AYCOCK'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
New Executive Eloquently Reviews the
State's Progress.
CONSERVATIVE AND THOUGHTFUL
Will Execute The Laws of The
State Without Regard to Race or
Condition.
iPollowing is the inaugural
address
of Governor Aycock:
Gentlemen of the, General Assembly,
Ladies and Fello w-Citizens :
Every four years brings us a change
of administration but not always
change of policy. This year we meet
under extraordinary circumstances
one party goes out of power and anoth
. or comes in; one policy ends and a new
one begins; one century passes away
and a new century claims our service;
a new constitution greets the new cen
tury. For thirty years of the ninteenth
century we struggled in every way
against the evils of a suffrage based on
, manhood only. We found in the first
days of that struggle that theory had
outrun practice and that reality had
yielded place to sentiment. At that
time we had just emerged from an un
successful and disasterous war. Our
property had been swept away, our institutions-
had been destroyed, the
foundation of our social fabric had
been overturned, we were helpless. A
Victorious but ungenerous political en
emy had crushed us to the earth; they
had forced upon us ue recognition of
theories that we "knew could not be re
duced to successful practice. We were
poor, weak and defeated. Vve "accepted
the situation." ' ;We did our best to
(prove the falsity of our convictions.
We endeavored with sincerity to bring
the negroes to a realization of the true
dignity of full citizenship. We urgent
ly strove, to instill into their minds that
their true interests were likewise ours;
we sought with;" great solicitude I and
with much sacrifice of toil and capital
to convince them that parties were the
servants and not tne masters of the
people and that no past services of a
party, however beneficial these servi
might appear, ; justified the destrucw
tlon.of good and safe and economical
government in .order to secure its suc
cess. We provided schools for them and
spent for them-as we spent for our own
children. We cared f or their insane and
opened schools for the education of
their afflicted and for the care and tu
ition of those who were left fatherless
and motherless. We continued these
efforts in theface of ? repeated evidnce
of their hostility and abated not1 our
purposes when they repeated their fol
lies. We still hoped that they would
follow the example of the whites and
divide their vote along the lines of
governmental .industrial and moral is
sues. The result was a disappointment.
upon and our opportunities did $ not
hesitate at any excess because they ,
know that they had 120,000 votes who
could be relied upon to support any
policy however ruinous, which bore the
stamp of Republicanism. With this
vote as d certainty our adversaries
when they came to power after twenty
years of defeat dared new evils I and
wrongs. Under their nue,, lawlessness
walked the State like a pestilence
death stalked abroad at noonday
"sleep lay down armed" the sound of
the pistol was more frequent than the
song of the mocking bird the screams
of women fleeing from pursuing brutes
olosed the gates of our hearts with a
shock. Our opponents unmindful of the
sturdy determination of our people to
hare safe and good government at all
tuuardt became indifferent to or in
apable of enforcing law and preserv
ing order. Confident of the support of
the ignorant mass of negro voters -the
Republican party and its ally forgot the
Strength and determination of fthat
people who fought the first fight in Al
amance against bad government ) and
wrote the first Declaration of Independ
ence in Mecklenburg. They challenged
North Carolinians to combat and . the
world knows the result. The campaign
of 1898 ended in a victory for good gov
ernment. That was not a contest - of
passion, but of necessity. When we
came to power we desired merely the
ecurity of life, liberty and property.
We had seen all these men&nced byl20,
000 negro votes oast as the vate of one
iman. We, had seen our chief, city pass
through blood and death, in search of
safety. We did not dislike the negro
tout we did love good government. We
knew that he was incapable of giving
us that and we resolved, not in anger
tout tor the safety of the State, to cur
tail his power. We had seen what a
struggle it required to preserve j even
the form of : Republican government
-wilth him,a$ a voter. The negro was not
only ignorant he was clannish. The
educated among them who realized the
danger to the State in mass ; voting
were unable to free themselves; from
the power of its ostracism, r 1 T
When the Legislature in 1899 met, it
mom. confronted with these facta, and
ma aincerelv anxious to save the zood
mxtA Auonress the evihof those ' forces
' which had made 'our, history. They,
therefore, submitted to the people for
their action an amendment to ; the
.Constitution which forbids' any man to
vote who can not ?read and write, but
excepts from the operation of this re
strictive clause all those who I could
Vote in any State on January 1st, 1867,
jor at any time prior thereto or who
are descendants from any such f voter.
