CASIAN . A a ti 11 oft V 1- I I lie 2 Vl)lT()IiSCHAIH. r r THE EDITOR 0J THE CF THE DAY. Ay OF HOPE. :..t !ii.'lt that id now, had H continue to U waged on the one Hide, and j th-- r"l"' . . . a r ana ine monopoly have often feared i .i I.. would lose, and be forever i . . . unless proviuenue oy L.i ili.-jH-usation took hand i . ..tlo.t It hna iepr nil-'1'1 - lin-u-ilnesH and fore- kwliucin" --"- I 11. 4 Vw mknAn1 ia . wlttl WHICH uiuuvjwiico ..-.! t!i ir money to fool good that has at times startled ns. several occasions been V.,1,- oil 1, not iiecuuse we doubted , of our cause, or were ,.f in the courage to tight for r;i,t .vents even against 1 t.lj I. lit lte-nilbU Ulf that the ineu who were plan ;.,! i i -. - ting the fight against ,!.- were, "to l?gin with" not on ii try, but also were well or ,i. M.re than that, they were :v-mx -iated together, so that utt liei ts were brightened and , J.-w-IojhhI by friction and n.iitaet with each other. These iinle they are now congregated "Te;il ci lies, euiiuoveu uy me .i js ;nd monopolies, were not i . ii , t!n r arf a ruie; uiev are couu- v, tliey represent the highest f intelligence (not manhood) country to day. Their man ami patriotism has been sold ..Id. But we must remember, ther things being equal, intel- will always rule And we eared that these men had ar id th'it plane of intellectual ht and reason so far as above x f the masses, that we would be able to checK-mate them, game has always been to keep M'le fooled and divided. Ihis lple enough as a result, but wonderful shrewdness is shown thousands of methods they used to accomplish this pur . They have often succeeded i there were some men who saw "iT)lo ufuT u'iiru n. n ntimv i V -t 4- the people against it. If ntiinie to succeed, then there oje for the jieople. The re- 11 le, that we will suffer nntil w desperate. This was the the French Revolution. The of history contain the records v such direful results. Such a VOL. M. : , . , . I tnrougn me columns oi an nonest is pictured in Ceasers Col-1,. . n . . ; live paper. The Caucasian gives 1 o prevent that picture trom ,. . 1 . ., , u.iug, to make it possible for ; s . r , I t generation to escape such a ! s r Jie Alliance and kindred or-1 itioUS are educating, appealing , conscience and hearts of the pointing out the daDgers, ! eriug the remedy. Of coarse Sauized effort is the hope for iumpli of right, and the libera- the people. But the special hope to which we now refer r-ut which we started out to does not come from our own but from the mistakes of the rfully shrewd enemies that we Jiting. It is this. The asso- of the highly developed in thut plan out the movement monopolists, recently planned with a view of stampeding ntrv, so that the extra session feis could easily carry out the f the soldbues without an fiom the people. When genuine panic, everybody ar heads, except those who 'or a purpose. Then with a etone, and with the cold eye agle they pounce upon their '-d victims and fasten them in their grasp. the effort to get up a pauic ? failed. The country did ppeile "worth a cent" The lu the panic failed, and that pldbuga, and the intellects hey have hired to think for re puzzled aud dumbfounded, av hmkiner ph nthur in tVio Id wondering why, is the fay of hope to which we re hey failed to take into ac ie depth and strength of the movemeut. They failed to I and estimate the work and done bJ the Alliance. - ?"e stampeded many busi. r.:ah in towns, but it failed to , . o w " ' " " ! ,to the country; it did not le tue Alliance. They hired pers to lie about the Alliance, itle its principles and work, ridicule its leaders and call ranks and fanatics. TViav leir own lies, until they be- theni; they are canght in wn trap. But my fnenda. ley have deceived themselves, not deceive ourselves; they lade one mistake, they may I " ie another. It is a poor gen- hopes of winning depend upon Lis enemies making mistakes The wise general takes advantage of every mistake his enemy makes, but he always lays his own plans as if the.cnemy would act wisely and cautiously. If the goldbuga had taken into account the work of the Alliance, if they had been correctly informed us to the true situation, they might have been able to make their panic n success in spite of us. They might have been able to devise some methods that would have fooled reformers, and divide tl e.n among themselves. They may do it in the future, they will try. So instead of resting on our oars, let us push or. the fight with renewed energy, back ed by wisdom and caution we can demand. Ijtt us watch, work and pray. Eternal vigilenct is the price of lilnrty. The Ixml helps those who help themselves. SPEECH MAKING AND REFORM L1TERA TURE. We have been forced for the last week or two to decline a number of pressing invitations to speak to large gatherings. Our friends must not be displeased with us, for we are doing all that our ability will com mand, and our strength will permit. We have labored unceasingly both