Newspapers / The Caucasian (Clinton, N.C.) / Jan. 11, 1900, edition 1 / Page 2
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ASIAN PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY BT THE CAUCASIAN PUBLISHING CO SUBSCRIPTION RATES. 9MB YEAR.... .1.00 SIX MONTHS,.. - THREE MONTHS . .60 . .85 Entered at the Post Office in Raleigh, N. C. as eeconc'-clasi mail matter WHY is TUB SKWS AND SILENT? OB3KKVKK A few weeks ago the Raleigh New and Observer clipped several extracts from f huadelphia paper, exposing and denouncing Repabli can election frauds in that city. The News and Observer also added its condemnation of R-publican methods of ballot bos stufll-ig and falsifying . etnrn in Philadelphia; and closed by rfqnesting The Caucasian to copy. The Caucasian copied the extract and what the Ntws and Ob server had to say with great pleasure, saving- that we dii not endorse ballot b-x stnffiig whn comnaitted by Republicans and P.pulig any more than whn omrni'ted by D'tn crats. an atkd the N wa and Ob server to say whether or not it n dorsrd that sntirnn1. Wo further akd the Nws atd OWrvr to ay whether or nit it end ra"d ball t box stuffing in North Carolina. then addd an extract clipped from an editorial in the Washington Post in which that papr not only de nounced 'be Republican election frauds in Pennsylvania, bat at the same time, and in the same terms denounced the election fraud com mitted in Kentucky, under the Ooe bel law and pointed out how any other State that would copy and en dorse such a law intended to commit similar frauds. The Washington Post ij every vigorous language de nounced the Criminals and the rascals who would use such a law and such methods to corrupt the ballot box and disfranchise voters to turn a minority into a majority. We requested the News and Observer to return the courtesy by copying the extract from the Washington Post. That was over three weeks ago There nave been about twenty issues of the News and Observer since that time and yet. up to date, that paper has not found the room to reproduce thaU extract from the Washington Post, nor has it been able to loose its tonsrue sufficiently to say whether or not it endorses or condem3 the Sim mon8-Goebel law, the fraud3 com mitted under it in Kentucky, and the similir frauds intended to be per petrated under in Noith Carolina. It seems that the Nws and Obser ver's position with ref-rence to elec tion frauds is the same as its position toward the Saoreme Court of the State in re-affirming the doctrine of Hoke vs. Henderson. When the de cision of the Ciurt resulted in put ting a Democrat in ( ffioe, the News atd Observer praised it whether it was b good i4w or n0f . WQOn the de cision of the Court, euanci iting the same doctrine, resulted in patting a Democrat out. the News and Obser ver condemned the C urt and howled about a partisan decision. A paper that has such a standard of morals as this cannot be expected to do oth erw'89 than end rse ba'lot bx stuf fing when it puts a Democrat in office, and to howl and denounce it whn it keeps a Democrat out of effiee. The conduct of the News and Observer in attempting to misrepre sent the honest and fair electio law of 1895 shows that its smse of hon esty and decency is even lower, be cause in that case it went to the ex tent of denouncing a perfectly fair and honest law, simply because it prevented the Democratic machine in two elections from getting to the pie counter. The voters of the State will say on next August whether or not they endorse such morals. "IRATKi tY Or CONSTITUTIONAL JUSTICE." William A. Guthrie, a prominent member of the New York bar, who was associated with Joseph H. Choate in arguing the Income tax cases before the United States Su preme Court, and who U recognized as one of the ablest Constitutional lawyers in tne United States, in com menting on the "grandfather clause" of the Louisiana Constitution, say: This travesty of Constitutional jus tice ought to be brought to the tet in the Federal Courts at the earliest pos sible moment. If such a provision can be sustained as within the power of the States to regulate the qualification of voters, the result ought to be the diminution of. Louisiana's rep resentation in Congress and in the lllfctoral College in proportion to the excluded negro vote. This extract is taken from Guth rie's "Lectures on the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of tne United States' delivered before the Dwight Alumni Association of New York, in April and May, 1898 The opinion of this great Constitu tional lawyer who, in the estimation of some lawyers, takas rank with Cooley as an authority on Constitu tional law, certainly should have great weight in the consideration of such a proposition involving as it do s, the charge of the fundamental law of the land. Moreover, it cannot be doubted, that under section 2 of the 14h Amendment of the Constitution of the Uoiud States all of those South ern B ates that have restricted the suffrage may have also their repre