This provision excluded no white men
except persQns of foreign birth, not yet
" rnUr -aHtli Vviir inHtnrt1rvn and sr.
deluded no negro who can read and
' write, and no negro whether he could
read or write or not who could rote
prior to January 1st, 1867, or who is
descended from one who could vote at
any 'time . prior to said ' date, t This
amendment to our Constitution elimi
nates no capable negro. Indeed : it sets
free those negroes who, believing in
rji in nrinciDles of government, have
Ibsen strained by loyalty to the mass
from voting their convictions. It does
no injustice to the negro. It really ben
efits him. It does recognize the neces
sity of having some test of capacity and
it prescribes two rules- of evidence by
which the capacity may be escertained
and declares that any mancapable of
meeting either test shall vote. If a
white man can read and write he can
vote; if a negro can read and write he
can vote. If a white man cannot read
or wrote, but is descended from
one who could vote in January 1st,
1867, or at any time prior thereto, or if
he could vote himself before that time
he can vote. If a negro cannot rea and
write, but is descended from, a person
who could vote on January 1st, 1867,
or at any time prior thereto, or if him
self could vote before that time he can
vote. There is, therefore in our amend
ment no taint of that inequality pro
vided against in the Fifteenth Amend
ment to the Cons titution of the United
States; and in order that the question
might not even be suggested and real
izing the importance of educating the
white and black, our amendment re
quires every boy of whatever color now
thirteen years of age to learn to read
and write under penalty of losing his
vote. Interpreted on this fashion we
may with complacency accept tne dec
laration of the Republican National
platform that our amendment is rev
olutionary. So was the one for1 Inde
pendence distinctly known as the Rev
olution and our liberties are founded
upon it. Our amendment may be revo.
lutionary, but it is a revolution of ad
vancement. It takes no step backward,
it distinctly looks to the future; it sees
the day of universal sufferage but sees
that day not in the obscurity of ignor
ance but in the light of universal edu
cation. The twilight will grow into the
perfect day with the sun of intelligence
shining in the sky. That s our hope
and promise. We shall not fail.
On a hundred platforms, to half the
voters of the State, in the late cam
paign, I pledged the State, its strength,
its heart, its wealth, to universal edu
cation, I promised tne illiterate poor
man bound to a life of toil and strug
gle and poverty that life shoulu be
brighter for his boy and girl than it
had been for him and the partuer of
his sorrow and joys. I pledged the i
wealth of the State to the education of
his children. Menof wealth, represen
tatives of great corporations applaud
ed eagerly my declaration. I then real
ized that the strong desire which dom
inated me for the uplifting of the whole
people moved not only my heart, but j
was likewise the hope and aspiration
of : those upon whim fortune had smil
ed. I had loved the North Carolina peo
ple before that time, but I never knew
and appreciated the best qualities of
many of our citizens until I saw the
owners of many thousands as eager for
the education of the whole .people as I
was myself. Then I knew that the hope
and task before us, Gentlemen of the
Legislature, was not an impossible
one. We are prospering as never before
our wealth increases, our industries
multiply, our commerce extends and
among the owners of this wealth, this
multiplying industry, this extending
commerce, I have found no man who is
unwilling to make the State stronger
and better by liberal aid to the cause
of education.