on the etump, and through the col umns of the pajer for the advance ment of the reform movement, and will cont nue to do so until the vic tory is won. But mv friends allow me to remind you, that the paer is more imiortant just now than speech making. With tweuty thousand sub scribers I can do ten times as much good, as if I were to speak every day for the next two years. Remember that every voter either reads some paper, or is influenced by somebody who does read. The impression or good effect of the most powerful and eloquent reform speech ever made is soon dissipated and destroyed if those who hear it, do not read or continue to read nothing but parti sans papers, that have for their, sole object to blind, deceive, and mislead the people. Besides one or more new phase of the fight are developed ev ery week, about which the people should, and must be correctly in formed. The only way to make the reform succeed by speech making, is for the same (or some other good speaker) to speak to the same audi ence every week ; especially is this true now while congress is iu session. But that is impossible, and too ex pensive if it were possible. But the same resul s can be accomplished it 11 1 1 A . . . , the true situation every week as the i x- i ugh t proceeds, so man cau stay on . . , .. the stnmn miirh of his time and , . .,, nrntwr v pnit. a. nsiTvr that will rarp- rnii nrpSp.,t tUa aitnatinn pvptv wpelr. I will go and make speeches when- ever I jwssibly can without ueglect- iug the paper. But if you will put The Caucasian in one hundred more homes in your county, you have done more good for the cause of truth, justice, and reform than if you had gathered a big meeting and had the best speakers in the State to talk for you. So let me urge you all, whether you- have public speak ing or not, to lose no opportunity, and to spare no effort to get The Caucasian' (or some other good pa per that will tell the truth) into the hands of every voter in your section. Do this and the victory is won. (tf.) STRONG AND TIMELY WORDS. In another column will be found a strong and timely letter from Hon II. R Taubeneck, chairman of the National executive committee of the People's party. He calls upon the people not to be confused over the multiplicity of details connected with the financial question. He calls at tention to the fact, that what money is made of, how it is issued, and even the volume or amount of it, import ant as they are, are mere matter of details compared with the great principles underlying the whole question. The root of the trouble, the great question, for the people first to settle, is who shall issue the money and control its volume. The first question is not the maxser of issuing- nor the VOLUME, nor the stuff it is made of, but who shall manage aud control these things. Shall it be the people, or shall it be a few heartless bankers and specula tors? The letter is the ablest arti cle we have yet seen from his pen Read it aud reread it ; stndy it and continue to study it. Keep it and study it until that great question is settled. THE REMEDY THE ALLIANCE DEMANDS THE OXLT M KNACK.' The Poor Old CjubmIxb Tariff not la it Aajr More. A financial condition which is the oxlt menace to the country's wel fare and prosperity. Grover Cleve land, June 5th, 1893. tf mm LALKS J 4.1 VITAL PR.NCPIE OF THE MONtY QUES TION DISROBED TIIKI'KOI'E Ml'HT IlKC IIIK A LI. M AT- THIXOK I'KIX II I K AM) ()M.KS .uxiii mioNsor ijktail. 'OLONEL I'oi.K VXD OTHEU Al THOIt-IT1E.-S QlOTKP TO SUI'I'OKT II Id Views. The 1'ropU Must Own the I'owrr of Mon- y or thr Mourjr I'ower the 1'eoplr. Monetary reform overshadows all other questions, and until this is roM-rly solved all other industrial reforms must become subordinate to this one issue. Why? Because "mon- of ey is tne lite blood of commerce and trade." "Because our demaud for money is eoual to the demand or every other article," and because every time we buy or sell something there is also a demand for a sufficient amount of money to pay for it Suppose you have a demand for ten different articles and go to the city to buy them. Don't you know hat your demand for money, on an average, will be ten times as great as your demand for any single article) or, in other words your demand for that one article "money" will be as great as vonr demand for the other ten combined? Suppose you keep an accurate ac count of all the different articles you buy and consume in one year. Again, suppose at the end of the year after balancing your books you find that you have bought and consumed one hundred different ai tides. Then your demand for money on an aver age will be one hundred times as great during the year as your de mand for any other article. In bus iness transactions you will need money one hundred times where you will have a demand tor any otner article but once. How do oeople gtt money to buy the neeeas-arv articles they don't pro duce themselves? The farmer gets lis by selling the products of