North Carolina Newspapers

T i' IB W. C. IVY, Editor and Publisher. Render Unto Caesar the Things which are Caesar's, Unto God, God's. $1.00 Per Annum, in Advance. Vol. I DUNN, HARNETT CO., N. C, THURSDAY JANUARY 14, 1892. No. 47. CENTRilL OFFICIAL DIRECTORY OF THE NATIONAL FARMERS ALLIANCE AND INDUSTIAL UNION. L. I- Polk, President, North Carolina. B. H. Clover, Vice-President, Kansas. I. H. 1 urnei, Secretary-Treasurer, Georgia, j. K. Willetts, Lecturer, Kansas. Executive Board C V. MaCune, Chairman; A. Wardall. J. F. Tillman. f uiliciary Department H. C. Demming, Chairman; Isaac McCracken. A. E. Cole. Committee on Confederation of N. F. A. and I. C. Ben Terrell, Chairman, 239 North Capitol street. Washington, D. C; L. K. Livingston, of r.eorjjia: K. 1". Rogers, of Floi ida; W. J. Talbert, South Carolina; H. L. Lourks. of South Dakota. DECLARATION OF PURPOSES. Whereas the general condition of our country imperatively demands unity of action on the part of the laboring classes, reformation in economy, and the disseminati )n of principles best calculated to encourage and foster ag- j ricultural and mechanical pursuits, en-1 couriging the toiling masses leading j them in the road to prosperity, and j providing a just and fair remuneration j for labor, a just exchange for our com-1 nioditifs, and the best means of secur-. ing to the laboring classes the greatest ! amount of good; we hoil to the princi- ! pie that all monopolies are dangerous to the best interests of our couutrj-, ; tending to enslave a free people and subvert and finally overthrow the great ' principles purchased by the fathers of; American li'serty. We therefore adopt the fallowing as uur declaration of prin- ciples: 1. To labor for the education of the agricultural clashes in the science of economic government in a strictly uon- ' partisan spirit. 2. To indorse the motto: "la things j essentia!, unity; and in all things, t charity." 3. To develop a better state, meut- ' ally, morally, socially, And financially. ; 4. To create a better understanding ; for sustaining civil officers in maintain- j iug law and order. i 5 To constantly strive to secure en- l tire harmony and good will among j mankind, and brothetly love among: ourselves. - j 6. To suppress personal, local, sec-j tional and national prejudices, all un-1 healthful rivalry and selfish ambition, j 7. The brightest jewels which it gar- j ners are the tears of widows and or-J phans, and its imperative commands are to visit the homes where lacerated hearts are bleeding; to assuage the suf- j ferings of a brother or sister; bury the j dead; care for the widows and educate j "the orphans; to exercise charity toward joflenders: to construe words and deeds I in their most favorable light, granting ' honesty of purpose and good inten-; tious to others; and to protect the prin j ciples of the Alliance unto death. Its laws are reason and equity; its cardinal . doctrines inspire purity of thought and life; its inteutiou is "on earth peace and good will toward men." OCALA DEMANDS. 1. We demand the abolition of na tional banks; we demand that the gov ernment shall establish sub-treasuries or depositories in the several States which shall loan money direct to the people at a low rate of interest, not to exceed 2 per cent per annum on non perishable farm products, and also upon real estate, with proper limita tions upou the quantity of land and amount of money; we demand that tht amount of the circulating medium be ; speedily iucreased to not lese thai; $10 er .capita. 2. We demand that Congress shall pass such laws as shall effectually pre vent the dealing in futures in all agri- cultural and mechanical productions ; preserving a stringent system of prc- . cediire in trials such as shall ecure the prompt conviction and imposition of such penalties as shall secure the most perfect compliance with the law. 3. We denounce the silver bill re-; ceutly passed by Congress, and de mand in lieu thereof the free and un limited coinage of silver. 4. We demand the passage of laws prohibiting alien ownership of land, and that Congress take prompt action to devise some plan to obtain all lauds now o ued by liens and foreign syn-1 dicates. and that all lands now held by railroad and other corpoiations in ex cess of such as is actually used and needee by them, be reclaimed ty the; government and held for actual sellers only. 5. Believing in the doctrine of equal rights to all and . pecial privileges to none, we demand that our national leg islation sha 1 be so framed in the future as not to build up one industry at the expense of another. We further de-' maud a removal of the existing heavy tariff" tax from the necessaries of life hat the poor of our land must have We further demand a just and equka . ble system of graduated tax on incomes. We. "beli.