- 1 HE CAUCASIAN.-
VOL. XI.
GOLDSBOIiO, N. C, THURSDAY, APRIL 20. 1893.
NO. 2G.
en
tbri
ion
jjtli ''
bit;
a n
trill
O
rinS
0
I DITOirS CHAIR.
', O'i OF THE EDITOR ON THE
SS'JES OF THE DAY .
!: ,n Taylor of Alabama has
. .pointed minister to Spam,
t native of North Carolina,
1 1 lurli l-ss tliau 10 year.-! old, i
i tlit ablest lawyers in A hp i
i! iriiiiu iit 1m foi c tin- lT. S. Su--.i--Court
in t !if Lousi.uja Lottery
is a fatuous an 1 wom'e f u 1 ; i b'e
anient. I was in North Caro-!a.-t
.-.uiiiiiit r recreating for hid
!i. I If attended t he coiumenee
i'tlif State I'nivcraitv and
ilhdout made, a short but
i tn prompt tt talk. This
novvs him personally, anil
dates Mr. Cleveland and the
Mates and Spain upn the
:,' lit.
a uasing or rather jitiabk to
lie ublican oflice holders
- !iae themselves retained
; I h inocratic administration.
in. is some nope or mem
; lucky as (Jre?hani, hut it is
. -. : i IT that they should desire to
neeipiants of favor from the
:d enemy. Does holding a
1 1 1 1 1 mi L ollice tmdermind a fel
aianhood? Asa rule the olliee-
rs of one party are as gojd
as
r
of another and the only
reason
nakin a change is that the party
i.v r wants a reward those who
! Iiceii bitter partisiaus and hol-
! loud in torch light processions
.i-si!)ly done some dirty work
t! iii li the party won. 'I hen too,
1- iiei-'.'ssarv to encourage other
.1 work in the next campaign.
., i'.it ground should a man
party expect to be re
iii! : : promises to change
a' itionsand work with
nt her crowd? We
- :. the tiromise (ire
sup
sham i C leveland saw His party
remits
mutter of the Wilmington &
i! railroad immunity from tax
ias been for some time a oies
ery serious concern to those
Iieveinan coital distribution
'idens. Naturally the road de-
- this end it douldless bent its
! in every campaign. It is
!:: ! that its contributions to
up n ratio campaign fund last
nt tar to thwart the popular
secure an Assembly favora
!ie road. Upon the opinion
lawyers as Hinsdale, JJussell.
and Strange, the State should
-ived nearly a million dol-ba-k
taxes. The Legislature.
;. conscious of their obliga
" h ip in a time of need, com
d by accepting from the road
pittance of what was due the
From the standpoint of the
a metnoers who compromis-
1 eommendably. From the
tandpoint. it can at least
that the road will now hardly
need of contributing to a
!i fund to future campaigns.
itilluence is therefore re
tiioiigh at grat cost to the
"It's an ill wind that
:-0NiCLE TO BE SOLD.
rt v of the State Chroni
- "f type and lixtures,
etc.. was attached last
!.',i
igh Paper Company,
ur. nigolitained judgment
'tiier judgments were
" "by the Wolff Paper
Mr .losephus Daniels
;i 1 ' UK rtgage on the paper.
; that this leasing
1 ews and Observer
' The paper was run
uuubt with a view to
md theu to keep it from
the party the leasing dodge
;-il up. There was probably
i be
"' net and that was to puti
4 tion list in the hand of
" !' l Observer, so that a
i '-t
v p;jj ; would continue to
; ;tll the subscribers.
;-E AND AFTER.
i ady was making Al-
fii.
he advised the people
1,
y ,-iu'..-,
1..,
that
' demands and never
'' support any man
" them. That was;
iderstand that he !
veland is his man
1896. This is after.
n
f "li
nen on the
Hi
oier. 1
h pie to vote for him to
v
i he told the people about
s i,iuy auu caiu LHUt
itiut a Cobfirressmaii ot
: ti.- mtinli if n-aa ttViaii
ie got i:f teen cents a pound
ei
lug I '
leetti
J- hen he get to Con
- Jed a resolution to re
lts Jrom President down.
fa it he voted to pay Con-
r v'J a month more for
ima is 1, uc cixeui UJ.
' hat may the people ex
a fce Etays'longer? .