the soil. The artisan by selling his la bor and skill. The lawyer and phy sician bv practicing their profession. The manufactures by selling his wares, and the merchant from his rofit he makes in buying aud selling goods- Thus in order to jjet money everybody is compelled to sell his la bor or products of lator tor money and then use the money to procure all other articles needed. Money is the only article we have wuh which we can procure all others it is a check upon society which everybody is willling to accept, audthe price of all products and property depends upon the number of dollars in circu- ation. Suppose the corn crop in the United States this year should be only half as large as it was last. In the place of being thirty bushels per capita it would only be fifteen. V hat would be the resultf Why, the price of corn would go up, because the de mand for corn this year would be as great as last, but the supply only half. The same is true of wheat, cotton, plows, shoes, or any other article produced or manufactured, henever the supply of an article is restricted or cut off and the de mand remains as it was, then the price of that article will go up; but if the supply is increased beyond the demand, then the price will go down. This is the law of "supply and de mand." Money; like everything else, with only this difference. That when you restrict the supply of any one article, say corn, it will effect the price of corn Only: but if you re strict or contract the money volume it will effect the price of all products and property alike. Just as an in crease or decrease in the supply of any article will produce an increase or decrease in its price, so an in crease or decrease in the volume of money will also produce an increase or decrease in the price of all other articles; or, in other words, the sup ply and demand of money to determ ine the price for which property shall be sold is as great as the supply and demand of all other articles combin ed. A corner on money has the same effect on the price of all com modities as a corner on what has on its price alone. The great question is, what is the power of money, where does it rests. and who owns itf The entire power of money, great as it is, rests in the hands and is owned by those who have the right and authority to issue it. If we confer this prerogative on one person he will own the power of money and can use it to his ad vantage; if delegated to a class or bankers as we have in this country they will own the precious metals they will eietcise it, and if lodged in Confirres8 ttthen tne people win own it. It is a self-evident fact that those wilo issue the money also own its power. The two are inseparable the ritrht to issue it also carries with it the power to control its volume and fix the price for which all prop erty shall be sold. James A. Garfield, speaking to this point, said: "The power that controls the issue and volume of cur rency is absolute dictator of the bus iness and finances of the country." Just as the air we breathe is nec essary to sustain life, so money is tne one essential thing needed to srmnort commerce and trade, and that class or trust which has the au thority to issue it exercises the greatest power for weal or woe which exists among civilized nations. This power, which can impair the val ue of all contracts and obligations which can fix the price of every bushel of wheat or pound of eotton and dictate-the terms for which la bor is compelled to toil, is too great to be trusted in the hands of any one class. It is high treason against the people for any government to delegate. this stupendous GOLDSBOHO, N. C, THURSDAY, SEPTEMKEK power to few banker, who can con tract and expand the volume of mon ey at pleasure and make aud break prices to mit their htm. Speaking of our national banking syntem on thi point, the New York lrioune said: "J. he ma-binerv m now furnished bv which in any e ruergenc y the financial corporations of the Kast en overcome or rt.it tbeir decision." Speakintr of the old United States bank, John Randolph wtid: "Char ter a bank with $:W.(HtU,0O0 of caoi- I-et it ehtablish and learn its power and then find, if you can, means to bell the cat. It w'ill be be yond yuMTower. It will overawe congress and lautfh at your Saws." Thomas Jefferson said: "I be lieve that bankini? institutions are more danirerous to our liiberties than standing armies The is suing power should be taken from the banks and restored to the gov ernment and the people to whom it properly belongs. Let banks ex ists, but let them bank upon coin or TBEASt'KY NOTES " John C. Calhoun said: "Place the money in the hands of a single indi vidual or combination and thev, by- expanding or contracting tne cur rency, MAY RAISE OK SIX K PRICES AT PI.Kasi're, and by purchasing at the greatest depression and selling at the greatest depression and sellini; at the greatest elevation, may com mand the whole property and indus try of the community and control its