-e that the money of the country should ber kept as much as possible in the hands of the people and hence we demand that all national and State revenues shall be limited to the necessary expenses of the govern ment economically and honest! ad ministered. 6. We demand the most rigid, honest and just State and national govern mental control and supervision of the methods of public communication and transportation, and if this control and supervision do not remove- the abuse ; now existing, we "demand the govern ment ownership of such means of com munication and transportation. ; THE EXTENDED BONDS. The United States bonds that were continued at 2 per cent are now at a premium of 5 percent, and are difficult to obtain at that rate. This is a matter that every one, especially the farmers of America, should consider carefully. Just why a bond bearing such a low rate of interest should command such a premium, while nearly all other forms of indebtedness are a a dis count or convey a much greater inter est, is a question well worthy the at tention of all. The farmer knows that in nearly every case where money is borrowed on mortgage security a bonus is paid in addition to the rate of interest named in that instrument. This is really a discount on the mort gage, which rarely exceeds in amount one half the value of the farm. . There must be some good reason for so wide a discrepancy in the in vestment values of these two forms of indebtedness, since those engaged in this particular branch of business are controlled by facts and experience, and never by sentiment or theory. They may sometimes err in judgment, but all their calculations are based, j as a rjle, on a sordid desire for gain. J Among the probable factors that en- j ter into this premium are their use as j a basis for bank issues, the certainty j of payment of principal and interest, their being non-taxable, and their acceptability as collateral security. To a majority of people these furnish a satisfactory solution of the problem, and no further investigation is made. While such conditions that may ob tain in a loan of this character are taken into account by investors, there are and must be some weightier in fluences that control the transaction. Bankers declare that national bank issues are no longer profitable; which if true would eliminate that factor from those which conspire to produce this premium. The gain arising from being con-taxable and the payment of interest in advance would not ex ceed x2 per cent, which added to the interest named in the bonds, would give a return of only 3 '-J per cent per annum on the investment. Here, then, is the situation: The most experienced and shrewdest finau- j nanciers of the country prefer a gov- j ernment bond netting but 3 i per cent j interest to a farm mortgage bearing from S to 12 per cent, and in many; instances even more. May not the I run tVMl O t J V I ll 1 f 1 1 J C . 1 . 1 . .- I Kn vnmillii ! 1 .acuiio iui 1110 uv. luuim 1 11 nit, iaj;iui increasing" power of money over the products of labor? The certainty of payment when based on the taxing power of government as against the uncertainty of payment when depend ent on the. prosperity of the people, together with the intimate relations i which exist between the financial de partment of government and the own- ; ers of national obligations? Is it not ; true that $)2 per cent interest now will purchase almost, if not quite, as much as 10 per cent would in 1865: ami 1866 of labor products in nearly every line of industry? The interest, : however, cuts but a small figure when ' compared with the principal; while; the interest numerically stated is less 1 its purchasing power, so called, has; decreased but little if any. Not so ' with the principal. The $1,000! loaned in 1S66 that would have pur- chased then less than 500 bushels of; wheat will at the present time purchase nearly 2,000 bushels. The farmer; whomortgaged his farm worth $10,- 000 in 1S66 for $5, coo at 10 percent ! interest could at that time pay the; interest with less than 50 bushels of? wheat, and the principal with less j 2,500 bushels. Since that time his; interest has been scaled down a trille, , but the principal has remained the.' same. At the present time it will re- j quire about 150 bushels of wheat to pay the interest, over 10,000 to liquidate! the principal, and while the farm as i a rule would not sell for $4,000. In i this example lies the milk in the co-; coanut. Those who manipulate the currency of the nation have been able; to keen the purchasing power of the interest upon which they live about ' on the same level, knowing full well that the same power is rapidly increas- j ing in the principal, and this, too, J without any probability of forfeiture j of interest, non-payment of principal, or depreciation of security. The real incentive, therefore, for investment in government securities lies in "the power of money to oppress" when controlled and manipulated by those who own it. Just so long as govern ment loans are sought for at a low rate of interest, just so long will the people suffer. Just so long as government bonds are at a high premium will the industries languish and the profits of individual effort flow to the owners of money. The remedy for this unfair condition lies in an adequate volume of money, at all times and in all sea sons readily accessible to the people. THE SEVENTH DEMAND. TKo c's : i. ... 