THE ELECTION LAW CONTINUED.
Till: INJUSTICE AXI) FRAUDS THAT MAY
iu; coAiMrn i;d under the present
LAW.
ft ' h t l ' mm, mm mr a - .
" iK UIKMWE.MS OFFERED TO THE LEGISLlTlltE
WOl'M) HIVE PREVETED THEM.
WHY D D THE LEGISLATURE
REFUSE TO PASS OR EVEN
MENTS7
i i rr
r:vi-:uv
( -ontitiuod from Iwao of
i
l lioii Un An It I". I
i
Tin i:
0l Ml
. -O..K III
lector may
Ontlu: (,iv of eleetion
ativ e
id tlie judges of
election shall, ehnllenjre the vote of
nny person who may bo known or
suspected not. to he a duly qualified
voter.
The amendment repeals section 2(583 and provides for .ill challeusriner of
voters to take place on the day before the election, or some earlier day. It
is an outrage for the hired tools and henchmen of political bosses to be
standing around t he day of election challenging honest men and depriving
them of the right to vote who are duly qualified. This was done by the
wholesale on last November.
Sec I'fiSt. When any person is
challenged, the judges shall explainj
to ti i in the (juuhhcations of an elec
tor, and shall examine him as to his
qualifications, and if the person in
sists that he is qualified, and shall
prove his identity with the person in
whose name he offers to vote, or his
continued residence in the precinct
since his name was placed upon the
registration list, as the case may be,
I13 the testimony, under oath, of at
least one other elector, one of the
judges shall tender to him the fol
lowing oath:
(The oath is the same as the one
we published in last issue under Sec
tion 2077.)
And if he refuses to take such oath,
his vote shall be rejected: if, how-
ever, he does take the oath when
tendered, his vote shall be received.
IKovnEr, that after such oath shall
have been taken the judjjes may.
nevertheless, refuse to permit such
person to vote if they be satisfied
that he is not a le;al voter; and
they are hereby authorized to admin
ister the necessary oaths or affirma
tions to all witnesses brought before
them to testify to the qualifications
of a person offering1 to vote. Wlien
evef any person's vote shall be re
ceived after having taken the oath
prescribed in this, section, the clerks
of the election shall write on the
poll-books at the end of such per
son's name the word "sworn." The
same powers as to the administra
tion of oaths and the examination of
witnesses, as in this section granted
to judges of elections, maybe exer
cised by the registrars in all cases
where the names of persons regis
tered or offering to register are ob
jected to.
The amendment repeals section 2084 also, which is the machinery pro
vided to make it difficult for even an honest voter to comply with on the
day of election when lie is challenged. It was specially drawn with a
view, not to keep disqualified, voters from voting, but so it could be used,
when necessary, to keep any number of men from voting. You know that
the challenged man is not only sworn (which is all right), but the law
gives the judges the power to deny him the right to vote after he has taken
an oath covering every point of the law. It puts the absolute will of one
man above the oath of another The amendment provides the same oath,
but allows the man to vote after taking the oath. Though it gives the
judge of election power to have him arrested after he does vote, if he has
came to lelieve that he voted illegally. This is amply sufficient to protect
the ballot-box, but does not deprive a man from voting who swears that he
is qualified. Is not the amendment fair? Then why did the Legislature
vote it down? In order that you may see that all proper challenging is
provided for, go back to our issue of April Gth and seethe machinery
provided for in the amendments of thatissue.
Sec. 2GS7. The State officers, viz:
Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Sec
retary, of State, Auditor, Treasurer,
Superintendent of Public Instruc
tion, and Attorney General, shall be
voted for on one ballot. The mem
bers of Congress for their respective
districts shall be voted for on one
ballot. The member or members of
Congress for the State at large, if
there be such, shall be voted for on
one ballot. The Justices of the Su
preme Court Judges of the Superior
Court and Solicitors shall he voted
for on one ballot. The members - of I
the General Assembly for their re
spective counties and districts shall
voted for 011 one ballot. -The
county officers for the respective
counties, viz: Clerk of the Superior
Court, Treasurer, Register of Deeds,
Surveyor, Coroner, and Sheriff, shall
be voted for on one ballot. The bal
lots shall be on white paper, and
may be printed or written or partly
written and partly printed, and shall
be without device.
