forgotten buried”—allied himself, supposing that thereby he would sink into ob livion; but it proved to be the means of introducing him to fume. Some of his writings coming under the notice of the Pope, he was invi ted to continue his literary labors, (although no pecuniary assistance was offered), and, amidst all sorts of embarassments and difficulties, he produced his wonderful “Opus Hajus,"which Dr- Whewell pro nounced “at once the Encyclopedia and the Novum Organum of the 13th century.” x Mv icigu ui xiuwtifu me r rstr ai though the result of a process of evolution, was really the beginning of the England which we know. All the great reforms in the judi ciary and in legislation; which, with continued improvement, have reached our day, had their ori gin during his reign, and chief among these who did the work were the'Primate and the Clergy. 77 -But' it was in reign of Edward III that the great reformer John Wyclif drove the wedge which ulti mately separated the English church from.the dominion of the Pope. His work has borne fruit in every succeeding generation. Begin ning his warfare on the practice of ttieehiifcli in his-day, he proceeded to attack the doctrines then preva lent—the central doctrine of tran substantion being his first objec tive point—and by appealing.to the masses of the people, in tracts writ ten in their1 own tongue, he struck a deadly blow not only to that dog ma, but to the practice of indulgen ces, absolutions, pilgrimages) im ago-worship, and 3aint-worahip, and thus began the movement which re sulted a hundred years afterwaid in religious liberty; r Contemporary with Wlyclif, too, wad one whom they called “a mad priest”—John Ball, of Kent—whc first stirred the hearts of the peoph by declaring, what was then regar ded as the most abominable of at heresies, the equality of hnmar rights. One of the most exquisiti specimens of modern English liters, wire, I think, is William Morris’i little essay, entitled “A Dream 01 John Ball,” which portrays the firs’ awakeningof this idea and its prac [continued oh second page.]] - . " l-- . ’ • 'A1.-- : • —7. ROGER Q. MILLS To the Texas Alliance—HI* Views of the Sub-Treasury Bill. ■ The most prominent feature of this policy is the entire absorption o£ the private business of the people by the government. The Alliance tel! U3 that our farmers cannot sup port themselves and those dependent on them without the Government will take these products and lend them money on them. 1 But if that be true how much better will be be next year than he is now? He will have to borrow agai#, arid as he is not able to make his income meet his out-go without borrowing «• lie must get worse year by year, -and sink at last into bankruptcy. When the Government begins to take charge of the cotton, wheat, com, oats, and tobacco, it Will go on, - and bacon, pork, beef, butter, cheese. idru, nay ana an ocner Irani products will demand of the Government to take their surplus and advance them 80 per cent, on it. And in periods of manufacturing and rain ing depression,, iron, steel, woolen and cotton: goods will demand to be deposited and taken care of and money loaned to their owners and so will coal and ores and lumber. If the policy is adopted it must apply to all, and the power of those inter ested in these products will compel the Government to extend its pater nal care to them. How much mon ey will it take to make the 80 per cent, advance on the five articles provided for by the bill ? Its friends say it will require enough Treasury notes to1 about double our present circulation. The amount of money iu the United States to-day, outside the Treasury, i3 about $1,•100,000, 000. W ill it put this amount of paper money in circulation? Say that it will increase the circulation one-half of that amount, the first effect would be suspension of specie payments. Gold and silver would quickly leave the channels of circu lation, perhaps leave the country, and the business of the country would be floating on a vascillating volume of paper money. All prices would rise in proportion to the in crease, and then as the bill provides for the destruction of the money when it is paiiPback to the Govern ment, there would be a contraction : equal to the expansion, aDd prices of all farm products would fall in com pany with all other property. This measure provides for an annual ex pansion and an annifal construction of the currency. That itself would bring incalculable disaster to the county, and no class of our citizens would feel it more severely than ** ,^arniers' When the businees of the county is on a vascillafciug paper circulation is exposed all the time to the perils of speculation and gambling in the products of labor, in which gataie the working people of the country are always losers. The policy which the sub-treasury system will inaugurate will look up and keep out of market the products necessary to feed the human family, and, of course, it will bring