II it to Good Men.
What 22 Years
iS taught US about
do all kinds of au- i
in the most satis- ^
none but skilled k
lat you give us an ^
; eflficiency of our f
hing in the line of
ttlNTEB NEWS.
it-Roosev
l^jpapei's
||9
CO
, \Tpw York World and other
' -velt journals resent
charge that certain
misrepresent the
•essive cause. They utter
moiaint while the reports
]«}e\v York Progressive
Stion are fresh in the public
(cfr days prior to that' gather-
rip tory papers teemed with
n 4at it was to be a bossed
Sention; that the delegates
r r? mere amateurs and puppets,
,as the strings were jerk-
ihti
bn'*
Roosevelt or Boss
WILSBN ANB THE ;
MINIMUM WAGE
by Boss
The^World itself, on September
headed its convention story,
be-kins Regarded as Boss as
iute Moose Gather,” and on the
f iiowing day used large type to
that the delegates Await
bprkins to Point Nomination ^ on
ffno^e Ticket.”
The New York Herald, political-
,, feeble imitation of the World,
readers that “when the
comes to name a ticket, a
i.^dpifked on6 will be put over
aii the clerity that could be
‘jiied ” Also, it said: ‘‘The
' know that if there
lliojld ue a real dispute, a tele-
Lni ii'oni a special train out
t'esi will settle any differences.”
Ttiese extracts are typical tory
ii-p-convention ‘"news,” two days
|!ai«- svampedas false and fraud*
,;ient by the result- The New
i'orii Evet)ing Post, vigorous op-
p,,!,ent of Roosevelt, pmises' the
fceiection of Oscar S. Straus and
lakes note of the silly slanders
aovUt "bossism.” . It says:
The history of the nomination
^1! go far to deprive of effective-
jness with the voters, so far as
(the siate campaign is concerned.
Ithe charge that the party is simp-
jiv the instrument of Mr- Roose-
Ivea's will. * * * This will do
lavvay with all possibility of draw
ling any paralled between the
jaciion and that of a convention
Iflhose choice is dictated by a
boss.”
Democratic Humor.
Democratic
an abiding
Whatever the
party lacks, it has
sense of humor.
When the Maine campaign was
on, Vice Presidential Candidate
iMarshall and Speaker Clark and
oriier "big guns” of the Demo
cratic national organization spent
days stamping that state on tar-
riff and trusts and Roosevelt.
Maine went Progressive. The
Democrats lost a governor, a
United States senator, a cong
ressman and a legislature.
Now confie all the Democrats
chorusing that the result means
absolutelely nothing, as the fig’ht
in Maine was purely on state is
sues.
So Marshall and Clark and
others cavorted about the state
for the amusement of the people.
They didn’t mean anything by it,
so the people reciprocated and
refused to take them seriously.
Having fun with the people i&
becoming one of the favorife
pastimes with the Democratic
party.
And, just as Maine did, the
people are snickering at tht
Democratic party. It furnishe
amusement, but no statesmai;-
ship. It gets the biggest laugh,
but the least support. — Philadel
phia Evening Times.
Ciapp Committee To Begin Work
Sept. 30th.
Washington, Sept. 12.—Presi
dential candidates in the precon-
jention fight of last spring have
furnished to Chairman Clapp, «f
we senate campaign expendi-
itires committee, names of the
^•en who handled their campaign
lunds. All the finacial manag
ers have agreed to appear before
we committee when its hearings
begins September 30.
^ preliminary meeting of the
cwnmittee will be held before
hearings open to fix the time
A .each witness shall testify.
witnesses are now under in
struction to appear on the open
ing day, Sept. 30. Members of
committee are still consider-
a plan to hold some of the
hearings in New York. ■
^ it hiis been found irtipossible
^ secure the testimony of Will-
^;''Ockefeller in regard to alleged
Oil contributions in
unless the committee virtu-
ally
gpes to his home.
In case
York sessions are held, J.
^- Morgan, George W. Perkins
other financiers probably will
® asked to testify about any con-
tributions they may
Poll ticai funds.
have made
IS a
account for kis
londness for bats.*’
From the time that Governor
Wilson, in accepting the Demo
cratic nomination, repudiated the
Democratic platform, he has
carefully avoided any utterance
that might seem; to offer a pro
gram as a substitute for the one
upon which he declines to stand.
In one Speech, however he did
t|ike a stand on two issues. That
was in labor day speech at Buf
falo, iii which he denounced the
Progressive pUciorm for its
plank on the regulation of trusts
and for its declaration in favor
of a minimum wage for women
workers.
