- 1 HE CAUCASIAN.- VOL. XI. GOLDSBOIiO, N. C, THURSDAY, APRIL 20. 1893. NO. 2G. en tbri ion jjtli '' bit; a n trill O rinS 0 I DITOirS CHAIR. ', O'i OF THE EDITOR ON THE SS'JES OF THE DAY . !: ,n Taylor of Alabama has . .pointed minister to Spam, t native of North Carolina, 1 1 lurli l-ss tliau 10 year.-! old, i i tlit ablest lawyers in A hp i i! iriiiiu iit 1m foi c tin- lT. S. Su--.i--Court in t !if Lousi.uja Lottery is a fatuous an 1 wom'e f u 1 ; i b'e anient. I was in North Caro-!a.-t .-.uiiiiiit r recreating for hid !i. I If attended t he coiumenee i'tlif State I'nivcraitv and ilhdout made, a short but i tn prompt tt talk. This novvs him personally, anil dates Mr. Cleveland and the Mates and Spain upn the :,' lit. a uasing or rather jitiabk to lie ublican oflice holders - !iae themselves retained ; I h inocratic administration. in. is some nope or mem ; lucky as (Jre?hani, hut it is . -. : i IT that they should desire to neeipiants of favor from the :d enemy. Does holding a 1 1 1 1 1 mi L ollice tmdermind a fel aianhood? Asa rule the olliee- rs of one party are as gojd as r of another and the only reason nakin a change is that the party i.v r wants a reward those who ! Iiceii bitter partisiaus and hol- ! loud in torch light processions .i-si!)ly done some dirty work t! iii li the party won. 'I hen too, 1- iiei-'.'ssarv to encourage other .1 work in the next campaign. ., i'.it ground should a man party expect to be re iii! : : promises to change a' itionsand work with nt her crowd? We - :. the tiromise (ire sup sham i C leveland saw His party remits mutter of the Wilmington & i! railroad immunity from tax ias been for some time a oies ery serious concern to those Iieveinan coital distribution 'idens. Naturally the road de- - this end it douldless bent its ! in every campaign. It is !:: ! that its contributions to up n ratio campaign fund last nt tar to thwart the popular secure an Assembly favora !ie road. Upon the opinion lawyers as Hinsdale, JJussell. and Strange, the State should -ived nearly a million dol-ba-k taxes. The Legislature. ;. conscious of their obliga " h ip in a time of need, com d by accepting from the road pittance of what was due the From the standpoint of the a metnoers who compromis- 1 eommendably. From the tandpoint. it can at least that the road will now hardly need of contributing to a !i fund to future campaigns. itilluence is therefore re tiioiigh at grat cost to the "It's an ill wind that :-0NiCLE TO BE SOLD. rt v of the State Chroni - "f type and lixtures, etc.. was attached last !.',i igh Paper Company, ur. nigolitained judgment 'tiier judgments were " "by the Wolff Paper Mr .losephus Daniels ;i 1 ' UK rtgage on the paper. ; that this leasing 1 ews and Observer ' The paper was run uuubt with a view to md theu to keep it from the party the leasing dodge ;-il up. There was probably i be "' net and that was to puti 4 tion list in the hand of " !' l Observer, so that a i '-t v p;jj ; would continue to ; ;tll the subscribers. ;-E AND AFTER. i ady was making Al- fii. he advised the people 1, y ,-iu'..-, 1.., that ' demands and never '' support any man " them. That was; iderstand that he ! veland is his man 1896. This is after. n f "li nen on the Hi oier. 1 h pie to vote for him to v i he told the people about s i,iuy auu caiu LHUt itiut a Cobfirressmaii ot : ti.- mtinli if n-aa ttViaii ie got i:f teen cents a pound ei lug I ' leetti J- hen he get to Con - Jed a resolution to re lts Jrom President down. fa it he voted to pay Con- r v'J a month more for ima is 1, uc cixeui UJ. ' hat may the people ex a fce Etays'longer? . THE ELECTION LAW CONTINUED. Till: INJUSTICE AXI) FRAUDS THAT MAY iu; coAiMrn i;d under the present LAW. ft ' h t l ' mm, mm mr a - . " iK UIKMWE.MS OFFERED TO THE LEGISLlTlltE WOl'M) HIVE PREVETED THEM. WHY D D THE LEGISLATURE REFUSE TO PASS OR EVEN MENTS7 i i rr r:vi-:uv ( -ontitiuod from Iwao of i l lioii Un An It I". I i Tin i: 0l Ml . -O..K III lector may Ontlu: (,iv of eleetion ativ e id tlie judges of election shall, ehnllenjre the vote of nny person who may bo known or suspected not. to he a duly qualified voter. The amendment repeals section 2(583 and provides for .ill challeusriner of voters to take place on the day before the election, or some earlier day. It is an outrage for the hired tools and henchmen of political bosses to be standing around t he day of election challenging honest men and depriving them of the right to vote who are duly qualified. This