The amendment to 2GS7 provides for a modiGed form of the Australian
system of votiug. Under the present law the different officers are voted
ior m different ballot-boxes. One of
poiuician, acting under orders of the
tr: wm gec nis vote
provides that all the ballots shall be on
r - , " r 1 llJe mosc uoraut
uctm me damage ot a secret
inn
6 e wu mumioation and coercion, where a man
win crueny use tne mortgage to make
science and convictions.
CTo be Continued.)
CONSIDER THE AMEND-
voriu iti:.i:
April Mi.)
An ft Woulil Itf Aiik-iiiI
Sec:. 2083-Kepealed.
i.
Sec. LfiS4-Kepcaled.
Sec. 7. That Section 2GS7 be re
pealed and the following be inseited
in lieu thereof: ''All the officers to
be voted for at any given election,
except Township Constable and mem
bers of the Board of County Canvas
sers, shall be voted for on one ballot
or shaet of paper. The names of the
candidates for the respedtive parties
shall be in parllel columns, and the
names of the candidates of the re
spective yarties for the same office
shall be opposite each other in said
colums. Each column shall be head-
ed with the
name of the iartv to
which said candidates belon. The
ballots, except those for Constable
and members of the Board of County
Canvassers, shall be printed and pro
vided by the State for every politi
cal party which shall deposit with
the Secretary of State or State Treas
urer the sum of $200,00 at least six
ty days preceding the day on which
the election is to be held, and shall
furnish to the Secretary of State a
list of the candidates of their re
spective parties as much as thirty
days before the day of election, and
it shall be the duty of the Secretary
of State to furnish to the respective
Executive Committees of such polit
ical parties at least twenty days be
fore the election an equal number,
not less than 600,000 of ballots to
each party, and if the Secretary of
State shall fail to perform his dutv
as provided in this seetion, he shall
be guilty of a misdemeanor'
the favorite tricks of the cross-roads
machine, is to change the places of
" the wrong box. The amendment
one sheet and put into the same
man a chance to vote as he derires,
ballot to every man. Whata bless
a poor man vote against his
con-
II.
I,
CURRENCY REFORM, TARIFF REDUC
TiON, TRANSPORTATION.
,., .
Th0r,Ulrld ..d l..iM.eMt
iviujy.i inrwurraiirnnuiini Ml)-
furtory.
(interview in Atlanta Constitution.)
"I think that Mr. Cleveland ought
to be judged like any other pub
lic man. 1 think that we ouirht to
concede that he means what he says i
and honestly entertains the- views he
expresses. That being the case, it'
1 ,1 4 : ... . . . . . . : 1. 1 . . 4. . . 1 i; !
l.w i- i,f,...!H;,f :.. r
or The Constitution are bimetallists.
lie may be willing to have silver
coin, but he wants gold to measure its
value, or w ants it as token money.
The 'belief is based on his Warner
letter of 1S84, upyn his letter of last
.... 1, ,;,,u.. K1111.-1 in NIC tCUU lllrtt X
year.
ami
upon Ins inaugural ad
dress itself. I think that M. Cleve
land is thoroughly imbued with what
we call the Wall street idea of fi
nance that gold ought to be the
only money so far as measuring val
ues is concerned, and I think that he
intends to build up a party on that
line, for every member of his Cabi
net was thoroughly sifted on that
question, and such men as Blount,
Bland, Culbertson and others, who
had deserved recognition by twenty
years of faithful service, were passed
over and a man with a thirty day
reputation, like Mr. Smith, was la
borously hunted up and thrust to the
front, as aPresidential adviser.
"My own opinion is, from observa
tions made during my service in
Washington, that the Southern and
Wester Democrats axe heartily in
favor of an increase of our currency
and the adoption of some method
which would give the people a
chance to get some of it, but the
Eastern and Northern wings of the
arty represent almost exclusively
the creditor class, the money-lending
interests and the national banking
interests, and. those men do not fa
vor the continuance of the system
by which the national banks have a
monopoly of the issuing of the cur
rency and charging the business
world what it pleases for it.
WHERE MR. CLEVLAND STANDS.