On the question of the mini
mum wage. Governor Wilson was
particularly clear and eiiiphatic,
much more definite oh the other
issue. Indeed, he seemed to be
quite deeply moved against the
proposition that the law should
a minimum wage below which an
industry should not be permitted
to pay its women, workers.
He expressed fear that if the
principle^ of the minimum wage
were established for women
workers it would be extend to
other, kinds of labor. That he
regarded as a very calamitQus
prospect. This is what the gov
ernor said on the subject-
‘Thereis a plank in the pro^
gram v;hich speak^of establish
ing a minimum ,of living wage
for women workers, and I sup
pose that we may assume that
the principle is not in the long
run meant to be confided in its
applacation to women only. Per-
tiaps we are justified in assum
ing that the third party looks
forward to the general establish
ment by law of a minimum wage.
It is very likely, I take it for
granted, chat if a minimum wage
were established by law »the
great majority of employers
would take occasion to bring
their wage scale as nearly as
might be down, to the level of
that minimum, and it would be
very awkward for the working
man to resist that process suc
cessfully, because it would be
dangerous to strike against the
authority of the federal govern
ment.” *
Two explanations are suggest
ed by this rather astonishing ut
terance of Governor Wilson. To
a stranger, to one unacquainted
with Wilson’s work during the
last two years, it would seem
that he is a Tory. _But he isn't,
we are driven to the alternative
that Governor Wilson has taken
his positive stand against the
principle of the minimum wage
solely because he is ignorant of
Its meaning.
Tiiis is no disparagement of
Governor Wilson, It is said in
no spirit of criticism, but rather
in extenuation, ^ It is really not
to be expected that Governor
Wilson in the short apace of
time since he got into the prog
ressive movement should ■ ha'■•e
familiarized himself with all the
instrumentalities that are sug
gested for the furtherance of its
aims.
it is not yet two years since
Governor Wiison got into the
progresisive movement Before
.iiHt time, while his instincts
yvere for democracy, his training
and intellectual bent had all been
wi th the olu-line political econo
mists upon whose teaching the
opposition to the pro^essive
movement is based.
This old school of politcl econ
omy hai been known as “laissea-
fare,” which in that application
virtually means “hands-oif.” It
was the teacning of those old
doctors in the government should
keep its hands off nearly every
thing, that it should let the indi
vidual do everything he could do
short of positive crime, regard
less of its effect on others or on
the community. If he could hire
women at less than starvation
wages to do work for him, it was
none of the government’s busi:
ness, according to the teachings
of these philosophers. .
For twenty months, since he
became governor of New Jersey.
Doctor Wilson has been pulling
bravely against the teachings of
these old-time masters of his.
But in his shocked opposition to
the minimum wage, he- shows
that their influence still domin
ates him in this one respect at
But, this is palpably because
he has not come to an under
standing of what the ininimum
wage means. In the Progress
ive iplatform, the declaration is
restricted to women workers.
This is, indeed, a very moderate
and alraoflt a conservative prop-
position. y For the minimum
wage, as apii^lied to men and
women, has beeH in successful
operation in other couhtnes for
at I^t sixt^n years, while the
identical legal and economic
pirihdples upon which is basjed
haye been enforced by statutory
enactment for nearly a century.
The direct application of the
minimum wage is not new in this
country. It has been establish
ed in many trades—not bylaw,
but by the labor unions—for
years. The very type by which
the readers is enabled to read
this editorial was set under a
minimum wage regulation, dif
fering only from that which the
Progressives seek to establish
for women in that it has not the
force of law behind it, only a
voluntary contract. ,
. But, even bj laW, the principle
of the mininium wage has b^n
established in this very conserv
ative old state of Pennsylvania.
True, it applies only to school
teachers, biit it is a minmium
wage fixed by law.
The mininum wage has been
much discussed in England' of
later, as a result of the» great
coal strike in that country. The
demands of the unions which led
to that strike had no reference
to the hours of employment or
the rate of pay of the great ma
jority of the workers in the in
dustry. They were intended to
benefit only the poorest:paid
classes. The minimum wage has
already been established in other
industries, and it became part of
the terms of settlements tor the
strike ' .