Gentlemen of the General Assembly,
will not "have ought to fear when you
you make ample provision ofr the educa'
tion of the whole people. Rich and poor
alike are bound by promise and neces
sity to approve your utmost efforts in
this direction. The platforms of all the
parties declare in favor of a liberal pol
icy towards the educatxon of the mass
es;, notably the Demacratic platform
says, "We heartily commend the action
of the General Assembly of 1899 for ap
propriating one hundred thousand dol
lars for the benefit of the public schools
of the State, and pledge ourselves to
increase the school fund so as to make
at least a four months' form in eacn
year in every school district in the
State;" and in the campaign which was
conducted throughout the iState with
so much energy and earnestness that
platform pledge was made the basis of
the promise which we all made to the
people. Poor and unlettered men anx
ious about the privileges of their chil
dren and hesitating to vote ; for the
amendment were finally persuaded to
accept our promise and place their
clhlldren in a position in which they
can never vote unless the pledges
which we made are redeemed to the
fullest extent. For my part I declare to
you that it shall he my constant aim
and effort during the four years that
I shall endeavor to serve the people of
this State to redeem this most solemn
of all our pledges. If more taxes are
required to carry out this promae o
the people moretaxes must -be levied.
If property has escaped taxation here
tofore which ought to have been taxed,
means must be devised by which that
property can be reached and put upon
the tax list I rejoice in prosperity and
take delight in the material progress of
the State. I would cripple no industry;
I would retard the growth of no enter
prise; but I would by just and equal
laws require from every owner of prop
erty his just contribution, to the end
that all the children may secure the
right to select their servants. There
are many important matters which will
claim your attrition. The problem be
fore us are of the gravest nature, but
among them all there is none that can
approach in importance the; necessity
for making ample provision for the ed
ucation of the whole people.
; Appropriations alone cannot remove
illiteracy from our State. With the ap
propriations must come also an 1 in
creased Interest in this cause which
shall not cease until every child can
read and write.: The preachers, the
teachers, the newspapers and ' the
mothers of North Carolina must be
unceasing in their efforts to arouse the
indifferent and compel by the force of
public opinion the attendance of every
child upon the schools. It is easier to
accomplish this since the amendment
you will not have ought to fear when
voice and declares that the child who
arrives at age after 1908 cannot share
in the glorious privilege of governing
his State' nor participating in the poli
cies of the nation unless he can. read
and write. .This i, therefore, the op
portune moment for a revival 6f edu
cational interest throughout the length,
and breadth of the State." We shall not
accomplish this work in a day nor can'
it be done- by, many, speeches. It is a
work of years to be done day by day
with a full realization of its import ,
ance and with this anxious interest on
our part which will stimulate the
careless and will make all our people
eager to attain the end which we seek.
Our statesmen have always favored
the education of the masses, but here
tofore interest in the matter has not
approached universality; henceforth in
every home there will be the knowl
edge that no child can attain the true
dignity of citizenship without learning
at least to read-. and write. This simple
fact alone justifies the adoption of the
amendment for it was its passage that
first brought home to all our people the
necessity for universal education. We
enter an era of industrial develoment.
Growth in that,direction is dependent
upon intelligence not the intelligence
of the few, but of all. Massachusetts
realized this fact from the day when
the Pilgrim Fathers landed on Plym
outh Rock and by that clear perception
she has won wealth out of bleak coasts
and sterile lands. Our forefathers ac
knowledged the same fact in their first
constitution, and from that time to the
present Our Constitutions and Legisla
tive Acts have all looked towards this
end; ; but the whole people ave never
before been awakened to its advocacy.
From this time forth opposition to ed
ucation will mark a man as opposed to
the tehory of our government which is
founded upon the consent of the gov
erned, and our Constitution provides
that this consent in the not distant fu
ture can be given oruy by those who
can read and write. We need have
nothing to fear, then, from any party
or any politician when we make liberal
provisions for education. But if there
were opposition our duty would be
none the less clear. It is demonstrable ,
that wealth increases as the education
of the people grows. Our industries
will be benefitted; our commerce will
expand; our railroads will do a large
business when we shall have educated
all the children of the State. It Is,
therefore, of the utmost importance
from a material point of view that our
whole people should be educated. Care
must be taken on your part, Gentlemen
of the Legislature, to bring the schools
m the remotest districts up to the
standard of the Congtf'ution which sol
emnly admonishes you, as it did me
but a moment ago when I took the
oath to support it, that at least four
months of school mut be carried on
in every school district in each year.