"Mr. Cleveland evidently sides
with the North and East, His dec
larations shov it, his appointments
show it, his affiliations show it and
the legislation which he is endeav
oring to press forward emphatically
shows it. There never was an ad
ministration more favorable to what
we call the Wall street money pow
er than Mr. Cleveland's former one.
The report of the Secretary of the
Treasury in that administration
shows that at one time the enormous
sum of $39,000,000 of the tax nionev
of the people was a free deposit with
the national bank, a fund which thev
ould lend to the business men at
enormous profits at the very time
when these tax-papers were clamor
ing against high taxes, for more
money and for some method by which
they could escape the exactions of
the creditor class.
"Mr. Cleveland being: a strong man,
firm in his convictions, he will un
doubtedly adhere to his previous
policy and public declarations. That
being so, the Southern and Western
Democrats have either to submit to
seeing all their views disregarded
and the interests of their constituents
ignored, or they must seek other af
filiations which will give them the
opportunity of carrying out convic
tions that are as dear to them as Mr.
Cleveland's can be to him.
"There is scarcely a plank in the
national Democratic platform that
can be truly said to voice the feelings
of the South on the questions of fi
nance and taxation.
THE SPLIT ON THE TARIFF.
"Take, for instance, the tariff.
The platform declares for a reduc
tion of tariff duties. What the South
means by this is so material a re
duction that it would eventually
lead to free trade, which is the tra
ditional position of the South on that
question. Interpreted by Mr. Cleve
land's letter of acceptance, free trade
is merely an impossible specter, and
what he means by tariff reduction is I
a little trimming of tariff schedules
with no very substantial reductions.
As a matter of fact, The Constitution
is light when it says that we must
have an income tax and for the simp
lest of reasons: our national expen
ses for four years have been $500,000,-
000 per year. Knowing how things
are done at Washington, and how
irresitible are certain tendencies in
legislation, I dcnot believe that our
annual appropriations are goin to
be materially reduced. We must.
therefore, consider that we have to
tax the people $500,000,000 per year.
The present method of raising income
is by internal revenue taxes and tariff
taxes, and both these sources of in
come are now insufficient and some
of the most reliable calculators figure
out an actual deficit this year. That
being the case, how are we to reduce
the tariff taxation by free trade or
any other sort of bills unless we
adopt some other method of taxa
tion? If the national Democratic
platform had called for an income
tax we could see a pledge of sinceri
ty in the statement that tariff taxes
are to be reduced, for we could see
where they were to get the money
to make up this deficit. But as long
as the millionaires themselves frame
the platform, as they did last year,
and do not make any reference to an
income tax, how are we, as reasonable
men, to think they will reduce the
taxes that even now are insufficient
to support the Government?
. THE INCOME TAX IMPERATIVE.
"These enormous fortunes are con
sidered everywhere as a souree of
danger to the republic One hun
dred millions of dollars are not nec
essary to any man's eomf ort or hap
piness They do the individual no
good and they are a standing menace
they have been accumulated mostly
in great financial centers by reason
of class legislation and laws that
specially favored certain interests.
They have grown up under the pro-
tection or tne government and un
der the fostering care of these fa
voring laws until their huge propor
tions are a menace to our future
prosperity. There can only be in
every country a limited amount of
1 wealth to be distributed among all
its people. The more evenly distri
buted it is the more equality there
i is. the more content, the more han-
j piiiess. On the other hand, the mure
I tendency there is to get that pivtu
amount of wealth into the hands of
j the few, or into the control of
claMf themore you neewi(arlv ia.
. . i 1 a .
1 :...l .1 : i
iiroouiiiini, mr luurc criuir you nave,
the more vayraney and immorality
lou necessarily fill the eountrv
everywhere with peoide who feel
that The government does not recog
nize their nehts as men. It not be
itig possible to put any limit on man's
earnings, the laws by which these
fortunes are accumulated should be
i wpt'alod and the ftrtunes themselves
.,,,,-1. I t ! .
'"gui ir liiitHi. ja poiuieu ui
ny
an
the Constitution there should be
income tax levied upon these
millionaires and the tax ought to be
heavier m proportion to the size of
the fortune, and in this automatic
nd reliable way there would be
decrease of these accumulations, the
1 ax woum distribute the money
and these millionaires would be forc
ed to contribute something to tlie
government under whose favoritism
they have been enabled to get more
Mhan their share of the produce of
the country,
TWEEPLE-DEE ANI TW EEUI.E PUM.