1 & .w.c wv, by Senator Turpie in submitting ioint , . r ..u r j , , , v,u";" 'lb'""ulli j instructing the Senators from that c,, . f c , . ! State to vote in favor of submitting j an amendment to the Federal Con- j .- c , J stitution providing for election of j United States Senators by the people. This conforms to the seventh de mand of the Ocala platform, and Senator Turpie 's argument wid be read with interest by members of the Order: - The question by whom Senators should be chosen does not seem to have been much considered by the framers of the Constitution or by the constituencies to wh m it was submitted for adoption. That they should be chosen by toe leg islatures of the several States was deter mined almost of course; there was a great deal in the history of that time which led even unconsciously to such a conclusion. It does not seem that there was any de bate or division upon the topic as to who should choose United States Senators. The alte rnative of a choice by the people or the legislature of the States appears not even to have been presented. They did not omit to provide for the contin gency that a matter then regarded as of minor moment might become, as this has in our age, of great concern. So such things were left by their provident wis dom to the disposal of future advise ment and after amendment. This i called a government of the peo ple, republican in form, and very justly it may be so called jn comparison with many others, especially those in vogue at the time of its establishment. Such a government ougl t to be one wherein the people should control and more immed ia'ely direct the management of public affairs. We are constantly repeatirg the maxim that the people are the real source of all authority, yet in the actual drift of events, there is a tendency to slip away from this source to deny and to disown it. The distribution of powers was iustly regarded by the framers of our funda mental law as one of the chief safeguards I nf i;hrtr or.ri if ie ,. itdin thnnrviom f ' rty, ana it is within thepu their polity and by virtue thereof that tendencies to centralism or absolutism may, by this means, be checked and j thwarted. A redistribution of power, i that is what this amendment proposes. It j relates to a readjustment of power as at j present apportioned. There is a certain element in our system which to-day is j demanding a larger share of power, as is .j evidenced by the action of the learned I and honorable Senator from Wisconsin Mr. Vila in introducing the resolutions of his legislature this morning. They are demanding a larger share, and I mav be permit ed to say they deserve it. This decentralization is always competent by the voluntary suffrage of the people of the States, under the forms of law. In accordance with this policy of distri bution we have been provided with three departments of the government, the leg- islaUve, executive and judicial. Of these three under the present form wh:ch is controlled by the people? Surely not the judiciary. This whole province rvf -"vm-- f aii1i cc Knf Ifc tMifotn'o source and origin, at the time of appoint- ment, and then only in the most indirect manner. inereaiier u is iorever inue- pendent of, and, indeed, irresponsible to, the people as such. ' Just as certaiuly it is not the executive. The head of this department i chosen by electors, who are themselves chosen by' the neoDle: but when elected, and after his i duction, the President and the ; daily with the persons and property of tenants at w ill, at the will of the people. , induce us to check this movement, to dis- to-day, as it is only a legal tender for chiefs of the great administrative sec- j. the citiz-n, yet not answerable even in i And thus it may be known of all men i trust it, or to disallow its just influence ! small amounts, and can not be con -tions appointed by him are not at all the i the most remote manner to the people, j that the founders of this Republic did jn modification of the original terms of the i sidered by any rule of finance as a re subjects of popular regulation or direc- : shows a somewhat similar divergence. gve to the purely democratic element ; Federal compact. The spirit of liberty ! fnr th ' L-vrnlnt ne ,i1,t Tr ; tion, ! Again, certain shares and subdivisions ! ah indisputable ascendency; that .they whlch has ,ed to the rise pr0gress, and ! S?rvC, IOr lI?e Payrocnl 01 .Dt. Uis There remains, then, only the legisla- of governmental powers have been granted to this popular tribunal a juris- consUmmatiori of the dominion of the ; simply a convenience for the people, the, whereof the people have control of granted over, sublet to numerous corpor- - diction from which there can beno ap- ballot in the States should have somewhat I and has never been looked upon as a but one branch, the House of Represen- ations; that of eminent domain (a right ofi;pea1; that in fullest faith, m confidence , of its free course jn the intion. ; real part of the Treasury balance. The tauves. 