Our party platform follows the Coneti-
tution and we cannot afford to violate !
either. If there are districts which are
weak they must be strengthened by
those who are strong. The Good Book
tells us that th strong should bear, the
infirmities of the weak and the lessons
of that great authority are of utility in
our political life. There has grown up
an idea among strenuous men that on
ly the strong are to be considered and
benefitted ; that the poor and weak are
the burden bearers who deserve no aid
and are weak because of their follies.
A great State can never act on this the.
ory, but will always recognize that: the
etroffg can care for themselves while
the true aim of the State is to provide
equal and just lows giving to the weak
opportunity to grow strong and re
straining the powerful from oppressing
the less fortunate.lt will be a glourious
day for use if our people in the hour of
their prosperity and wonderful growth ! be carried out in the spirit just suggest
and development can realize that men ed, as revolutionary. They sought to
can never grow higher and better by i prevent Its success by threats b fore
rising on the weakness and ignorance 1 the election and in the first moments
of their fellows but only by aiding their jef passionate disappointment after the
fellow men and lifting them to the ! election they began pr:secution against
same high plane which they themselves j certain officers of the State for alleged
occupy. It may require sarifice to ac- wrorg fo-ing in connection with the Au
complish the promises whih we have ' gust election. This movement cf ours
made and men may be compelled to j was carried out wit'a such deliberate
bear additional burdens, but I am per-; high purpose and such noble . earnest
suaded that the sacrifice will be mads ! ness that thousands of our political op
and'the burdens borne with that cheer- j ponents- joined hand with us in effort
fulness which ha ever characterized' i to forever settle a question which had
us when we were doing a righteous ; distressed us for thirty years. It was
thing. Our fathers have done well their
work. They have sought this day
through many difficulties; illiterate or
learned they have ever striven to do
their duty by the State and they have
laid her .foundations so strong and deep
that we have but to build thereon the
splendid home which they saw only iir
anticipation. Let that home be bright
with the shining of ten thousand lights
emanating from as many schools. Some
of these lights win shine but feebly,
mayhap with but four candle power,
while others shall shine with sixty-four
and some few "with a radiance of" a
thousand, but let them all shine togeth
er to brighten life and make the State
more glorious and may they all have
as their source that God who first said,
"Let there Mght." I pledge you; gen
tlemen of tfc Legislature, such power
as the Constitution vests in the Gov
ernor and all the energy of my soul and
heart to the education of the people,
and I rely with entire confidence upon;
you and promises which each of you
have made. With these promises kept
there will break upon us a day such, as
has never before dawned upon our
State. Our government is founded up
on intelligence and virtue. We shall
provide for intelligence by a system
preparation of the voter for the use of
of schools which is designed to reach
every citizen. The schools look to the
the ballot. We admit to the elective
franchise every man capable of intelli
gently exercising that right and so
anxious are we to approach as near as
may be universal suffrage that we have
made the test of intelligence simply
ability to read and write, an accomplish
ment which can be acquired in a few
months.
Having thus provided for the right to
vote the further duty devolves upon
you, Gentlemen of the Legislature, to
pass a law by which that right may be
made effective, a law by which every
vioter qualified under our Constitution
shall have the power, to cast one vote
and have that vote counted as cast. The
safety of the State and the liberty Of
the citizens depend upon your action on
this question. ' The adoption of "the
amendment not only furnishes the oc
casion but renders indispensable t he
adoption of an election law which, shall
be. so fair that no just man can oppose
it, and requires an administration of
that law in sucbT spirit thjjt bo man will
doubt that the popular will has been
rightly expressed and recorded. From
the foundation 6t our State to the day
when the negro was given the elective
franchise the fairness of our elections
was never questioned. When the bal
lot' was given toi the negro the first
election thereafter was known to be a
farce and a fraud. That election was
held under military dictatorship, and
the vote 'was counted in Charleston,
South Carolina We have denounced
and ever will denounce that election as
fraudulent. When we came. to power
in 1876 we changed the election law of
the State and from that time to 1894 all
elections were held under laws passed
by us. Our adversaries charged that
these elections were carried by force
and fraud. When they came to power
In 1895 they adopted a law which we
denounced as providing means for the
registration and voting of minors,
dead, imported and convicted negroes.