was done by the wholesale on last November. Sec I'fiSt. When any person is challenged, the judges shall explainj to ti i in the (juuhhcations of an elec tor, and shall examine him as to his qualifications, and if the person in sists that he is qualified, and shall prove his identity with the person in whose name he offers to vote, or his continued residence in the precinct since his name was placed upon the registration list, as the case may be, I13 the testimony, under oath, of at least one other elector, one of the judges shall tender to him the fol lowing oath: (The oath is the same as the one we published in last issue under Sec tion 2077.) And if he refuses to take such oath, his vote shall be rejected: if, how- ever, he does take the oath when tendered, his vote shall be received. IKovnEr, that after such oath shall have been taken the judjjes may. nevertheless, refuse to permit such person to vote if they be satisfied that he is not a le;al voter; and they are hereby authorized to admin ister the necessary oaths or affirma tions to all witnesses brought before them to testify to the qualifications of a person offering1 to vote. Wlien evef any person's vote shall be re ceived after having taken the oath prescribed in this, section, the clerks of the election shall write on the poll-books at the end of such per son's name the word "sworn." The same powers as to the administra tion of oaths and the examination of witnesses, as in this section granted to judges of elections, maybe exer cised by the registrars in all cases where the names of persons regis tered or offering to register are ob jected to. The amendment repeals section 2084 also, which is the machinery pro vided to make it difficult for even an honest voter to comply with on the day of election when lie is challenged. It was specially drawn with a view, not to keep disqualified, voters from voting, but so it could be used, when necessary, to keep any number of men from voting. You know that the challenged man is not only sworn (which is all right), but the law gives the judges the power to deny him the right to vote after he has taken an oath covering every point of the law. It puts the absolute will of one man above the oath of another The amendment provides the same oath, but allows the man to vote after taking the oath. Though it gives the judge of election power to have him arrested after he does vote, if he has came to lelieve that he voted illegally. This is amply sufficient to protect the ballot-box, but does not deprive a man from voting who swears that he is qualified. Is not the amendment fair? Then why did the Legislature vote it down? In order that you may see that all proper challenging is provided for, go back to our issue of April Gth and seethe machinery provided for in the amendments of thatissue. Sec. 2GS7. The State officers, viz: Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Sec retary, of State, Auditor, Treasurer, Superintendent of Public Instruc tion, and Attorney General, shall be voted for on one ballot. The mem bers of Congress for their respective districts shall be voted for on one ballot. The member or members of Congress for the State at large, if there be such, shall be voted for on one ballot. The Justices of the Su preme Court Judges of the Superior Court and Solicitors shall he voted for on one ballot. The members - of I the General Assembly for their re spective counties and districts shall voted for 011 one ballot. -The county officers for the respective counties, viz: Clerk of the Superior Court, Treasurer, Register of Deeds, Surveyor, Coroner, and Sheriff, shall be voted for on one ballot. The bal lots shall be on white paper, and may be printed or written or partly written and partly printed, and shall be without device. The amendment to 2GS7 provides for a modiGed form of the Australian system of votiug. Under the present law the different officers are voted ior m different ballot-boxes. One of poiuician, acting under orders of the tr: wm gec nis vote provides that all the ballots shall be on r - , " r 1 llJe mosc uoraut uctm me damage ot a secret inn 6 e wu mumioation and coercion, where a man win crueny use tne mortgage to make science and convictions. CTo be Continued.) CONSIDER THE AMEND- voriu iti:.i: April Mi.) An ft Woulil Itf Aiik-iiiI Sec:. 