R. G. K. Jinsor, in an Article
in the lamous English review,
“The Nineteenth Century anu
After,” states the case for the
minimum wage. He cites.the
figures of in vestigators who found
that in London and in York about
30 per cent of the people' were
living on incomes below the physi
ological minimum; that is, their
wages were not sufficient to
support them and their natural
dependents from the physical
deterioration that comes from
improper and insufficient food
and lack of clothing and shelter.
Where the industry fails to pay
a physiological minimum, either
physical deterioration of the
worker sets in or else tlie de
ficiency of the underpaying in-
duittry is made up by support
t iat is given by others—either
oy members of the family eniploy-
ed in a more remunerative in
dustry or by charity.
In either cftse the underpay
ing industry levies a tax on the
community and becomes in reality
boundy fed. The confimunity is
paying to keep up a industry that
cannot supi^rt itself; if it (^n,
which does not, but which makesl
its profits by compelling the com
munity to support its workmen.
Mr. Ehsor says.
Ihe boundy received by, an in
dustry which pays less than
subsistence wages is indefinite
and elusive; its 'burdens are iaid
at random!, largely on the weak
est shoulders, and the nation
foots the bill, nut in money only,
but in physical deterioration,
moral degradation and social cata
strophe.
This being so such underpay
ment t^nds clearly to the loss of
the nation; and it is difficult on
any ground of pure logic to see
why the state, as trustee of the
national interests,_ should not
interfere with it, just as it has
interfered with other features in
competive industry which appear
ed destructive of the nation’s
human capital.
The writer points out that for
a century parliament has been
passing acts to regulate the con
ditions of work. These fix the
kind of people who may work in
certain industries, the restric
tions being as to age and sex,
''the hours they may work, con
ditions of sanitatiori, ventilation
and viT-j protccti'^n of machinery.
In this country t.ach regulations
have been enacted into law by our
state and national legislatures,
though to a lesser extent than
in Engla^nd, because here the old
“lassiez,T hand-off, political
philosphy, which Governor Wil
son exemplifies in his attack on
the minimum wage, has retained
its influence to a much greater
degree than in England.
But such regulations have been
passed, and for the same purpose
that che minimum wage is propos
ed. That is, to conserve the hu
man resources of the nation.
Perhaps the fact that this coun
try has been receiving a constant
stream of immigrants made its
ruling powers less careful of its
human resources than otherwise
they might have been, A Sur
vey worker quotes a Pittsburgh
steel mill superintendent as say
ing, when questioned about the
from being lUaimed ap d
could be applied tp compel any
industry to pay a wage large
enough to prevent the deteriora
tion of the workmen through laqk
of shelter or nourishment. '
Such an act would not in the
least prevent those employers and
workmen bargaining for higher
wages. But it would say to them
that they could not bargain for
lower wages, becausc below that
point wages could not sustain life,
and to perniit lower wages would
be to waste the human resource
of the nation. This is the gen
eral principle of the minimum
wage. In its practical api)lica,tion
success has been shown in Vic
toria, where the first statute ap
plied it to five indurstries, and
where it has since spread lo near
ly fifty.
The Progrefsive platform pro
pose to apply it only to women
workers, to protect the mothers .
of the future race, and therefore ’ >>
the race itself, from the deteribra-
tiori that comes irom a ^struggle
to live on staryation wages. ' i
But the disquieting thing^about |
Governor Wilson’s opposition to
th€ minimum wage is that its
principle is the very essence of
the Progressive movement, which
holds that the first duty of the
nation is to conserve its human
resources. Back of itall is the
doctrine that the naost imporant
duty of each generation is to
promote the divine plan of pro
gress by• leaving \behind a better
race of men and women.
The opportunit/ is stiU ypiirs to buy Cloth^«
Dry Goods, Shoes and l^s a^ induction, ft
is a real money-saving chaqce for you, as our stock
must be reduced.^ _
Only a visit to our stbre wiU reveal the truth to you*
Dro^ in and take a iooii;V/^ are cordially
invited.
B, Goodinan,
Maia Street - - - Burlington/N*C.
ON.
V , '
i '
• ‘ r-'
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■f- ■
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. k \
' ■ '' *■ ■ ^
.Vi
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•V . > ' 4.’''
•. V- •^..x
-V.
i
'f
}- -V-
For Sale Cheap,
HEST m HEALTH TO MQTHEIt AKD CHllD.
Mrs. Winslow’s Sootbino Svrbp has been
used for over f-' 'XTY YEAKS by MItWONS ol
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—the—
Baltimore American
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A good 6 h. p. gasoline ehgiiie,
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Phone Show Canjp' 611, Harts
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