with it distress and suffering among all the peupie wno live by tbeir daily toil^ &ud must rsccivs their daily supplies from the mark et places- Why Southern farmers should go into it I cannot' compre hend. They buy their bacon and flour from the North-west; and if the producers are enabled to lock it up and hold it for higher prices it will be at the expense of the cotton grower, flow is he to lw benefited? When he locks up his cotton against whom is he contending? All his crop is sold. Two-thirds of it goes to Europe, and the other to cotton manufacturers in the United States. If the cotton grower expects to bell at the market price, and tries to force the manufacturer to give him -more than ther markot price, the manufacturer can close his mill and turn his wprking people in the street and wait until tue grower is ready to sell., He can stand the strian longer than the farmer can. His employes will drink the cup of suffering to the dregs but it will not come near his lips. In the meantime the cotton grower Will lie paying the warehouse combination price for his bacon, lard ana flour, and if he holds his cotton for the year provided for by the bill he can put two crops on the market at once, sell-tliem at half price, pay interest, insurance and other charges and close up the transaction a heavy loser. Let us •look at it from the position of the consumer of-farm products. What are they to do while farm products are locked up in- the sub-treasury? What are they to do for daily sub sistence? What have they to de 1 posit upon which to draw 80 per cent, of its value with which to pur ■ chaseIheir daily supplies? They t are entitled to equal considerations with'-W^rest. As Democrats, we all belieVA with Mr. Jefferson, in "equal and exact, justice to all ” Our whole system of free Government is founded on that cardinal principle, and the Democratic party was or ganized at the beginning to secure it. All the battles it has fought and all tlie victories it has won have been to preserve it. The Democratic party has never favored class legis lation and it never will. When any measure is proposed for their adop tion it must impose its burdens, and bestow its benefits alike on nil, I am thoroughly convinced that the sub-treasury scheme will injure farmers ami all voters, but I am pre senting it to you in the light in which its advocates present it, as a measure beneficial to the depositors of the farm products, but injurious to those who have to buy and con sume them. There is another xpb j.'ctiqn to the proposed scheme that I aiuafraid was not, considered bv my democratic incuds in Milam county. It will require ten or a dozen officers at each of the sub treasuries to receive and eare for the products deposited, return them to the depositors^ and make settlement for adygnees, interest, insurance and other charges, or sell them at auc tion and accuutfor proceeds of sale, to render accounts to the govern ment, to Receive its money, keep books, make returns, and perforin such other duties as will be found necessary in conducting so large a business. The bill only provides for one suph officer, but that is mani festly insufficient and the' Govern ment, if the hill is passed, will pro vide force enough to execute its pro visions. Under the Constitution they must be appointed by the Pres ident or by those under his authori ty. Have, my Democratic friends, considered what would be the effect of filling the Southern States with Republican office holders dispensing hundreds of millions of money? Do you want to return to the period of I reconstruction again? Have the Democrats of Milam county forgot ten the throe3 and convulsions through which we passed during that time? The Republicans in the Senate and House are holding night ly caucuses to agree upon a syttirn of Federal control over our ballot boxes, in order that they may take control of our electors, and by Re publican returning hoards, appoint ed by Harrison, have Republicans placed in office, instead of Demo crats who have been elected liy the people. Ever since they secured the Administration and both branch^ es of Congress they have been busy devising ways and means to over turn the Southern State govern ments and put them again in the control of a mercenary board of ad venturers worse than the locusts and lice of Egypt. To pass either of these bills and inaugurate, the sub treasury system would be to prepare the way and make the paths straight for the restoration of that control. It would bring to the South a peri od of corruption and oppression that by contrast would make the former period of reconstruction respectable, [fall the houses provided for j>y this bill could be built without cost to tne government, and if all the offices necessary to carry it into effect, could be filled with Democrats, and if the Government had a thousand millions of gold and silver, to lend the farm ers without interest, and without inflating the currency the