11 win ue inus seen mat in tins triple cnsiriDuuon -01 powers now exist- (an attribute of sovereignty) both often -nnies 01 tneir country 10 ii.cd. u.nm.Cui ; marvelous transformations, stand mo ing no division thereof is allotted to the ; enioved and exercised bv these corporate x bf the conscience and the judgment of a , tionlessunon the shore of the last centurv. People. . lneamenamentsuomireaDy tne wen-; al Assembly of the State of Indiana, if! eral approved, would grant to them wholly i not too conservative, seems needed hre and drectly the control of the legislative i;n to retrace the lines, become some- department. Ought not at least one department to be so ordered and bestowed? It was said in the discussion, very elab- orate, w hich attended tpe issue of the re jection or approval of our present Con stitution, that Senators in Congress were the representatives of the States, of the sovereignty of the States. No change is intended in this relation. The Senator would yet continue to be the representa tive in a special manner of his State. The only modification proposed is that of the electoral body which chooses the Sena tor. This would consist of the whole number of voters in the State, who would vote for United States Senator in the same manner as they now vote for gov ernor and other officers. There is nothing in the proffered ' incapable of resumption, whereas it isjjWhy should not the principals them amendment which could detract from the verv certain, both from the theory and 'selves make that choice? Were this position or influence of members of this body; on. the contrary, these would be enhanced. I he States as such wou d lose nothing of dignity, sovereignty, or power. Far is it from my purpose to de- tract anything from the character or au thority of the States. The separate autonomies of the States, as distinct sites and centers of intellect ual, social and civic culture, and of vari ous interests, customs, laws and institu tions, diversified as the climate and soil which characterize them, have been the chief elements in our national greatness, J 1 hey have given us a very different policy and a vastly superior career to that which might have been induced by the dull and deadening uniformity of a system of cen-i tralization, destructive of local self-gov-j ernment, gathering to one head and focus all political functions. I do not know of a measure better. calculated to preserve the separate and equal existence of the States than to give to the people of each the riht directly to choose the members I of both Houses of Congress. J Tnat centripetal force indigenous to all forms of government, so alien to the spir t J of a free democracy, has always been greatly favored by modes of communica ; tion such as those now existing between j the Senate and the people,, modes some ! w hat devious, indistinct, indefinite. To 1 make the path of this common cation ! straight, to make it a pub'ic hiehw y, an open course, unbroken and uninterrupted! from the po Is to the Senate chamber, is to inflict a grievous wound upon central- ism, and will help to drive monopoly flom its nox ous To grant to7he hole body of electors in a State this Senatorial franchise, if you will allow me the use of such ex ' sion, must induce ! and awaken an interest much enlarged, a sense 01 responsioiiuy very mucu heightened in the heart and mind of every citizen Aggrandizement of the units in a free Statelf not that of the federal hea ', but creates and subserves th condition of ?upcis ai.uu. -"yiu disiinct, independent, personal thought, Pvho will carefu ly reflect upon its corn feeling and action-the unassailable bub fprehensive forecast and explore the arks of home rule and local sovereignty, f'spacious scope and range of its intend The added influence, importance and mf"ts- ... " . , , nower nf eari indiviaua voter at IUS8 home must di minis the means as it would r ' - - - - j lessen the opportunity for federal aggres-, sion. Very keen distrust has been sometimes; expressed as to the-action-of legislative, bodies in the choice of Senators: This is, only one of the forms which the popular protest against the present method most frequently assumes. Consider how mil, clear, and thorough would be the remedy for the mischief of such suspicion under the new mode of election. It is true added importance wm Id be given to that c'ass of conference called State con ventions, and their