nsicai operations. .Never was the engine better calculated to place the destiny of the many in the hands of a few." Thomas II. Benton, in speaking of the power of money and banks of lfsue, said: "I he people are not safe when such a company has such powei. The temptation is too great, the opportunity too easy. To ITT UP AND PUT DOWN' PRICES, to make and break fortunes, jo bring the whole community on its knees to these Xeptunes who preside over the niii and renux of paper money. All property is at their merev (f). The price of real estate, of every grcw- mg crop, of every staple article, is at their command. Stocks are their playthings, with which they gamble with as little secrecy and less moral ity than common gamblers." Andrew Jackson, in speakiner of the right to issue monej-, said: "If congress has the right under the constitution to issue paper money. it was given them to be used by themselves, not to be delegated to individuals or corporations." Salmon i Chase, who as Secre tary of the Treasury under Lincoln's administration, recommended our national banking system, lived long enough to see the mistake he made: .vliich he expressed in the following pathetic and prophetic words. "My agency in procuring the passage of the national bank act was the great est financial mistake of my life. It has built up a monopoly that effects every interest in the country. It should be repealed. But before this can be caccomplished the people will be arrayed on one side and the banks on the other, in a con test such as we have never seen in this country." All our great statesmen, financiers and writers on political economy agree that the power of money or the money power ' will own the people. If we recognize this great fact as we must which then is the cardinal prin ciple of the money plank in the Oma ha platform? Is it the material out of which money shall be made? No. Is it the amount or volume which is to be used! No. Is it the sub-treas ury or any other better plan by which the money is to be put in cir culation? No. These are simply matters of detail. The great princi ple underlying them is who shall is- sae the.money and control its volume, and shall this be done by bankers, and for the bankers, or by the people and for the people who use itf Un til this question is established the others are of little importance. The latter is the principle upon which the people must speak at the ballot box, while the former are details which properly belong to Congress The people must decide the one and the government the others. The ways and meons by which money can be properly put into circulation, the volume to be issued, ,and the ma terial out of which it is to be made are all mere or less debatable ques tions. But no person can occupy neutral ground ujoa the question who shall issue the money and con trol is volume. Every voter is com pelled to either stand with the peo ple and for the people, or with pluto cracy and for a national banking oligarchy as we have to-day. Pop ulists can honestly differ upon mat ters of detail, but they cannot sur render the vital principle without trailing our banner in the dust. The logic of events has forced the money question to the front beeause all other reforms depend more or less upon its proper solution. In view of this fact it is the duty of our press and speakers to disrobe this ques tion of all details and let the naked principle boldly stand out in the full light of the sun. Let the battle cry be: That just as the right to govern must be derived from the consent of those who are to be gov erned, so the authority to issue mon pv ia as exclusive prerogative of the government and must be exercised by the people and for the people who are to use it. Col. L. L. Polk, in a letter written before his death, expressed himself on tkis question in these words: "This country was swept as by a cy clone in 1S60 with one single ques tion: "Are you in favor of or op posed to the "extension of slavery ' " "This was a direct pointed ques tion embracing the only great issue and appealed directly to the moral sense of the people for a decision. It required no education, no argu ment, to reach that eclslou- i0") as then, the people have one great, grand central idea before them the oppression of the money power; and the question, "Are you opposed to or in favor of the extension of the money power? would be a rallying cry that would enlist every voter of the land on one side or the othei." Do von want the people to own the power of money or the people? is the principle question upon which we can force a division or tne peopie at the ballott box H. E. Taubexece A TRAGEDY FLU ED ON GOICE STR SGS T OF THE L Fc 3LC0D OF T EFCE The Blackest And Most Ijawnahle TH X II A I VtU TAIKI HISTOKl. A .NATIONS Will The Pmral Ailminl.t rat ion highl The tirrat Wrung? Heap, ItiCREAit Asi Ueai A;ain. i Licjto Sentinel Clay Center, Kansas, Jan. 1, lyjj. Emtok Sentinel: I am a young mau 22 years old. I voted for the first