'A great deal of twaddle has been
indulged in about the differences be
tween a Republican and a Democrat
ic tariff. The Atlanta Journal says
that the only difference is that the
Republicans are in favor of protec
tion for pretection's sake, and the
Democrats are for it for the sake of
the money they get out of it. Now,
if a tariff taxes me on my clothing,
food, household furniture and plan
tation implements to the extent of
$50 a ye'ar, how does it make me hap
py that the Democrat does it just to
get the money in distinction from
the Republican, who did it for the
sake of protection? This juggle of
words does not save me accent. The
$50 tax is an outrage as much in the
one case as in the other. The $50
tax necessarily carries the protec
tion which the Repudlican says is
right and the Democrat say sis wrong.
And if the Democrat makes nie pay
that $50 on a tariff which he says is
for levenue, it brings in as much for
the government and takes as much
out my pocket as the $50 that I paid
under the Republican tariff that was
for protection pure and simple.
"So far as the citizen is concerned,
if you pay the expenses of the gov
ernment with a tariff you must raise
enough to pay those expenses, and
it does not affect the citizen one par
ticle whether you call it a system to
protect the manufacturer or a sys
tem to gather revenue. It hurts us
just as bad under one name , as the
other.
"The only man who ought to be
listened to when he talks of tariff re
duction is the man who suggests
some other way of raising the
revnue to pay the cxi ense of
thi .government, for he Lithe only
man who is in earnest about it.
THE FINANCIAL QUESTION.
"What are your thoughts on the
financial question?"
"The Democratic platform calls
for some sort of bimetallism not
very clearly defined, but says noth
ing about the national banks. Our
view is this: That the currency is
a thing that the government ought
to make and regulate in value. That
is the way our fathers thought about
it, and that is their opinion express
ed in the constitution of the United
States. But under our system at
present the government does not
make the money, does not regulate
its volume and does fix its price. On
the other hand, they farm out to
one set of corporations the right to
use that governmental function for
private gain, when we say that it
should be exercised by the govern
ment itself for the benefit of all the
people. The national banks derive
a princely revenue from the privil
ege of creating money, issuing it
and prescribing the terms on which
the business men shall get it. The
government does not get this profit
at all, and we hold that it any is to
be made by that function it ought to
be made by the government and used
for the people. We claim that the
fundamental idea is that money is a
mere convenience of trade, a neces
essary tool of exchange, and that
our sovereign, the government,
should say what it should be, how
much and how the people should get
it; that no class should be allowed to
monopolize it; that no discrimina
tions should be allowed in the distri
bution of it; that nx system should
De permitted to ennance the mere
tool of exchange beyond the ordinary
reach of those products which it
was designed to exchange, and that
there should always be enough of
money in circulation to allow oaT
products to be exchanged the one
for the other with some regard to
the cost of their production.
"Under any system of finance, the
criterion of which is justice, com
modities will always exchange on
the basis of their labor cost- This
price cannot always be fixed. It is
subject to change, but when com
modities are left to themselves to ex
change on their own basis their true
cost the labor price is the value to
which they always gravitate, and at
which most of them will exchange.
The system is just to everybody, be
cause beginning with justice to the
man who produces the cotton, wheat
or corn, it necessarily carries justice
with it in all other processes of man
ufacture, barter, exchange or con
sumption. But when, by legislation,
you have destroyed that natural ba
sis of exchange, officially enhanced
the price of gold and every debt that
gold holds against the producing part
of the country, then you have made
commodities exchange not on the ba
sis of tbeir labor cost or usefulness
in consumption, but you have made
them go t5 market and take the price
that gold, artificially enhanced as
before stated, is able to dictate. This
unsettles the laws of trade, it is un
just to the laborers, and that injus
tice, commencing at the bottom of
the scale, follows the - commodity
through all subsequent stages, and
every debt in the country commands
an ameunt of commodity at the time
of collection that was never dreamed
of the time of. its creation at the
time the debt was made.
WHERE THE PEOPLE'S PARTY STANDS.