action might be ob noxious to as crave char es as that of the legislature. But the selection made by such conventions would not be final; it would onlv be orimarv. tentative; it would be subject to review and reversal at his leisure by every voter in the State. For that reason, no doubt, their action would be the moreKcarefully guarded against the imputation of wrong, and yet, if found impure, might fail of accept ance". Those studious of constitutional lore have much disputed concerning the cause of so little direct power having been placed by the terms of that instrument in the hands of the people. It has been sometimes thought that this was due to jealousy of the purely Democratic ele - ment, lest it sh uld become too domi nant. But we may well entertain the opinion that this scant allowance of direct power was chiefly due to the occasion to the conditions of that time especially to the fact that upon the one engrossing issue of national independences the legislatures and the people had been by the heat of; war fused, welded together, in insepar able unison. Besides this, the federal government, although officially framed by the adop tion of the Constitution, was still a thing of the future. Its tendencies were not wholly perceived; its effects were yet somewhat unfelt, unmeasured. But at this time, after more than a century of national existence, we begin to see indi cations that the general government, in some of its independencies and append ages, has a kind of existence, separate, distinct, very little amenable to the pop ular will. The more ancient departments of the j executive branch in this distribution of power have become the haunts ol a long ! line of precedents, traditions, and usages. ' Although it is the theory that the admin- ' i tration actually and practically changes , in accordance with the suffrage by sue- j rocit'o lr,t inns t thrf arp ;nmp t 11 cial points and pbxes that do not change which appear to be unchangeable or in-, capauicoi Liiiingc c imvca ucgumiug.-utics uium cc iu puun' hiiuliij 1 at least of the dynasty of the bureau " would by degrees recognize the ultimate bureaucracy. . ;! political truth. All legislative grants The department of the judiciary, with and franchises, as well as public offices, : ,ts numeious appointees, many of them are public trusts. Those who hold them perpetual incumbents, cierks, marshals, 1re not owners or prop ietprs; they are miaorc anri mmmiiAnprs HHncr : only trustees, they are merely tenants, sovereignty) that of perpetual succession : lessees with the very least regard to the! pubiic welfare. cnme touch of the hand of innovation. j what dimmed and blurred, of a plan de , sjgned to be republican in fact as in , form. -phe nearness of the mass- of citi- zens to the seat of power, like themeas- nrinsr eve 01 tne master Duuaer. wouia - a -titv th fanitv linp in rnr rkoliHraH fabric. The influence of the people should become more active, co - opera - five, not so p tssive and advisory. Even upon the passage of this amend- ment the legislatures of the States will i vet retain ereat functions in our federal ; polity, the very greatest, far superior to ,l,f lnrrrpcc nr unv rf rtrorr- ments It has been too common to make use of language from which it might be inferred that the power granted to the three departments of the govern- ' ment were forever lost to the grantors, practice of th republic, that the people are not only the source, but the ultimate i depository of all powers both those granted and those reserved i The States may at any " : time, upon ar vote sufficiently unanimous of an ade quate number, three-fourths thereof, re sume any part of the powers granted to the executive, judicid or legislative divi sions, or without formal resump ion, the peoole may thus directly exercise through heir legislatures the definite functions of constitutional change and reformation. For example, if the proposed amend ment in argument be submitted, the leg islatures of the several States in behalf of the people, in voting for or against it, are discharging the same duties as are ordi narily performed by Congress. If the amendment be approved they are exer cising the functions of the judiciary in de ciding and declaring the law, giving judgment in favor of the principle in volved therein. x ; ; This is an adjudication final, not sub ject to review by, any court, and acts' from its own force. An enactment of the people through the States, in the ;form of a constitutional amendment, is in the nature of adecree legislative and mdi- cial, unanected by precedents, paramount i to every other. Take the instance of the adoption of the recent amendments upon the subject of slavery. How fundament ally iconoclastic are these enactments! What a mass of ordinary statuUs, State and national ; what an innumerable series ;of judgments nd decisions v. ere over ruled, repealed, and annulled thereby! ?Of rights