time in my life last Novem ber. I want to know something about our bondtd debt. I know there is one; and that it was the ie sult of th e war. Hut will vou tell me something about its history? James Paynk. answer. Here is a young mun old enough to vote, and yet born after our bon ded debt was created, who is just be ginning to take an interest in Uie affairs of the government. And here is a man who was in the army th ree years before he whs old enough to vote, who will try to tell his young Kansas friend something about our "bonded debt." It is an old story wih us; but we realize that half the men who are doing the voting today know little or nothing about the real origin of our government debt. Here is our answer: In the spring of 1SG1 the bugle blast of war broke the silence of a long peace iu our heaven-blessed land. Eleven of the states had sece ded and declared war against the Union. The life of the nation was at stake. The Union must be preserved. The old flag must be maintained. The Constitution must be upheld. And (Jod willing three million slaves must be freed. Two things the government needed Men and Money, Able bodied, brave hearted, fear less men, to carry the musket. Patri otic, generous-souled men to open their purses and furnish the sinews of war. These were the two essentinl things men and money. A call to arms was issued. And what an uprising! From hillside and plain; from farm and workshop; from city and hamlet, men ralidd to the call of the govern ment. The pages of history can be searched iu vain for such a sponta neous outburst of patriotism; foi such a magnificent uprising of the people. Wives gave up their husbands; Mothers gave up their sons; Children gave up their fathers; bisters gave up their brotheis To the music of the shrill fife and drum these undisciplined boys in blue marched away to the field of battle. Regiment after legiment, brigade after brigade; division after division; corps after corps, was organized. Before snow fell a million brave hearted, unselfish men took their lives in their hands and said: Here we are ready to do service for our country. Here we are ready to endure the haidshios and privations of camp life. Here we are ready to lay down our lives if need be for Libert', Union and the Constitution. Was there ever a grander sight? Recall those old times you who are old enough to still remember them. 'And then for four vears the battle raged. Bull Run; Fort Donelson, the Peninsular Campaign; Antietani Fredericksburg; Chancellors ville; Gettysburg; Vieksburg; The Wilder ness; bpottsyl vania; Coal Harbor; Petersburg; Tne March through Georgia! And finally Appomattox! "What a grand history! What a tribute to the valor, the couaage, the patriotism of the Able- bodied Men! Behold the national cemeteries filled with heroic dead! 1 hink of the unmarked graves on a thousand battle fields! See the dangling sleeves and the wooden legs! Listen to the sighs of widows and orphans. What a sacrifice to lay unstinting ly upon the altar of the Republic! Turn the wheel! Let the panorama of historic events change the scene! Men and Money, said we. Money as well as Men, the govern ment needed! How about the Money? The Boys in Blue left home in the spring of 1SG1. They waited for months in camp for want of equip ments. They waited for uniforms They bad no money to send home to the loved ones. Landlords had to have rent; grocery bills had to be paid; the little ones needed shoes and clothing money was needed for pay-day! How did the Monev Men rally? The first $150,000,000 cost the government 15 per cent discount! Patriotism of the Purse gone to seed in the very spring time of the con test! Then comes a request from Finance Minister Chase to the Bankers to meet him at Washington, to discuss the Necessity for Money. Two propositions these Patriots of the Pawnshops offer t the govern ment in its distress in December, 1SG1; First: "We will buy bonds at the highest market price for we can fix the market price. Seeond: Sell bonds to the highest bidders we will be the highest bid ders! Neither of these propositions could be accepted. 7, 1893. I'fk tj their den rt;t the ra m.'Ofj- itarnt to it of ft j ui.tsirrr - lea icg tb sroerna j f-d. l..t he and I av it aria Qiiiii.