2083-Kepealed. i. Sec. LfiS4-Kepcaled. Sec. 7. That Section 2GS7 be re pealed and the following be inseited in lieu thereof: ''All the officers to be voted for at any given election, except Township Constable and mem bers of the Board of County Canvas sers, shall be voted for on one ballot or shaet of paper. The names of the candidates for the respedtive parties shall be in parllel columns, and the names of the candidates of the re spective yarties for the same office shall be opposite each other in said colums. Each column shall be head- ed with the name of the iartv to which said candidates belon. The ballots, except those for Constable and members of the Board of County Canvassers, shall be printed and pro vided by the State for every politi cal party which shall deposit with the Secretary of State or State Treas urer the sum of $200,00 at least six ty days preceding the day on which the election is to be held, and shall furnish to the Secretary of State a list of the candidates of their re spective parties as much as thirty days before the day of election, and it shall be the duty of the Secretary of State to furnish to the respective Executive Committees of such polit ical parties at least twenty days be fore the election an equal number, not less than 600,000 of ballots to each party, and if the Secretary of State shall fail to perform his dutv as provided in this seetion, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanor' the favorite tricks of the cross-roads machine, is to change the places of " the wrong box. The amendment one sheet and put into the same man a chance to vote as he derires, ballot to every man. Whata bless a poor man vote against his con- II. I, CURRENCY REFORM, TARIFF REDUC TiON, TRANSPORTATION. ,., . Th0r,Ulrld ..d l..iM.eMt iviujy.i inrwurraiirnnuiini Ml)- furtory. (interview in Atlanta Constitution.) "I think that Mr. Cleveland ought to be judged like any other pub lic man. 1 think that we ouirht to concede that he means what he says i and honestly entertains the- views he expresses. That being the case, it' 1 ,1 4 : ... . . . . . . : 1. 1 . . 4. . . 1 i; ! l.w i- i,f,...!H;,f :.. r or The Constitution are bimetallists. lie may be willing to have silver coin, but he wants gold to measure its value, or w ants it as token money. The 'belief is based on his Warner letter of 1S84, upyn his letter of last .... 1, ,;,,u.. K1111.-1 in NIC tCUU lllrtt X year. ami upon Ins inaugural ad dress itself. I think that M. Cleve land is thoroughly imbued with what we call the Wall street idea of fi nance that gold ought to be the only money so far as measuring val ues is concerned, and I think that he intends to build up a party on that line, for every member of his Cabi net was thoroughly sifted on that question, and such men as Blount, Bland, Culbertson and others, who had deserved recognition by twenty years of faithful service, were passed over and a man with a thirty day reputation, like Mr. Smith, was la borously hunted up and thrust to the front, as aPresidential adviser. "My own opinion is, from observa tions made during my service in Washington, that the Southern and Wester Democrats axe heartily in favor of an increase of our currency and the adoption of some method which would give the people a chance to get some of it, but the Eastern and Northern wings of the arty represent almost exclusively the creditor class, the money-lending interests and the national banking interests, and. those men do not fa vor the continuance of the system by which the national banks have a monopoly of the issuing of the cur rency and charging the business world what it pleases for it. WHERE MR. CLEVLAND STANDS. "Mr. Cleveland evidently sides with the North and East, His dec larations shov it, his appointments show it, his affiliations show it and the legislation which he is endeav oring to press forward emphatically shows it. There never was an ad ministration more favorable to what we call the Wall street money pow er than Mr. Cleveland's former one. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury in that administration shows that at one time the enormous sum of $39,000,000 of the tax nionev of the people was a free deposit with the national bank, a fund which thev ould lend to the business men at enormous profits at the very time when these tax-papers were clamor ing against high taxes, for more money and for some method by which they could escape the exactions of the creditor class. "Mr. Cleveland being: a strong man, firm in his convictions, he will un doubtedly adhere to his previous policy and public declarations. That being so, the Southern and Western Democrats have either to submit to seeing all their views disregarded and the interests of their constituents ignored, or they must seek other af filiations which will give them the opportunity of carrying out convic tions that are as dear to them as Mr. Cleveland's can be to him. "There is scarcely a plank in the national Democratic platform that can be truly said to voice the feelings of the South on the questions of fi nance and taxation. THE SPLIT ON THE TARIFF. "Take, for instance, the tariff. The platform declares for a reduc tion of tariff duties. What the South means by this is so material a re duction that it would eventually lead to free trade, which is the tra ditional position of the South on that question. Interpreted by Mr. Cleve land's letter of acceptance, free trade is merely an impossible specter, and what he means by tariff reduction is I a little trimming of tariff schedules with no very substantial reductions. As a matter of fact, The Constitution is light when it says that we must have an income tax and for the simp lest of reasons: our national expen ses for four years have been $500,000,- 000 per year. Knowing how things are done at Washington, and how irresitible are certain tendencies in legislation, I dcnot believe that our annual appropriations are goin to be materially reduced. We must. therefore, consider that we have to tax the people $500,000,000 per year. The present method of raising income is by internal revenue taxes and tariff taxes, and both these sources of in come are now insufficient and some of the most reliable calculators figure out an actual deficit this year. That being the case, how are we to reduce the tariff taxation by free trade or any other sort of bills unless we adopt some other method of taxa tion? If the national Democratic platform had called for an income tax we could see a pledge of sinceri ty in the statement that tariff taxes are to be reduced, for we could see where they were to get the money to make up this deficit. But as long as the millionaires themselves frame the platform, as they did last year, and do not make any reference to an income tax, how are we, as reasonable men, to think they will reduce the taxes that even now are insufficient to support the Government? . THE INCOME TAX IMPERATIVE. "These enormous fortunes are con sidered everywhere as a souree of danger to the republic One hun dred millions of dollars are not nec essary to any man's eomf ort or hap piness They do the individual no good and they are a standing menace they have been accumulated mostly in great financial centers by reason of class legislation and laws that specially favored certain interests. They have grown up under the pro- tection or tne government and un der the fostering care of these fa voring laws until their huge propor tions are a menace to our future prosperity. There can only be in every country a limited amount of 1 wealth to be distributed among all its people. The more evenly distri buted it is the more equality there i is. the more content, the more han- j piiiess. On the other hand, the mure I tendency there is to get that pivtu amount of wealth into the hands of j the few, or into the control of claMf themore you neewi(arlv ia. . . i 1 a . 1 :...l .1 : i iiroouiiiini, mr luurc criuir you nave, the more vayraney and immorality lou necessarily fill the eountrv everywhere with peoide who feel that The government does not recog nize their nehts as men. It not be itig possible to put any limit on man's earnings, the laws by which these fortunes are accumulated should be i wpt'alod and the ftrtunes themselves .,,,,-1. I t ! . '"gui ir liiitHi. ja poiuieu ui ny an the Constitution there should be income tax levied upon these millionaires and the tax ought to be heavier m proportion to the size of the fortune, and in this automatic nd reliable way there would be decrease of these accumulations, the 1 ax woum distribute the money and these millionaires would be forc ed to contribute something to tlie government under whose favoritism they have been enabled to get more Mhan their share of the produce of the country, TWEEPLE-DEE ANI TW EEUI.E PUM. 