vested, of rig ts corporate, long .established, and ' recognized both by leourtsand lawgivers, relating to this sub ject, not a vestage remains. Articie , relating to amendments, found near the close of the Constitution, J ,s a testamentary :ucvise to me people 01 VCI lAI oc icsiuudij ciciu w uony uiiui- pumbered. In this clause is placed the !.vtal principal, 'he living soul of the who e t i..wvwuuv,.v.rv.vMr.; . that the wise founders and fathers of this system did not purpose to grant any powers absolutely to the federal govern ment or to either of. its departments, but Ultimately to vest all powers and fra ;chises in the people of the several States. The functions and forces of constitutional jreform have hardly jet been broached. :During one hundred and fifteen years we have lound fifteen amendment-. It may be that the time approaches for a new ar ticle with other sections upon additional subjects. If Congressional statutes and commissions are found incompetent to cope with existing evils, within the wide ;:province ol constitutional reiorm may bjet be shown a way more excellent There is a restriction upon the high prerogative of the people to make in this Unode the law of the land; but that re- striction is not in aid of corporations; it is not in favor of corporate trusts, syndi cates or charters. That limitation is 'made for the benefit of the States, and it relates to the composition of this body. l l Not even a constitutional amendment can deprive any State of its equal s ffrage in the Senate without the consent of that State. - " j To correct the illegitimate tendencies jn our system adverse to free institutions, to avoi t the necessity of too frequent re- .ort lo extraordinary legislative action the best method is now by this meas ure suggested an increase of direct pop ular representation in thfe national legis lature. iThis w:ould cause the character of the people to be transposed more perfectly into the modes of government. This iwould cause the needs, wants, aims, and aspirations of the maseS of men in our free communities to be more faithfully reflected, more clearly imaged forth in the laws of the country and their admin istration. . i Congress, in the two branches thereof, a-oiild h thus" hrnujrht closer to the Deo- i pie, and this immediate proximity would rv - - have the most wholesome effects not only upon the legislative but npon every other bureau and department of the pub lic service. I ' Such a chanee would purify the air in ats slumbrous cavern dwelf in of old by . , . 1 1 tnose sataiagmues, me perpetual place men of routine. It would leaven the whole lump of official autocracy; it would cut away the entail of false prestige and un- fonnded pretensions; it would greatly jesse'n the evil of illicit departmental Interference with Congressional legisl a - ' tion, an evil which has increased, wihich its increasing, and which ought to be ex- t InrnicVH . , Under the beneficent environment of .this new senatorial franchise even those insnaKcu, uicy uavc 11 t" . free people. V hat is said above relates .ifo ngnts. grameu, u 11 -nu iauiuniu ;,natural rights, sometimes called inherent rights belonging to the citizen as a man a person, or numan, cviijihcmi iu mii - 'l'.These' rights, as they are not conferred, heither can they be taken away by any legislation. Under the provisions of this amend- . m auManv ii'niiin rui on nrnni nnnroirn i w.. acontact; not a partial sympathy; "ot J an oblique connection or relationship be 1 tveen the servant ana tnose served, !: The nearer a governmental agency is f the real source of power the greater ' be its value, probity ani efficiency. Mirei lojnsiumj l uurai)' feood faith sustains the wavering, encour- SECS tne limiQ. aJlU Wi at IS Ol IU11 as i much consequence, it detects and defeats ..the unworthy, the incompetent and the r corrupt. Members of th s body are now chosen bv political agents acting for the jjeonle. Amendment in effect to-day the constitu - ! fencies of the members of the two Houses . bf Congress would be quite different, if that be a condition worthy of attention, For more than fifty years, under early praciice, members of the House were chosen by the people of th whole State upon a single ticket; but this no longer obtains. Wherefore, were this amend ment in force, the Senator would be chosen by and wduld represent the whole mass of voters; the Representative would, as he does now, in a special sense represent the people of the district or portion of the State from which he is sent, and wherein he usually resides. ' Government for the people is a phrase easily fixed and much abused. Ivan, the Terrible, the White Czar, fir t of the Romanoffs famous in history, claimed that his administration of affairs was a government for the people. Government by the people is an ex pression more stable.standing for a prac tice and policy which has been greatly aggrandized since the era 