-n men a tt t eahl. L-t it cot br forgfttm that n the v-ry day that tta eonfereuep between the Banker aud th was held at Washington not les than ft hundred thousand i onfrdrrste hUer wer eneanijel ni near the national capi tal that the sound of thrir catioon could W heard in the hall of Con gress. From the vrry spt where the con ference t held the rebel fiag eould b t.een floating iu the l r-ee on the Virginia hills. In that dire emergency, when the life of the nation w trembling in the balance. the- Men of Mobey tnrned njw.n their hels. snapped th ir fingers in the face of the gov ernment and left it to its fate. We can no Wtter exprrn.s our de testation of them than to y that a betweeu them and the nun who wore the relwd gray; lot w een them and the men who stood in-neat h the rebel ling, we have infinitely more respect for the latter thau the former! The latter met us like brave men; tin former deserted us like sneaks and cowards. Then the Greenback child was born! The Mouey of the Nation "fiat money" they sneeringly call it now came to the relief .f the gov ern tin nt. It was issued and paid to the old soh'i -rs. Farmers accepted greenback mon-' ey for the products of their labor. The people took it w ithout hesita- tion. It was honored by every patriot in the land, At the same time the government began to issue bonds. j By skillful manipulation the Mon ey Mongers persuaded Congress (that branch known as the Houe of Lords) to make the interest on the bonds payable in coin and to make import duties payable iu coin. In this manner they forced a pre mium upon coin which they con trolled. When the premium was forced to a point w here it was profitable to sell their hoarded coin and invest u gov ernuu nt bonds they did so. (Read th report of Secretaries Chase aud Fessenden upon the sub ject.) By thus forcing coin to a premium they purchased two thousand million dollars in bonds with less than four teen hundred million dollars! More than six hundred million dol lars, did they compel the govern ment to stand in the shape of a dis count! This is 75 per cent as much as has been paid in pensions since the close of the war iu spite of all the howl about pensions! This is almost as much as Germany xtorted from France at the point of the bayonet in 1871. This is more than was paid to the ank and file of the whole army dur- ng the entire four years of our war! You say it was robbery. But withhold your anathemas for the worst is not yet told. these bonds were original! v pay able in greenbacks. After the war was over the holders thereof the same men who had thus wickedlv trafficked in the hopes and fears of the nation procured the passage of a lw making the bonds payable in coin instead of greenback 4. Then they got them refunded into ong time bonds exempt from tax ation! Then they caused silver to be de monetized, leaving gold the only coin money. Thus the-bonds were to be aid exclusively in gold. Then came the resumption act to retire te greenbacks, contract the currency and establish a gold baiis. Perpetual Debt and the Gold Basis! Such was the purpose of the Bond Robbers! After thirty years what do we see? Let us count the cost. About $3,000,000,000 of gold inter est paid on a debt that cost the holder about CO cents on the dollar Nearly .f2,000,000,000 of gold prin cipal paid. In ill, nearly $5,000,000,000 in go'd paid. And vet there is about f 5O0, 00,- 000 ot the debt left. .niii ei tue amouni 01 oeoi nas 1 . . 1 e 31 1 been reduced from 2, 000,000, 000 iu 1800 to $500,000,000, that which re mains if measured in the product of labor is nearly twice as great as it was originally. After paying $5,000,000,000 princi pai ana interest, in thirty years our debt has really been increased! Here are the salient points in this bond history a history which ought to make every American blush with shame. Today with brazen effrontery these infamous bond robbers step to the front and pose as patriotic benefac tors of the nation The old soldier is pushed to the rear. ine cut-tnroat oona -purchaser is crowded to the front. The man who laid his life upon the altar of his country is forgotten. The man who speculated off the necessities of the Republic is ap plauded and rewarded. hat should be "doue with these bonds? fl 11 1 m aouiu tne puonc listen lor a mo ment to the impudent demand of these heartless Shylocks that their bonds be paid exclusively in gold? Does Justice and Lquity demand even another dollar of payment? Should not the whole debt be at once wiped out of existence and the people be declared free from th! cause of an untaxed national debt? In 1SG3 tu is great nation had the courage to wipe out of existence he "divine right by which three million black slaves were held in bondage If it could wipe out a slave-holder" claim, can it not wipe out a bond holder's claim? Is white labor leas sacred than black labor? Is it any worse to take the products of a man s labor nnder the lash of whip than it is to extort it through the process of taxation? Black slavery was Robbery of Labor, t Bond slavery is also Robbery of Labor. Let us have another Proclamation of Emancipation. Let it be a Proclamation Emanei- pSiun frx.ia th tbr-.;4..ra .f drbt. sTIlT tflflT lHY V Icotrad of a Itmdsl IVfM M Mlf f HI lllIrN f h.ft Mom-forerrry M-n.Wom.a? lllU U 1 ,l'U? 1 ' and Child. irr.i lb thrrh..3d off j which no !.andk rd, no Wor kntrr. i no T galhrrrr. no Creditor ran t ' Li ftni! A .Hl t.. TION. -Jl .TIO M. Ill Mark lag t,flalM4. lp ulanps, oa:i County. .N.C., Aug. 25th lvi.l -Kmtoh Cav. a sia: Wheu lwa at GrrrnWrt ftttenhng ft meeting of the Stat Alliance, I poke to the brrthrro ftlut the gret tn-netita to he drmd by every ab-Alliance in th State getting up