"The People's party takes position
right there, planU -itself iMiuart ly
npou the constitution a our fathers
framed it and demand that this great
governiental function of making mud
coutrolitig the national tool of et-
1 11 . t 1
v unuL-r, caueu money, t-uouiu in?
taken back from the corporations
that now exercise that delegated jow
er, and should be used by the gov
eminent of all the people for the Wn-
ent or all the people.
(TO BE COSTIXCEO.)
. y.
1TIOF. EBKX ALEXANDER.
Envoy Extraordinary and Miuister
rienipotentiary of the united
States to Greece, Koiimauia aud
Servia.
This is what Hartwrs Weekly says
about the appointment of Eben
Alexander to the mission to Greece.
Professor Alexander ia not a politi-
cian although the politicians of
North Carolina have not only ac
quired but were iu advance of the
appointment enthusiastically in fa
vor of it- Mr. Alexander is a splen
did scholar and "rofessor of Greek
in the North Carolina University.
He is a graduate of Yale College,
and has been a Professor aud acting
President of the University of East
Tennessee. It was largely due to
the fact that he was personally inter
ested in Greece, and his people that
Cleveland appointed him. Besides
being a scholar he is a man of first
rate executive ability as he showed
when he was acting as the head of
the Tennessee institution. He is a
man about party years of asre, and is
described as of line manner aud per
sonality, impressing himself favora
bly.
THKKE ItEMAKAltLK DECISIONS.'
The Court Lean Heavily Toward Corpo
rate Power.
(Rocky Mountain News.)
The recent decisions of the federal
bench in Georgia and at New Orleans
and Toledo, as to the legal obliga
tions of employes to their corpora
tion employers, will not be accepted
without confirmation by the supreme
court of the United States, nor, it is
mcuh to be feared, even in that event
without serious trouble. To the lea
ders of organized labor the action of
the courts has the appearance of a
union with the servitude of labor.
The Brotherhood of Locomotive En
gineers some months ago applied to
Judge Speer of the United States
district court to enforc a contract be
tween them and the Georgia Central
railroad. They were told that if they
asked aid of the court they "must
now and ever be subordinate to the
law and the finding of the court and
that the court's decision would in
future control their actions after a
full hearing had been given to both
sides- This was the first step in the
series of aggressive movements
against the labor unions of New
Orleans, which was prosecuted under
the anti-trust law for participation in
the labor strike of last November,
Judge Billings affirmed a few days
ago that"the Ui.ited States govern
ment already has jurisdiction over
all labor unions engaged in work
affecting intei state commerce."
The special signification of that case
is found in the fact thit interstate
commerce was - only incidentally
affected and that the judgment
claims federal jurisdiction over col
lateral interests of cousiderable
scope, which it is maintained should
come within state purview if the sub
jects of judicial notice at all. Judge
Billings then forbids warehousemen
and truck-drivers, in the name of
the United States Government, from
stopping work, because they are at
times employed on interstate com
merce. The Toledo case, which has excited
so much surprise and comment,
novel as it is and far-reaching in its
possible conseqnenee, does not go as
far as Judge Billings goef , for in the
Toledo case the striking workmen
were directly engaged in interstate
commerce. Judge Ricks issued an
injunction commanding the engi
neers and firemen on the complain
ing road to "refrain from refusing"
to handle Ann Arbor freignt. Sev
eral engineers and firemen quit
work, as-samidg they had a right to
do so, since there was no contract
obliging them to work for any stated
time and since the company had al
ways claimed the right to discharge
its men without a moment's notice
and had aeted on it. There-upon
J udge Ricks summond them before
him and held them to answer for
contempt of court. He held that
railway employees are not free to
leave their employment at will, but
can do so only after having given due
notice. He exclaimed the right, by
injunction, to order employees to do a
specific work for a railroad corpora
tion and denied them the right to
end their employment at will.
These federal decisions involve a
revolution in judicial rnhngs, which
have never been authorized by any
legislative act and which must be
verified by the highest authority be
fore they will commend the respect
even of persons not thereby affected.
Should the United States supreme
court go to the same length in dis
crinating against the right of work
ingmen and in favor of the claims of
corporations, it will remain for the
former to appeal to the ballot- and
with such system and eff eet as have
never yet been expressed in the to-
litical action of the wage-earners of
uus xree country.
WOMAN'S SP1
'Moy Ulk about woman's Ffjter
Ai (htmfh it had a bmit.