1776, botH Irere and elsewhere. At that time what was known or realized of gove; nments by the people? It is true there was the House of Com mons in Engla-id, whose members were chosen by suff rage, but th right of suf frage was very closely restricted; hardly one man in five hundred of the whole population voted. r In France, government by the people had yet scarcely been heard of. In Spain, Italy, Austria, Germany, throughout Eu rope ("xcept in Switzerland, where free dom, like a strong man armed, kept her house in the fastnesses of the high Alps), th re prevailed the same system of per sonal hereditary despotism. Now, in all these countries, popular suffrage has be come in some degree a recogn zed politi cal element, parliamentary representation has obtained a foothold, . and constitu tional limitations upon the powers of the ruler have been more or less established. In some of these, as in England and France, progress here'n has been very geat, in others less, but none have re mained unmoved. Here, among our own States, the same kind of progress "has been made, buf as it begun and proceeded from a line already much advanced, these very sweeping changes in our domestic rule have not been so clearly marked or noted. At the time of the adoption of the Federal Constitution, in 17S9, none of the States gave to their citizens the unquali fied right to vote, and very few of them afforded the opportunity of its exercise as to any considerable number of official positions. Nearly every office in the States was filled by appointment either by the legislature or the chief executive. Even the voting for members of the legis lature was not general, as may be well enough inferred from the clause concern ing the election of members of the House of Representatives: The electors in each State shall hive the qualifi cations lequisite for electors cf the most numerous branch of the legislature. At present all public offices, including! the judicial, in the States, and even 1 1 the smaller subdivisions of counties and townships, have become for the most part elective. Manhood suffrage has everywhere become general, almost un qualified. To say nothing at this time ol other consequences, the operation of the late amendments to the Federal Constitution, conferring the right of suffrage upon men of color, added largely to the number of voters. Yet even ths may appear--of less moment, indeed is somewhat inconsider able in the account, when compared with the vast increase in the body of electors and the enlargement of the use of the ballot made by these organic changes in the law of the States during the lapse of time from the surrender of Yorktown to the conclusion of peace at Appomattox. Sj that, although this cause has been elsewhere well promoted, yet in the States of this Union the principle of popular sovereignty has made much greater ad vancen.ent. The whole mass of governments in the old world and the whole family of j commonwealths in this republic have ! within the last century moved toward the people. This movement has been quiet, gradual, but continuous, persistent, not to be impeded; there has been no retro grade or recession, with no thought of ! return, without haste, without rest, it has J gone always forward. The history of; 1 this movement, as has b en said of an-! other, was like that of the enchanted j well in the Irish legend which lay for ; centuries shrouded in darkness in the midst ,f a gorgeous city, till some care- Irom J3 i000.co- mis uencu re less hand left open the door that had in- j duced the cash balance in the Treas- 1 rlrcH it and th m nmirnr ci-.nl i crli t frr tVt ! j first time flashed upon its waters. Im- i mediately it rose responsive to the beam; : lt uUiM mc uamcis uidi tuimiicu u, uu- ; j merged the city that had surrounded it, ; i and i.i resistless waves, chanting music 1 j to heaven, rolled- over the-temples and j j over the palaces of the past. Sjr there is tjng m the history ol j , tu ,-.,,1- 0r tv.c t-tatoc hih chniH , bhall we, who have knowledge of these ; . tng no note of the tidal surge which has risen aroUnd us, which awaitsv, yet ; mav not aiwavs await, our action ; In lhe course of one hundred years we j hai-p thriff u orH itar Onrp fnr "th , enfranchisement of commerce ujon the l high seas; again for the security and j amendment of our national frontier upon j the South and West; lastly, war was j waeed bearinz in it the supreme issues I I of Federal unity and the national life. In j the storm and stress attending these; severest trials ot tms our form 01 ponty j There are floating about somewhere, parties may have erred, administrations!.. . - . , may have failed and faltered, but the! hable to come In at znY Umf forPay people have stood firm and fast. Not the ; ment, about $34,000,000 of national rich "not the nrivileired. not the few i lisnl- notes that arc ierP retired . In favored by birth or fortune the love