'A great deal of twaddle has been indulged in about the differences be tween a Republican and a Democrat ic tariff. The Atlanta Journal says that the only difference is that the Republicans are in favor of protec tion for pretection's sake, and the Democrats are for it for the sake of the money they get out of it. Now, if a tariff taxes me on my clothing, food, household furniture and plan tation implements to the extent of $50 a ye'ar, how does it make me hap py that the Democrat does it just to get the money in distinction from the Republican, who did it for the sake of protection? This juggle of words does not save me accent. The $50 tax is an outrage as much in the one case as in the other. The $50 tax necessarily carries the protec tion which the Repudlican says is right and the Democrat say sis wrong. And if the Democrat makes nie pay that $50 on a tariff which he says is for levenue, it brings in as much for the government and takes as much out my pocket as the $50 that I paid under the Republican tariff that was for protection pure and simple. "So far as the citizen is concerned, if you pay the expenses of the gov ernment with a tariff you must raise enough to pay those expenses, and it does not affect the citizen one par ticle whether you call it a system to protect the manufacturer or a sys tem to gather revenue. It hurts us just as bad under one name , as the other. "The only man who ought to be listened to when he talks of tariff re duction is the man who suggests some other way of raising the revnue to pay the cxi ense of thi .government, for he Lithe only man who is in earnest about it. THE FINANCIAL QUESTION. "What are your thoughts on the financial question?" "The Democratic platform calls for some sort of bimetallism not very clearly defined, but says noth ing about the national banks. Our view is this: That the currency is a thing that the government ought to make and regulate in value. That is the way our fathers thought about it, and that is their opinion express ed in the constitution of the United States. But under our system at present the government does not make the money, does not regulate its volume and does fix its price. On the other hand, they farm out to one set of corporations the right to use that governmental function for private gain, when we say that it should be exercised by the govern ment itself for the benefit of all the people. The national banks derive a princely revenue from the privil ege of creating money, issuing it and prescribing the terms on which the business men shall get it. The government does not get this profit at all, and we hold that it any is to be made by that function it ought to be made by the government and used for the people. We claim that the fundamental idea is that money is a mere convenience of trade, a neces essary tool of exchange, and that our sovereign, the government, should say what it should be, how much and how the people should get it; that no class should be allowed to monopolize it; that no discrimina tions should be allowed in the distri bution of it; that nx system should De permitted to ennance the mere tool of exchange beyond the ordinary reach of those products which it was designed to exchange, and that there should always be enough of money in circulation to allow oaT products to be exchanged the one for the other with some regard to the cost of their production. "Under any system of finance, the criterion of which is justice, com modities will always exchange on the basis of their labor cost- This price cannot always be fixed. It is subject to change, but when com modities are left to themselves to ex change on their own basis their true cost the labor price is the value to which they always gravitate, and at which most of them will exchange. The system is just to everybody, be cause beginning with justice to the man who produces the cotton, wheat or corn, it necessarily carries justice with it in all other processes of man ufacture, barter, exchange or con sumption. But when, by legislation, you have destroyed that natural ba sis of exchange, officially enhanced the price of gold and every debt that gold holds against the producing part of the country, then you have made commodities exchange not on the ba sis of tbeir labor cost or usefulness in consumption, but you have made them go t5 market and take the price that gold, artificially enhanced as before stated, is able to dictate. This unsettles the laws of trade, it is un just to the laborers, and that injus tice, commencing at the bottom of the scale, follows the - commodity through all subsequent stages, and every debt in the country commands an ameunt of commodity at the time of collection that was never dreamed of the time of. its creation at the time the