Tttere't tut a j.laoe in ranh or heaven.
Tbere'a no a Lak to mankind Ten,
Ttwr' not a baw.iK or a woe.
There' nut a hts-iwr re or no.
There' not a hf. a Wth or bmh.
That tiaa a feather's weight of worth.
Without a woman ia it."
KtKUK NO LADIKS.
Yeath Need Utile t.latratlo-Tw I'ret-
tltjr DreaM! at llme.
The straight bang with its reiru
Iar and uugract-ful lines is a thing
of the mst, aud elaborateness is net
er suitable to a young face. It is a
pity to cut aud burn the hair auy
sootier than is necessary. A girl up
iu wfM'uwfu or eignurn is tne pret
tier, and her youth the more sweetly
ma ui lest in ail its grace and appeal
YOUTHFlh HEAITY.
for the utmost simplicity in the
dressing of the hair. Of course, the
hair itself must be kept exuuisitelv
clean, and softly glossy from con
stant brushing. Then let it be drawn
softly back from the face, us indi
cated in my sketch, and at the line
of the forehead permit a few short
hairs to escajK', not a bang nor a
fringe of curls, but a few irregular
locks that hang softly and carelessly
whether thev curl or not. If the
hair is kept iu the best condition it
will hang soft, Huffy and pretty, if it
does not curl.
At the naie of the neck, to avoid
tight pulling of the hair into the coil,
let some short locks escape. As for
the coil let it be just a knot of the
hair as big or small as the amount
of hair makes it. Wind it softly
around and quite without ornament
The style of hair dressing should
not vary with the growing. The eve
ning gown of the verv vounir irirl
should be far too simple to require
an elaboration of other details. The
material needs to be soft and simple.
the throatbared a little, and that is
all. Youth will take care of thp
beauty of the picture made. Youth,
the soft light in the eves and
the delicate color of the
skin! Yet these are the very ones
these so richly endowed, who fret at
mamma's insisting on their dressing
so simply!" In, a year or so they will
wish they could risk such simplicity.
Here are two dresses, designed for
young women, but that upon the left
is especioiiy suitable for a very slen-
FOB SLENDER WEARERS.
der wearer. This is because its flar
ing revere and huge sleeves lend an
appearance of width to the shoulders.
II is made of a soft, white woolen
stuff aud has a vest made of finely
iutM-u uia itrriai wmuu is tseweu (O
the linen on one side and hooked
over. The standing collar, the belt,
three inches in width, and the tight
cuffs of the sleeves are all to be
tucked, the tucks to be three-quarters
of an inch wide. The fronts
are loose and the round revers roust
be allowed for in cutting; they are
lined with the same material or with
silk and the outer edge is finished
with a ruffle oue and half inches
wide. The upper sleeve is composed
of one large puffed divided bv a one
and a half inch tuck band. The cos
tume has a bell skirt -lined with
white satin and trimmed with three
ruffles each two inches in width.
A very pretty combination for the
other dress is tan-colored cloth trim
med with green velvet The waist
hooks in fronts and the vest is sewed
to the right front and hooks orer.
The fronts are; very full and the
w .
Droaa revers must be allowed for.
They form a double pleat at each
side of the vest but must not fall in
etifl! lines. The skirt is beiLshaped
with a plain front and the back gath
ered into a waist band three-quarters
of an inch wide. The belt is made
of a bias fold jf velvet teu inches
wide and the ends, where it meets in
the back, are turned over about 3
inches and then shirred tightly so
that the belt shali be four inches
wide at that point It is whaleboned
to keep it in placa. The- standing
collar is also of velyeV and the vest
ia trimmed witb five rows of velvet
ribbon. The revers are edged with
velvet and the cuffs of the sleeves as
the bottom of the skirt have three
rows of velvet ribbon. "The upper
half of the lcvrs $ a larrc pnS.
ESTIXLE.
" Vat al NtrlilM.
Mr. KntTuK.- I joa 0cr to
girethe Maahing Machine which
you aJrvrti for 40 ubacribrrs. If
tt is as you dcribe it, it is what
every woman who dors brr own
washing nerds and mnt h I
fend you two subtcriU-rs ty todays
. . : 1 t 1 a
iumi. i win ena pa tome evrry
eek till I get the forty, for I uiu.t
have that machine, " .