a question li- 1 gme them my hott eiperietire iuour ub Aliiauce at Ru-htand. W had reached the point where it wan im possible to (jet our ruemir to at tend, the tirst evening wr tried tb ;uetion !. We n aliied it wa a god thing, 1 heard several of our members say it was the U't meeting they had eer attended, the next meeting we had a full attendance and have had ever since, and the brethren claim it i-tlieino-t interest ing line of information we have eer reached. Now many of the brethren seem not to understand how thin question box was conducted, o I promised to write to The Cai casian explaining it as U-st I could; alw it would be the means of it reaching every sub-Alliance in the State if the reform papers would copy it. 1st. Let every member write a question on a slip of pat?r aud place it in a small box sitting on the Presi dents table r desk, put in any ques tion your may want discussed, if you have read anything during the week rm think will be lnenial to the nu mb. i, lrt that be your ques tion to put in, and be prepared to ex plain it, or if any body ask you a question you cannot answer, put that iu as your question, perhaps some of your members will be aide to answer it for you. if not bv writ ing to the Editor National Watch man if it be a financial queMtott he can look it up for you as he is at Washington D. C. Better take his paper as he gives lots of information along this line, (price 50cts a year.) After getting through with the other business instead of lectuving, have your best man to take charge of the question box, let him sele jt one ques tion out of box and ank the me tubers questions. For instance supjKse you had this question. Was the demonetization of silver beneficial to the U. S. Your Lecturer we will all him. will commence bv asking Mr. A. when silver was detnonitized. if Mi. A. answers, alright, if not ass it to Mr. B. and so on, and if ie receives a satisfactory answer. ask another question if not answer t himself. 10a are not expected to make speeches, but simply to an swer the question so every body in the house can understand it; again, was it a benefit? Why not? What other country was interested in the downfall of silver, and why so? Go on with such ouestion untill vou fully discuss the question so every member iu your Alliance can under stand it. When you have finished a juestion take up another if you have time. Keep all questions not dis cussed for next meeting, aud then your Lecturer might briefly run over the questions discussed last meeting, thereby making it fresh in the minds of those who did not thoroughly un derstand it. Now we do not claim anything new for the question box, for History tells us that long before the birth of our Saviour, Socrates, the wisest, most virtuous, and the most celebrated philosopher of Antiquity, used this method to re form the morals and improve the in tellectual condition of Athens, he claimed by this system of questions to have convinced the young men of Athens of their folly and inspired them with virtues, his manner of teaching being so impressive, -"so much so, that some of the more wicked tried to weaken his influence for good, by their low wicked schema. As you will find to-day in our midst some who are ever ready to hurl their poisonous darts at our grand Organization, and when it bleed, they send up their gleeful shouts, reminding one of the wieked shouts our early ehiistians were comjelled to listen to. the day our Saviour died. But let us as an Organization be like him, who said. "Father forgive them, for they know not what they do." Yes let us push on ward my brother and cultivate spirit of christian manhood, and let our aim in life be "Help one another boys and give it with good will And never push a man because he is going down the hill " E. L. Frank, jr. A NATIONAL CURRENCY THE BEST. In a speech in the Senate in 1837, John C. Calhoun said: It appears to nie, after bestowing the beet reflection I can give no sub ject, that no convertible japer that is, paper whose credit rests on a promise to pay is suitable for cur rency. Bank paper is cheap to those who niake it, but dear, very dear, to those who use it. On the other hand, a national currriic?, while it would greatly facilitate its financial operation, would cost nothing or next to nothing, and would, of coarse. add much to the cost of production, which would give to everv brauch of our industries great advantages both at home and abroad. And I now undertake to affirm without the least fear I can be answered, that a paper issued by the government, with a simple promise to receive it for all dues would form a perfect paper cir culation which could not be abused by the government ; that it would be as uniform in value as the metals themselves; and I shall be able to p.