They carried the Stste under that law
in 1896. We beat them in 1898 despite
their law and then we passed a new
election law wh'.cb. they denounced as
designed to thwart will of the people.
We held the election of 1900 i nder that
law. By the result of that election we
have eliminated the ignorant negro
from those entitled to vote. If what
has been charged by the opposing 'par
ties be true and elections have been
fraudulent and election laws unfair ev
er since the negro came to be a voter
in the State, it oertainly ought to fol
low that with the disqualification of
the ignorant negro the State'should re
turn to her ancient ways when no man
questioned her integrity. Henceforth
our laws and their administration must
be so fair that the civilized world
shall recognize the high purpose with
which we have wrought to see this day.
Let history record of us that we have
fought our great fight and won our no
table victory with no view to perpetu
ate ourselves in power but honestly to
secure gcod government founded on in
telligence worked out through a per
fectly fair election law administered as
a sacred trust to be held forever invio- ;
lable. Good men go to war only for
the sake of jeace and the patriotic cit
izens of ourState have won this victo
ry only for the sake of good govern
ment and not for party aggrandize
ment. On every platform in the late cam
paign I declared our purpose to be to
secure good government, safety and
peace, to educate all the children, and
to bring about that day when even ex
tremest partizanship should not be able
to cry out against our laws and our
mehtods. Thousands of Republicans
and Populists joined with us in secur
ing our more than sixty thousand ma
jority. I shall, therefore, confidently
expect you, Gentlemen of the Legisla
ture, without regard to party, tjo frame
an election law fair in every purpose,
ciear ln every detail, and provide ma-
chinery by which every man qualified
under our Constitution shall be able to
vote and shall kohw that his vote is
i effective. We can have safety, security
and integrity "on no other basis. I now
, pledge you the whole power of my ad-
' ministration to secure this end. I de
clared in my speech of acceptance that
I should enter upon the discharge of
my duties if elected with great fear lest
I should fail to interpret adequately the
1 true spirit underlying our change in the
Constitution; but I have never for one
i moment questioned that the ultimate
aim of our people was to secure a Con-
' stitution under which security for life,
liberty and property could be found un-
; der the form of law and not in viola-
i tion of them.
! Our opponents have denounced the
movement which we inaugurated to
amend the Constitution, and which will
the uprising of almost an entire people.
There was about It indeed in its spon
taneousness, in its enthusiasm, in its
determination and sturdiness of pur
pose and its high aims, something of a
revolutionary spirit of 1776. That spir
it still lives In the hearts of Nor'h Car
olinians. It is part, and a glorious
part of their heritage it can not be
destroyed by persecution. A who'e
people can not be persecuted, nor will
they without the utmost exertion see
any of their agents made to suffer for
the defeat of those who sought in vain
to stem the mighty tide of popular
pinion.
We have a great State, rich in noble
manhood, rieher ft'll in her hierhmihd
ed womanhood; a State with countless
treasures awaiting seekers; with riches
in her fields and woos. streams and
sounds, hills and mountains, sufficient
to satisfy our dreams of wealth; with
a frugal and industrious population
ready to toll Just awakening fully to
the possibilities before them. All that
we need "to complete the circle of our
felicities" is peace. Let hatred and bit
terness and strife cease from- among
us. Let the law everywhere reign su
preme. The highest test of" a great
people is obedience to the law and a
consequent ability to administer jus
tice. It shall be the earnest aim of my
administration to foster goodfeeling
and to enforce law and order through
out the State. From Currituck to Cher
okee the law must have full sway. The
mob has no place in our civilization.