measure [would then be full of evil and desti I tute of any compensating good. The throwing into the cH-eulatiun of a thousand millions of |;ohl and silver, would raise prices very greatly, and while the products the farmer has to sell would greatly inerease in price, so would that which he had to buy. So that exchanges would be lifted'upon a higher plane, but their relative value to each other would be just the same. The relief which our farmers need is the relief for which Cleveland fblight and fell. That relief was to give them more markets and a great er demai.d for their products; that greater demand would raise their prices and put into their pockets, more than a thousand million of dollars annually, not of borrowed moueyybut of money that belonged to thorn, and which did not have to be repaid to any one-,- While -open ing the markets of the-world to tlieir surplus products would increase the value of what they had to sell it would at the same times decrease the value of the things they had to buy. - This policy would begin a re distribution of the wealth of the coun try l and the weal th that is now piled up in castles would be distri buted in the pockets of the produc er^. The only way in which Con gress can emancipate our farmers is to reduce, greatly reduce, taxation on all manufactures' and other things which are , imported' aud which we have to buy, and thus let [in five or six hundred mllhms of f ireigii products that, .ire now kept out. When these eon: • in a:i equal amount of cotton, wheat, corn and other things would go out -to pay for them and that would make an increased demand, which would in crease the value of the entire crop many hundred million dollars. In 1881 we expected §730,000,000 worth of agricultural products. That is the largest amount we have ever-ex ported in any one year from the beginning of our Government. The greatly increased demand for for eign products made high prices. If we take the prices of corn, .wheat, oaks, rye, barley, buckwheat, pota toes, hay, cotton and tobacco for the year 1881 and apply them to the same products of the year 18S9 we will see that the crop of 1889 would have been worth $1,570,000,000 more than it was. Why did we not have the prices of 1881? Because there was not the same demabd for export as in tool. We only exported $532,000,000 worth of agricultural products in 1889, which was about $8.00 per.head of our people, while in 1881 we exported about &14.00 per head. But why did we not e-x_:_ port a larger surplus In 1889 than in 1881? Because tve put high duties on the manufactures of France, Ger many, Austria and other countries and in the last ten years they have been retaliating by putting on high duties on our agricultural products. When we reduce thq.{Julies on their goods they are ready to reduce the duties on our agricultural products. It was to accomplish this that Cleveland drew the Democratic blade in 1887, and it is to accomplish this that the Democratic party is em battled to-day. What does the “Original Package” Decision Mean.? [ As to the time when an or iginal package becomes a broken package so as to deprive it of in terstate commerce privileges and make it subject to State laws, Chief Justice Fuller says in hs famous opinion: This is not the instant when the article enters the country but when the importer has acted upon it that it has become incorporated and mixed up with the mass of property in the country, which happens when the original package is no longer sucil ia his hands. Under our decision in Browmait vs. Chicago Railway Co., the plain tiffs in error had a right to import this liquor intq Iowa, and- in the view which we have expressed they had the right to sell it, by which aet alone it would become mingled in the common property within the State. It is contended that this means only that liquors must not be med dled with under States laws while the boxos or barrels in which they are shipped are not opened, but the interpretation put upon the decision by the dissenting minority of the court would seem to be that the protection extends to bottles and flasks as long as they are unopened though they may have been taken from the box, barrel or other pack age in which they were sliiped from another State. The First American Settlement. Baltimore Herald. Mr. Stephen It. Wueks, o£ the Johns Hopkins University, read an interesting paper on Raleigh’s Set tlements in Virginia and their His torical in tlie ltith Century” at the meeting of the Maryland Historical' Society last night. -Mr. Weeks said that the first American settlement was at Roanoke Island, N. C., near Cape Hatteras, and not St. Augus tine, Fla., as so often been alleged. It was settled in 1585. The first American child, a girl was born there in 1587. The inhabitants of the Island were a race of Indians known as Croatans, and were very hospitable people. Their decendants are recognized today by the State of North Carolina, or' at least