debt was made. WHERE THE PEOPLE'S PARTY STANDS. "The People's party takes position right there, planU -itself iMiuart ly npou the constitution a our fathers framed it and demand that this great governiental function of making mud coutrolitig the national tool of et- 1 11 . t 1 v unuL-r, caueu money, t-uouiu in? taken back from the corporations that now exercise that delegated jow er, and should be used by the gov eminent of all the people for the Wn- ent or all the people. (TO BE COSTIXCEO.) . y. 1TIOF. EBKX ALEXANDER. Envoy Extraordinary and Miuister rienipotentiary of the united States to Greece, Koiimauia aud Servia. This is what Hartwrs Weekly says about the appointment of Eben Alexander to the mission to Greece. Professor Alexander ia not a politi- cian although the politicians of North Carolina have not only ac quired but were iu advance of the appointment enthusiastically in fa vor of it- Mr. Alexander is a splen did scholar and "rofessor of Greek in the North Carolina University. He is a graduate of Yale College, and has been a Professor aud acting President of the University of East Tennessee. It was largely due to the fact that he was personally inter ested in Greece, and his people that Cleveland appointed him. Besides being a scholar he is a man of first rate executive ability as he showed when he was acting as the head of the Tennessee institution. He is a man about party years of asre, and is described as of line manner aud per sonality, impressing himself favora bly. THKKE ItEMAKAltLK DECISIONS.' The Court Lean Heavily Toward Corpo rate Power. (Rocky Mountain News.) The recent decisions of the federal bench in Georgia and at New Orleans and Toledo, as to the legal obliga tions of employes to their corpora tion employers, will not be accepted without confirmation by the supreme court of the United States, nor, it is mcuh to be feared, even in that event without serious trouble. To the lea ders of organized labor the action of the courts has the appearance of a union with the servitude of labor. The Brotherhood of Locomotive En gineers some months ago applied to Judge Speer of the United States district court to enforc a contract be tween them and the Georgia Central railroad. They were told that if they asked aid of the court they "must now and ever be subordinate to the law and the finding of the court and that the court's decision would in future control their actions after a full hearing had been given to both sides- This was the first step in the series of aggressive movements against the labor unions of New Orleans, which was prosecuted under the anti-trust law for participation in the labor strike of last November, Judge Billings affirmed a few days ago that"the Ui.ited States govern ment already has jurisdiction over all labor unions engaged in work affecting intei state commerce." The special signification of that case is found in the fact thit interstate commerce was - only incidentally affected and that the judgment claims federal jurisdiction over col lateral interests of cousiderable scope, which it is maintained should come within state purview if the sub jects of judicial notice at all. Judge Billings then forbids warehousemen and truck-drivers, in the name of the United States Government, from stopping work, because they are at times employed on interstate com merce. The Toledo case, which has excited so much surprise and comment, novel as it is and far-reaching in its possible conseqnenee, does not go as far as Judge Billings goef , for in the Toledo case the striking workmen were directly engaged in interstate commerce. Judge Ricks issued an injunction commanding the engi neers and firemen on the complain ing road to "refrain from refusing" to handle Ann Arbor freignt. Sev eral engineers and firemen quit work, as-samidg they had a right to do so, since there was no contract obliging them to work for any stated time and since the company had al ways claimed the right to discharge its men without a moment's notice and had aeted on it. There-upon J udge Ricks summond them before him and held them to answer for contempt of court. He held that railway employees are not free to leave their employment at will, but can do so only after having given due notice. He exclaimed the right, by injunction, to order employees to do a specific work for a railroad corpora tion and denied them the right to end their employment at will. These federal decisions involve a revolution in judicial rnhngs, which