-ove that it is within the constitj tion and .owers of congress to ase such a paper according to the most rigid rule of construing the constitu tion." (tf.) V hen yon don't get yoar paper send us a jswul card at once. Don't wait two or three weeks. We will send you the missing copy and also investigate the trouble. (tf.) NO. 4G. ORTI 1 (m lis t MM. I U II I T Till, riort E UK PtUtttt, Uilh fain in Uth of uooct and foxd, the r!t utioit of indatttiew and destruction of rrdtt and ri tidener, amid th tc:njtof all tbla oonie. the iu(;!e ftdiuotiitivHi frm the throtte of jstiita al pua r l! t-al the Sherman m t! LVjTtr thr tiMM-ratdr u.akrtltf t, w ije out the lrgiUhte fraud, d ttruy the unW ure wf an iucrruuo of our i-.irrmo; .tdn iuitrr one nun Idow to m-r ixinage, iu rtwe the purchasing jocr of gdd, mkr money t arc r and harder t jjrf. Pull tiie millionaire and tlx land holder out of the dilt nun brought ujsui t hctn by their uwn folh, and ill thtinder tone say to the luulti tudea of idle and hungry bread win ner throushotit the "length and breadth of th- land, "11 the jwvplo lie damned." The clime h.n Us-n cti.jimit ted, and Groer CK-u Und i it j.nir. The i:p. I It iii.m rat hu wbsltu unconditionally n j-.al the Shcniwii law hate txtrated the Moplc ml the Uhejit of the money power. Cowaids! traitor! Making the prt.jH-r addition and deductions, therefore, it aptrm on the faiv of the vote cimt to-dar tbt l!i ineinlwr faor either . . -j fr or are limited silver coinage, while Itf 7 opHjtkU to it. This ehowt the utter im jwawibili tvofanv independent or supplemen tal silver legieUti ni by ihia (Vtugrewa. The vote in the Senate will empha size this assertion. The n-medv is in the hand of the leople. It is for them to aay how they shall le represented in the next congress. It is wr of extermina tion, and the eopIe should tw fully aroused to the jcril ahead. It i a wanton waste of time and breath to talk further aliout democratic iurty platform declaration. It ia non sense and rot. It ii worse than rub bish. dust think of it, the Government of the Tinted .States m nr that it has not got silver dollars enough t exchange for gold coin at anv mil treasury iu the United State, and yet this dollar is "dcbad and tie graded," and called a "54-0lit dol lar." New York banker doing everything to beat it down and de base it for the last twenty year, and yet they have been Javing a premium of from 3 to 7 per cent, for these despised and debased sil ver dollars to keep them from going to protest week after wtek. HOW TUB I KOI I.K WfcrtK lihCi.IV F.fi. Dow n South and out West we aaid the Chicago platform meant bime tallism. We said it meant bimetal lism upon an equitable ratio. W. said that Cleveland etood on that platform, and we baid that if the Democratic iarty got into jower in the executive and legislative branch es of the Government, the Demo cratic larty would enforce that plat form to the letter. I remember tanding over in Ala bama one day in Col. Denson' dis trict and here he sit right behind nie. It was upon Sand Mountain, a peculiar sjot in Alabama. The jtcople are good eople, plain ople, and he says all from Georgia. They are honest jople, and you could ee it iu their faces; but nine-tenth of them belonged to the Popu list party, to the Third party, and when I arose and 6teped outcn the platform total k to them, you could see it in their facet. I stood there that day in hi diatrict with several thousand of tbcae peo ple iu front of me, and I took that Chicago platform aud explained it, and then read Mr. Cleveland' letter of acceptance aud explained it; and although CoL Denaou told me the morning I entered his district that he probably would be beaten by any where from two to four thousand votes, and although he or anvbodr else would have gambled anon it. what was the result? When we got through with the district, pledging the Deuutrati' arty in favor of the Chicago plat form, that district came up and the Third party vote vanished, and came into the old Democratic party. The above is from a speech made in congress the other day by Living ston, the great Georgia h'ather ekite. The story is applicable to other places besides Sand Mountain. Wonder what Livingston will tell the Snd Mountain people next, time? The day of reckoning is not' far ahead fot s tch deaagogues and traitors as Livingston. HOW THE OIOAKTIC CRIME WAS COS- The vote an the amendment pro viding for free coinage at the ex isting ratio of 16 to 1, was 124 yeas tO Ziij US;. The affirmative votes were cast by thirteen Republican and 111 Dem ocrats and l'opttliste, and the nega tive votes oy 110 liepubl'icans and 1 1G Democrats. The Republican majority against free coinage was 97 and the Democratic majority was Jonly six. It was noted that nine of the seventeen members of the com mittee on coinage votad for free coin age. They were Bland, Kilgore, Epes, W. J. Stone, Allen, Bank head, and Coleen; McKeighan, Populist, and Sweet Ilepnblican. The eight members of the committee who Tot ed in the negative were Messrs. C W. Stone, M X. Johnson, Dingier, Uager, and Aid rich, Republicans, Continued on seeond page.

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