The courts are the creation of the Con
stitution and the juries are drawn from
the people. If changes be necessary in
order to secure a better and more cer
tain administration of justice, you,
Gentlemen of the Legislature, can make
these changes; but it should be dis
tinctly and finally understood of all
men that safety can be found only in
obedience to law. I wish to say to the
negroes of this State in this connection
that they have been misinformed if
they have heard that this administra
tion will be unfriendly to them. Their
every right under the Constitution
shall be absolutely preserved, they will
find security in right conduct and cer
tain punishment for failure to obey the
law. Let them learn that crimes which
lead to mob law must cease and then
mob law shall curse our iState no more.
I call upon all upright negroes to aid
me in suppressing crime . in ; all its
forms. The white peoole owe n hie:h
duty to the negro. It was necessary to '
the safety of the State to base suffras'-
on capacity to exercise it wisely. This
; results in excluding a great number of
negrces from the ballot, but their right
to life, liberty, property and justice
must be even more carefully saf cguard
. ed than ever. It is true that a superior
race can not suomit to tne Tuie oi a,
weaker race without injury; it is also
true in the long years of God that the
strong can not oppress the weak with
out destruction. I said on April 11th,
1900, and I now repeat it as a deep con
viction that "universal justice is the
perpetual decree of Almighty God, and
we are entrusted with power not for
our good alone, but for the negro as
well. We hold our title to power by
tenure of service to God, and if we fo.il
to administer equal and exact justice
to the negro whom we deprive of suf
frage we shall in the fullness of time
lose power ourselves, for we must know
that the God who is Love trusrs no peo
ple with authority for the purpose of
, enabling them to do injustice to the
1 weak."
Let us serve the State in this spirit
; and with wisdom and the people will
' continue to trust us, but if we depart
from this plan and just way, power will
drop from our hands, for the amend
ment has, I believe and trust, brought
i with it a freedom of thought, of criti-
cism and of action that will be swift to
withdraw a trust abused.
' With the education of the who peo
ple; with a fair and impartial election
law, with .peace everywhere, there will
be nothing to prevent us from working
cut the high destiny of our State.
Thought will be set free, opinion can
have its full sway and every man will
be able to declare the inmost feelings
of his heart. We shall have genuine
free speech. Our newspapers will have
an opportunity to address themselves
to moulding public opinion without
fear of injury to the State. Discussion
can then take the place of abuse and
argument will supplant passionate or
atory. In this new and freer day w
shall grow brighter men. Trust in all
things high will come to usshrdlu d
things high will come easy to us. We
shall have problems and differences,
but we shall have the intelligence to
solve the problems and the good spirit
to harmonize. our differences.
I come to the high task to which the
people have called me with many mis
givings. I know, . if not adequately,
something of my weakness and I like
wise know, if not to the fullest extent,
the many difficulties which will beset
my way. I come to the, work humbly,
with deep anxiety and with an earnest
desire to serve the people well. The
manner of my coming makes it all the
more incumbent upon me to search my
heart that I may have no impure mo
tive there: one who has been trusted
after such fashion as the people have
trusted me owes the highest obligation
of uprightness in thought and action.
Chosen of my party unanimously, elec
ted by the people by a majority such
as has never been given to any other
man, I am bound by every obligation
to serve to my utmost. The task is a
difficult one. I shall make mistakes.
When I have done the right thing I
shall even then sometimes be misun
derstood by my friends who will see
my action not from my standpoint as
the Governor of the whole people, but
from theirs. When I shall have done
wrong T shall not expect approval; I
no not wish it. I want to know my
mistakes to the end that I may correct
them,, because I am certain that I shall
be judged at fast by the whole tenor
of my administration and" by no partic
ular act.
I have been erected as a Democrat. I
shall administer the hierh office to 4
which I have been called in accordance
with the policies and principles of that
great1 party, but I wish it distinctly un
derstood' that I shall strive to be a just
governor of alT the people without re
gard to party, color, or creed. The law
will be enforced with impartiality and
no- man petition shall go unheard i
and unconsidered because he differs :
from me in politics or in color. My ob- ;
ligation is- to the State and the State
is all her citizens. No man is so high
that the law shall not be enforced (
againet him, and no man is so low that
it shall not reach down to him to lift i
him up if may be and set him on his
feet again and bid him God speed to '
Better things. i
I shall need the support of every crt- j
izen m tne fexate. My wotk is your-
work; I am but your servant and if I j
serve you wisely it will be because my
care shall be constantly open in coun-
sel and my mind shall know wisdom,
But with all the aid which can come j
from men I shall rail unless 1 nave tne
guidance of that God who rufes the des
tinies of States and nations and men,
to whom with reverence I commend
this good State and her gracious peo
ple. Notes.