have never been authorized by any legislative act and which must be verified by the highest authority be fore they will commend the respect even of persons not thereby affected. Should the United States supreme court go to the same length in dis crinating against the right of work ingmen and in favor of the claims of corporations, it will remain for the former to appeal to the ballot- and with such system and eff eet as have never yet been expressed in the to- litical action of the wage-earners of uus xree country. WOMAN'S SP1 'Moy Ulk about woman's Ffjter Ai (htmfh it had a bmit. Tttere't tut a j.laoe in ranh or heaven. Tbere'a no a Lak to mankind Ten, Ttwr' not a baw.iK or a woe. There' nut a hts-iwr re or no. There' not a hf. a Wth or bmh. That tiaa a feather's weight of worth. Without a woman ia it." KtKUK NO LADIKS. Yeath Need Utile t.latratlo-Tw I'ret- tltjr DreaM! at llme. The straight bang with its reiru Iar and uugract-ful lines is a thing of the mst, aud elaborateness is net er suitable to a young face. It is a pity to cut aud burn the hair auy sootier than is necessary. A girl up iu wfM'uwfu or eignurn is tne pret tier, and her youth the more sweetly ma ui lest in ail its grace and appeal YOUTHFlh HEAITY. for the utmost simplicity in the dressing of the hair. Of course, the hair itself must be kept exuuisitelv clean, and softly glossy from con stant brushing. Then let it be drawn softly back from the face, us indi cated in my sketch, and at the line of the forehead permit a few short hairs to escajK', not a bang nor a fringe of curls, but a few irregular locks that hang softly and carelessly whether thev curl or not. If the hair is kept iu the best condition it will hang soft, Huffy and pretty, if it does not curl. At the naie of the neck, to avoid tight pulling of the hair into the coil, let some short locks escape. As for the coil let it be just a knot of the hair as big or small as the amount of hair makes it. Wind it softly around and quite without ornament The style of hair dressing should not vary with the growing. The eve ning gown of the verv vounir irirl should be far too simple to require an elaboration of other details. The material needs to be soft and simple. the throatbared a little, and that is all. Youth will take care of thp beauty of the picture made. Youth, the soft light in the eves and the delicate color of the skin! Yet these are the very ones these so richly endowed, who fret at mamma's insisting on their dressing so simply!" In, a year or so they will wish they could risk such simplicity. Here are two dresses, designed for young women, but that upon the left is especioiiy suitable for a very slen- FOB SLENDER WEARERS. der wearer. This is because its flar ing revere and huge sleeves lend an appearance of width to the shoulders. II is made of a soft, white woolen stuff aud has a vest made of finely iutM-u uia itrriai wmuu is tseweu (O the linen on one side and hooked over. The standing collar, the belt, three inches in width, and the tight cuffs of the sleeves are all to be tucked, the tucks to be three-quarters of an inch wide. The fronts are loose and the round revers roust be allowed for in cutting; they are lined with the same material or with silk and the outer edge is finished with a ruffle oue and half inches wide. The upper sleeve is composed of one large puffed divided bv a one and a half inch tuck band. The cos tume has a bell skirt -lined with white satin and trimmed with three ruffles each two inches in width. A very pretty combination for the other dress is tan-colored cloth trim med with green velvet The waist hooks in fronts and the vest is sewed to the right front and hooks orer. The fronts are; very full and the w . Droaa revers must be allowed for. They form a double pleat at each side of the vest but must not fall in etifl! lines. The skirt is beiLshaped with a plain front and the back gath ered into a waist band three-quarters of an inch wide. The belt is made of a bias fold jf velvet teu inches wide and the ends, where it meets in the back, are turned over about 3 inches and then shirred tightly so that the belt shali be four inches wide at that point It is whaleboned to keep it in placa. The- standing collar is also of velyeV and the vest ia trimmed witb five rows of velvet ribbon. The revers are edged with velvet and the cuffs of the sleeves as the bottom of the skirt have three rows of velvet ribbon. "The upper half of the lcvrs $ a larrc pnS. ESTIXLE. " Vat al NtrlilM. Mr. KntTuK.