they were in 1882. They greatly de spised the negro and refused to in termarry with them. Who are ^Bosses?” Charlotte Chronicle, \ —- —i t! “The Register believes in the principles of Democracy, and''has never voted any other ticket, but it believes the time is past when it is the duty of an honest man to vote for a candidate simply because- he happens»to be the nominee, if he does not possess the necessary qual ifications of pharocterL and fitness for the position. No man should be nominated for any office unless he is worthy of it,” . , ; It is simply because he is the nominee of this party, that the can didate does “possess tho necessary qualifications of character and fit ness for official position," A BAD HOLE IN THE LAW. ' Ex-State Treasurer Archer Cannot Bo Convicted of Embezzlement. Baltimore, May 13.—Owing to a defect in the indictment, ex-State Treasurer Archer cannot be convic-j ted of embezzlement,. A demurer^ had been filed by Areher’s lawyer to the charge of embezzling $132, 000 from the State, and after argu- ■ ment before Judge Stewart of the Criminal Court this morning it wad sustained. The defenoe asserted that penal statutes must be intepre-1 tqd according to the most natur al and obvious import of their lan guage. If the, statue js ambiguous and susceptible of two con structions consistent with reason, one of winch will acquit and tbs other convict the defendent that construction which will acquit roast be adopted. The statue* provides that al^persons holding public of fice whoerabezzle any funds which Hiey are required oy law to pay over to Uie treasurer shall be'pun ished. It was argued that, inter- ’ preting these words intended to ap- ‘ ply to the treasurer, because tne statue expressly divided public of ficers into two classes, those who pay over and those who receeived public money, and punish only ■those who are required to pay over. The treasurer was necessarily net included in those obliged to pap over to the treasurer, for he could not be obliged to pay to himself, o The defect in the law was - so plain that even the logic- of Gov. Whyte, who appeared for the State unable to place a different eon-, struction upon it, and the 'Court sustained the demurrer. The Statei must now depend upon the charge) of malfeasance in office, on whims Mr. Archer will be tried at Anna polis. •» Farmers and Chief. iVetM and Observer. We copy the following from the Youth's Companionnot only be cause it is racy and readable, and “points a moral,” but also to osk if any of our readers or brethren of the Press can tell us who represent ed North Carolina in the House of Representatives in 1834, and who was the Congressman from Wes tern North Carolina alluded to. ' In short, is the incident fact or fiction? 7 Doubtless the Hon. T. L. Cfing man or Col. J. D. Cameron, of Ashe ville, could tell. ' “ , A skillful touch of ridicule has often defeated unanswerable argu ment and justice in Parliament and Congress, and made “the worse ap pear the better reason.” An example of this is given by Oliver Smith, a contemporary in Congress of Clay, Webster and CaU houn. In 1834 a bill was introduc ed by a member from New York, which was successfully opposed by the Congressman from Western North Carolna, whose arguments against it were sound and rational and apparently fully convinced the , House. At the close of his speech, however, he unfortunately said i- „ “My constituents are opposed to such a policy, to a man—" His opponent sprang to his feet, exclaming, That settles' the qestioii then! The constituents of the gen ii_ t_ 11.. l • ° . North Carolina are undoubtedly qualified to decide upon a question of national policy. “They subscribe in each town and village for a single daily copy' of the United States Gazette, and not having time to read them file, them. . “On each Saturday one paper is read aloud to the community.. Nat. urally they fall behind as to news to such an extent that when I visit ed that section last month, I found all the citizens under arms,' drums beating, flags, regiments forming. “On inquiry as to what had hap pened, I was told that the British were marching on the Capital. They had. just reached War* of 1812 !" - . • In the shoot of laughter which fol|owed the arguments of thi Caro linian were forgotten. Probably the most effective use of ridieulaever made in a legislative ' body was a silent gesture of Sir Robert Walpole. lie had made a savage attack upon Pitt and his col leagues, denouncing them as igno- ‘ rant youths, who know nothing of 'statecraft. . “v Pitt rose in a white heat of an ger, and began his speech with the words: " “With the greatest reverence for the white hairs of the. honorable member—” when Walpole quietly wity withdrew.his wig, and diclosed ; hie red, bald pate’. - ", PitfS eloquence wae quenched in * |aughter in which he joined hearti ily, and left the old man in posse* ' •ion of the field.

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