The Ohio man who placed his ton
gue on a frosty fail and narrowly es
caped decapitation by an approaching
train furnishes a new and thrilling
situiation for the writers of melodrama-There
were 2, 023 marriage licenses
issued during 1900 in Luzerne County,
Pennsylvania. For the same period
66 absolute divorces were decreed by
the court. This shows one divorce
for every thirty marriages.
The decision of the Philippine Com
mission is the San Jose Medical Col-
lege Case unanimously refers the set
tlement of the question involved in the
courts and provides trustees who, with
the assistance of the Attorney vxeneral
of the Philippines will inaugurate and
prosecute the litigation. The sum of
$5,000 is appropriated for the expen
ses of the suit.
The divisions of the Cuban Consti-.
tutional Convention have rendered a
Cirystalized report upon the subject of
a constitution for the island in twenty
five sections. The document is in
nuainy respects similar to our own Con
stitution. It is believed, however, that
two months discussion will follow the
submission of the report, and that
great changes will be effected in the
form of the Constitution.
Hoax (at the
theatre) "See t oc9 1
three fellows and three girls
box? They are all engaged." Joax
"Sort of a match box, isn't It?" 1 -
I : :
Few people are so busy helping 1 oth-
ers tnat tneyr can't stop to help them- ;
sfres. ; f J
- y - -
HON. C, B. AYCOtt.
Urlef Biography of the State's New
Governor. ... .
nViQt-lpc "Rrnntlev AvCOCk Was. bt
npar Fremont. Wavne county. NArth
Carolina, November ist, 1859 His
father was a farmer, a man of promi
nence and influence in his county and
held the office of county clerk from the
August term 1853 to the May term 1861.
He represented the 22nd Senatorial
district, then composed of Wayne
county only, in the Senate of i864-'6s
and i865-'66. The Democratic candi
date for Governor attended school at
Fremont and was prepared for col. ege
at Wilson Collegiate Institute, then the
leading educational institution of East
ern North Carolina, em bracing in its
faculty such educators as iiJufcr Sylves
ter Hassell, LL. D., Rev Jos. II. Foy,
LL. D., Prof. David G. Gillespie and
Prof. E M. Nadal four of the best
teachers North Carolina has known. ,
In this school, as well as in the primary
school near his country home, Mr,
Aycock took rank as the most brilliant
member of his cla-s, and was always
head or next to head. In the debating
societies he took great interest and wa9
as a mere boy easily the best debt ter ;
and speaker. Before he was old enough
to write his speeches, old andyoung
were charmed by his; talent as a de
claim er. Dnrine his school days at
J Wilson, he boarde.i in the country and
walked to ana from school every morn
ing and evening His school mates had
faith in his genius and have always had
confidence that he was endowed with
high gifts for some exalted station and
high public service-
Mr. Aycock entered the University at
the fall ter aof 1877. He was elected after
a hot contest that showed he then had a
political wisdom, Chief Mar&bal in 1878.
He graduated in 1S80, receiving the
Wiley P Mangum medal for oratory and
the Bingham Essayist Medal. He ex
celled at the University in English,
making most reputation as an orator
and essayist.. He has often said that he
had no talent as a mathematician, and
got through on Conic Sections by "main
strength and awkwardness." . He was
highly esteemed at the University, be
ing regarded as a youth of uncommon
talent, eloquence, purity of life, , and
sweetness of temper. Every man who ;
was at college with him, who could get
to Raleigh at the State convention, was
there to see him receive the highest
honor the Democratic party has ever
conferred upon any man in North Car-
' olina the compliment of a unanimous
nomination for Chief Magistrate of the
Commonwealth. The class im which
Mr. Aycock graduated was composed
of the following, all of whom are now
living: Charles B Aycock, Henry E.