and service of the lew wouta not nave availed ; -f . . ' -but the many, the many having no rank j 000,000 of 4V2 per cent bonds that save that God given, a little lower than are advertised to be paid on presenta the angels, belonging to no class or order i tion, making in all about $40,000 but that of freemen-these have fought j OOQ fioatjng liabilities and not a dol our battles, enlarged our. borders, have ; . . tuyrM.rv tf) meet them witi. rescue J liberty from every enemy. ! lar ln lle 1 rf as'?7 to me V1. T11?' Whatever else may be said of it" the! If this a healthy condition for the ! course and grammar of the nation's lite are most plainly manifestecl in two direc- tions, by two overshadowing effects; ex- tcmollt' Jn tH -a-riiiicitirn rf trritnrv internally, by the extension of the elective! ' '""' 1 - franchise and of the subjects to which it has been made applicable. But this de velopment - internally has not so far touched our Federal relations, because the franchise, in its use, is applicable as yet to but one subject therein, the mem bership of the House of Representatives. The passage of this amendment would be in accord with the law of ur growth; -it would bestow upon the people a gift entirely worthy of their acceptance and of our proffer. Sir, we are preparing for the exhibition of a splendid international pageant com merative of the discovery and settlement of this continent. In the imperial com mercial metropolis of the great lake, that urban miracle of the century, we are to show from our own country, we are to behold from others, whatever is most excellent in nature, art, or industry. Many a medal will be cast, many a sou venir will be designed in nonor of this event so not ble. It would be most felicitous should we signalize it by the submission and adoption of ihis amend ment, thus publishing to this grand ecu menical council of the' world's commerce and exchanges that the great republic of the West had given to its people direct control of the legislative department of the government.. Such, an act would be a monument of the age, worthy of its genius and fortunes; more enduring than the Eiffel Tower, more imperishable th-n the column of Trajan or the arch of Titus, which have for centuries marked and adorned the site of the Eternal City. Herein the right; truly divine, of self-government, the sovereign rule and dominion of the people, would be proclaimed, vindicated, justified, glorified in the eyes of all earth's inhabitants to the latest post -rity. A graduated income tax went into effect in Germany at the beginning of the new year. It is about the same as that demanded by the Alliance, except that it begins by taxing smaller in comes than American farmers would think proper. . A weekly statement of business failures with elaborate comparisons have heretofore been printed in Brad street's, a leading financial paper, but for some reason they have been omitted in the last two issues! Doubt less the rapid increase and unfavora ble comment has led to their discon tinuance. - Senator-Stanford has re-intro-troduced his land loan bill of last session. It is subject to the same objections of an unlimited amount of the loan upon an unlimited quantity of land that obtained in the first bill. The Alliance demands a limitation upon both the amount of the loan and quantity of land. Because, of 1 his and a few other objections, the Alliance can not support the measure. . It is learned from the United States treasurer's report, that during September, 1890, $12,030,617.30 was paid out to anticipate interest that was not due until July 1, 1891. The worst feature of the transaction, however, was, the anticipation of $1,060,100.80 of interest on Pacific j railway bonds, that the government will in the end be swindled out of completely. Not satisfied with being cheated out of the interest, the Secre tary of. the Treasury pays it six months in advance. The report of the Treasury Depart ment shows a deficit for the month of Llj,eccmucr 1 nc revenues were 20,- r0o. 060. and the expenditures not far ; . " " urY l- $345749', 1 "is amount was made up of $ 14.000.000 in subsidiary coins and $12,656,927 on dcjosit with national banks. Until about one yearago this subsidiary coin was classed in the Treasury Department as "unavailable.' The same is true part of the Treasury amount deposited with national banks has been loaned out to their custom- j ers, and has been in the channels of i business for years so long, in fact, ! u a ..1,1 i..i. rupt the country. The $100,000,000 in gold that has been kept in, the. Treasury for the alleged purpose of redem ing greenbacks, can not be dis turbed, if the arguments and state ments of both Republican and Demo cratic statesmen can be relied on. j aJdttiori to this there are about $6 - United States Treasury, there are a j rreat many business men who are much better conditioned than they are willing to admit. I