- I joa 0cr to girethe Maahing Machine which you aJrvrti for 40 ubacribrrs. If tt is as you dcribe it, it is what every woman who dors brr own washing nerds and mnt h I fend you two subtcriU-rs ty todays . . : 1 t 1 a iumi. i win ena pa tome evrry eek till I get the forty, for I uiu.t have that machine, " . Very truly voum .IpHreetatM TV. . m pil., ilfc, KlHTilC . 1apcr I feel like cx-gratulatior ' voti on your en terra iu. I am glad you do not till up pur" paper entirely nth politics, and I want to thank j 011 for your womans column, I read it each week, but the cntei prise you showed lat week with the nice illus trations will be wneciallv aim ated by those of us who arc Mot able 4 to take fashion magazines. Your paper has something in it for ui all and I only wi.h it was t -u & lar so you could girc m two columui infcU-ad of one. Hut I really don't we how you can think of 90 many things. I will try to get yoti a club, for the women, boy and girls aught w or ior your jajer as well as the men. This is not to I I'muiivmM Your fricud IT 1H IlKTTKK TO UVK. have Kometimes felt that the bur den Of life WSI ton havv t. K... . And have longed to lie down at the noontide And rent and formd all But over my heart comc the nie- aage, Bepeated again and again. It is better to live and to luffer, Than to die to be rid of the pain." There ia rent in tho darknon of dy- inc. And end to thn u-a The grave holdi dure peace and calm ui'Dcrj No Horrw nor nain un 1 il... Hut perhaps in the struggle of liv ing Is a'soul that haa nnn.l nf mv Some heart may be bearing a buiden TL.I I 1 ... Aui my nana uiay lighten or hare. Twould be easy to nay," I am wea auu ne down and rlvn nn lim strife. To suffer no more with the heartache Ana sorrow I meet in this life; But perhaps from my sorrow- weet 1. A A - ! . ucnn-HiringH A melodv IV Afft tntV VaA arm ik And my lips when they drank deep of Buurrmg, The tenderest songs may have sung. 'Tis so hard to be patient with liv ing When all tho world ia aurr; So wearisome waiting for idea u re anat win only come arter we die; Hut even through all my complaining I can hear that und vino- refrain n:. i .... . n 11 is uciwr 10 nve anu to auner, Than to die to be rid of the paiu." will lire and be utroLg, and will suffer If need be. until I find rt When life and its '.rials are over ibeugh never my life should be blest. Though always the sun should be darkened By the clouds that hang over my way " will trust that the light will be clearer When at lant I awake "in the day. Omaha, Neb., April C 1803. J. D. Braiwhaw. Iiock, Kan. Dear Sin- I have read vonr let ter in reference to Industrial Legion. it is one 01 tne best explanations of the order I have seen. Your state ments are correct in every particul ar. I shall take stens to have tht- article copied by the reform press generally. If yoti are in a situation to do any recruiting work in Kansas, I hope you will tender vour servhw to J. F. Willitts, who has charge of Kansas In addition to the state ments in vour article- I call vour attention to the fact that the Officers of the Industrial Leeion rennnpnt the ational Executive Commitee of the People's Party. Jlr. Taube neck is Chairman of "our Executive Council. Mr. Turner, the Adin- tant-Oeneral of the Ltrwn- ia also Secretary of our Aationl Committee, and 31 r. Washburn. Oartet General, who has control of the Eastern Division of the Peonbs 1'arty. I am not a member of the committee, but you will observe, that every officer who has anything I to do with handling money, or of national committee 01 tne People Partv in the hi chest nositiona. YVm can publish this letter in the Indus a w . . trial region. 1 on will also nottee that due Dro vision is made for all officers handling money in national. bui, cuuuij anu tocai regions, to be under proper bonds, and held striekly accountable. We -can win this battle for the people, and have all the legitimate money necessary to run an aggressive campaign in !U and 96, if the Legion is strongly organized in every state. x ours truly Pact.Vax Dirvookt. P S. Also the constitution and Legion itself was written and made every line of it originally by the Na tional Committee. ' John Sherman will be 70 years old in two months. He has lived long enough to cram bis financial policy down the throats of the democratic party. Who knows that he didn't include bis tariff policy in tlie deal? n

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