J Faison, Locke Craig, Alex. L. Phillipps,
W. R. Slade (Georgia), C. C. Cpbb, A.
D. Betts, L. C. Vaughan. T. C. Brooks,
Thomas H. Battle, A. L. Coble; R. B.
John, Robert Ransom,. Earnest Hay
wood. . :: ;.; , " ".'V- V' ;..
Mr. Avroelr read law at the TTriiversitv
under Dr. Kemp P. Battle, and after- -wards
at Goldsboro under the late A.
K. Smedes, and began the practice in
Goldsboro in January, 1881, in partner
ship with ex-State Senator Frank A.
Daniels. That partnership was formed
wxien mr. AycocK ana lvir uanieis were
school mates, and is one of the first
legal firms in North Carolina. He has
held the following public positions :
1 Superintendent ' of Public Schools- of
Wayne county in iaoi; Chairman of the
Board of Trustees of the Goldsboro
Graded Schools for the past ten years;
years; County Attorney of Wavne fcr '
years; District Elector in . 1888; ; ElecjL
at Large in 1892; U. S. District Attorney
1893 to 1898, and has also been a trustee
of the University. Mr. Aycock was -married
in 1881 to Varina V; Woodard,
daughter of Elder Wm. Woodard, of
- - J -w, .
two chi.dren. In 1891 he married Cora
L. Woodard, a sister of his deceased
wife. He has seven children. The old
est, Charles B. Aycock, Jr., . is. mow 9
student at the University.
HON. W; D. TURNER.
Sketch of the Life of The Lieutenant
Governor.
Wilfred D, Turner, of Iredell county,
was born in Iredell county, January 30,
1855. His father, for whom he was
Damed, was a farmer and the pioneer
cotton manufacturer in Piedmont North
Carolina. Mr. Turner, graduated at
Trinity College in 1876 and in 1879 the
degree of A. M., was conferred on him
by his alma mater. After graduation he
read la w and in June,. 1877, began to
practice in Asneville. He was a pains
taking, studious, able and conscien
tious attorney, and his practice grew
steadily. In 1885 he formed a partner
ship with the late Judge Robert P.
Armfield, and in 1889, when Judge
Armfield went on the bench, Mr
Turner formed a partnership with Mr.
Chas. H. Armfield. It is one of the
strongest legal firms ia Piedmont North
Carolina. : ,
Mr. Turner has. always been a sterling
Democrat and more than once has been
i chairman of the county executive com
1 mittee. He has been a leader in his dis
trict and in 1898 received a large vote
for the nomination for Congress. In.
1886 Mr. Turner was elected Slate Sen
ator from the district composed of Ire
dell, Alexander and.Wilkes, and served
successively" in the Senate in 1887, 1889,
and 1891, being regarded as. one of the
ablest lawyers, best parliamentarians,
and safest legislators in the State. He
was chairman of the Judiciary committee
and one oi the leaders in a body com
posed of many strong and able men. As
a capable, fair and ideal presiding offi
cer, he has no superior in the State. As
a legislator, he has had no superior in
this decade. He is a just and broad
guaged man, and can always be relied
upon to support measures that are for
the good of the Common wealth. He has
to a marked degree the courage of his
convictions, and did not hesitate in the
Legislature to' fight all extravagance
and all proposed legislation? carrying
special privilege. , His legislative
experience will be valuable to him and
to his State..
Mr. Turner is not only an able and
successful lawyer, but a man of fine busi
ness qualifications as well. He is presi
dent of the Monbo Cotton Mill Com
' TT
which his brother is secretary arid treas
urer, and is connected with most of the
important enterprises of ronntv.'
Mr. Turner -was elected Lieutenant-
Governor in August, 1900, receiving
186,529 votes to 125,532 votes cast for
H. F. Seawell, his opponent.
.....!-'