Very truly voum
.IpHreetatM TV. .
m pil.,
ilfc, KlHTilC .
1apcr I feel like cx-gratulatior ' voti
on your en terra iu. I am glad you
do not till up pur" paper entirely
nth politics, and I want to thank
j 011 for your womans column, I read
it each week, but the cntei prise you
showed lat week with the nice illus
trations will be wneciallv aim
ated by those of us who arc Mot able 4
to take fashion magazines. Your
paper has something in it for ui all
and I only wi.h it was t -u & lar
so you could girc m two columui
infcU-ad of one. Hut I really don't
we how you can think of 90 many
things. I will try to get yoti a club,
for the women, boy and girls aught
w or ior your jajer as well as the
men. This is not to I
I'muiivmM
Your fricud
IT 1H IlKTTKK TO UVK.
have Kometimes felt that the bur
den Of life WSI ton havv t. K... .
And have longed to lie down at the
noontide
And rent and formd all
But over my heart comc the nie-
aage,
Bepeated again and again.
It is better to live and to luffer,
Than to die to be rid of the pain."
There ia rent in tho darknon
of dy-
inc.
And end to thn u-a
The grave holdi dure peace and calm
ui'Dcrj
No Horrw nor nain un 1 il...
Hut perhaps in the struggle of liv
ing
Is a'soul that haa nnn.l nf mv
Some heart may be bearing a buiden
TL.I I 1 ...
Aui my nana uiay lighten or
hare.
Twould be easy to nay," I am wea
auu ne
down and rlvn nn lim
strife.
To suffer no more with the heartache
Ana sorrow I meet in this life;
But perhaps from my sorrow- weet
1. A A - ! .
ucnn-HiringH
A melodv IV Afft tntV VaA arm ik
And my lips when they drank deep of
Buurrmg,
The tenderest songs may have
sung.
'Tis so hard to be patient with liv
ing
When all tho world ia aurr;
So wearisome waiting for idea u re
anat win only come arter we die;
Hut even through all my complaining
I can hear that und vino- refrain
n:. i .... . n
11 is uciwr 10 nve anu to auner,
Than to die to be rid of the paiu."
will lire and be utroLg, and will
suffer
If need be. until I find rt
When life and its '.rials are over
ibeugh never my life should be
blest.
Though always the sun should be
darkened
By the clouds that hang over my
way "
will trust that the light will be
clearer
When at lant I awake "in the day.
Omaha, Neb., April C 1803.
J. D. Braiwhaw.
Iiock, Kan.
Dear Sin- I have read vonr let
ter in reference to Industrial Legion.
it is one 01 tne best explanations of
the order I have seen. Your state
ments are correct in every particul
ar. I shall take stens to have tht-
article copied by the reform press
generally. If yoti are in a situation
to do any recruiting work in Kansas,
I hope you will tender vour servhw
to J. F. Willitts, who has charge of
Kansas In addition to the state
ments in vour article- I call vour
attention to the fact that the Officers
of the Industrial Leeion rennnpnt
the ational Executive Commitee
of the People's Party. Jlr. Taube
neck is Chairman of "our Executive
Council. Mr. Turner, the Adin-
tant-Oeneral of the Ltrwn- ia also
Secretary of our Aationl Committee,
and 31 r. Washburn. Oartet
General, who has control of the
Eastern Division of the Peonbs
1'arty. I am not a member of the
committee, but you will observe,
that every officer who has anything
I to do with handling money, or of
national committee 01 tne People
Partv in the hi chest nositiona. YVm
can publish this letter in the Indus
a w . .
trial region. 1 on will also nottee
that due Dro vision is made for all
officers handling money in national.
bui, cuuuij anu tocai regions, to
be under proper bonds, and held
striekly accountable. We -can win
this battle for the people, and have
all the legitimate money necessary
to run an aggressive campaign in
!U and 96, if the Legion is strongly
organized in every state.
x ours truly
Pact.Vax Dirvookt.
P S. Also the constitution and
Legion itself was written and made
every line of it originally by the Na
tional Committee. '
John Sherman will be 70 years
old in two months. He has lived long
enough to cram bis financial policy
down the throats of the democratic
party. Who knows that he didn't
include bis tariff policy in tlie deal?
n