sentation in Congress and in the Electoral College reduced. This is an Important phase of the question that should be given earnest and de- liberate consideration. "IT IsrKCONSTITCTIOSAI, AND WICX ED IN MORAL. The above Is what the Washington Post says of the proposed disfran- chlsingamendment In this State. In Its Sunday Issue, commenting upon a recent interview of Senator But ler's, it discusses the proposed amendment at considerable length. We clip the following: "It Is to be hoped that Senator Butler speaks by inspiration when he predicts the defeat of the rorth Carolina suffrage amendment. If it rought simply to make the act of voting an Intelligent and en lightened function and to reduce to a minimum tne opportunities or bribery and corruption, we should hail it as a step towards purity and wholesomeness in politics. But as we see the matter, the scheme is simple to disfranchise the negro because he is black, and to. protect at least a majority of the whites who would otherwise be disfran chised under an impartial applica tion of the same rule. .North Car ollna, In a word, has borrowed from Louisiana the iniquitous expedient whoreby illiterate white voters may retain the franchise enjoyed by their fathers or grandfathers in lH('7, no matter what may be their personal disqualifications under the restrictions imposed upon tne ne- aroes without exception. We be lieve the plan to be unconstitu tlonal, as we know it has been so denounced bv both the Louisiana Senators in the case of their own State, and we have not the slight est doubt tluit It is wicked in morals as it is stupid and blunder ing In expediency. The defeat of this measure wil be a national benefaction." It will be seen that the Post not only declares the proposed amend ment unconstitutional, but it de clares further "that it is wicked In morals and stupid and blunderin in expediency." It goes further, and declares that the defeat of such a measuro "will bo a national ben efaction." This if not said by a pa per that i9 hostile to the South, but one that is a strong defender of Southern people. The Post has never joined In the sectional cru sade made against our people. That paper probably understands the South and its peculiar social and industrial problems better than any other Northern paper. Let it bo noted in this connection also that the Post in the last cam paign supported the fight made by Simmons and the Democratic par ty under the plea of white supre macy, but the Post, like thousands and tens of thousands of voters in North Carolina, did not understand Simmons and the motives behind mm and ins machine. They see that he has broken his solemn cam paign pledges and they further see that this same Simmons and his political machine are enemies to good government and to industrial progress in our State. The Democratic papers in the last Campaign testified to the great ability and to the fairness of the Washington Post. Will they now accept the opinion and advice of that great and fair journal and undo the wrong they have done when their Legislature meets next June. WHAT THE NORTH C tROLINA MA- CHINE THINKS. Elliott F. Dnforth, Chairman of the New York D mocratic State Com mittei has recently made a tour through the Suth, and in an inter view after returning to New York he discusses the situation with refer ence to the paramount issues in the next campaisn and the proba ble action of the National Democrat ic 0 mvention respecting them. Mr. Danforth, on his trip spent several dy3 in Raleigh, where he, doubtless ascertainei the views of the .Demo cratic "machine'' which will be seen in tbe following extract: "Thav did not say that they had abandoned th9 16 to 1 idsa, but they acknawlt-dgfl thit the situation had chansed since 1S9G, and that the dominant issues n-xt year will be trusts and imperialism. That is to say, they are unwilling to repudiate the Chicago platform, bat they see that new issues of far-reaching im portance have come up lately, and that they should be recognized Even in state- like North Carolina I fouud that the anti trust and anti-imperialism ideas engaged the attention of the people more than the free s lver issues. In fact, I might sum up my observations by sayiag that the sen timent of Democracy in the South is such that I am confident there will be little trouhle in bringing about a union of the Democracy of the whole country next year." The true silver element in the Dem ocratic party of North Carolina would not have expreesed such views with reference-to silver, and we can only conclude that ChairmanJDanforth ob tained his information from such ma chine gold Democrats as Simmons, Pou and Furman. HON. FBASK Tf ASH lUSCCSSES AMENDMENT. THE In this issue of The Caucasian appears an able argument on the unconstitutionality of the proposed amendment, by Hon. Frank Nash, former Democratic Mayor of Hills boro, and who, a number of years ago, was Judge of the County Court of Edgecombe. This article is taken from the Raleigh Post of May. 14 1899 and that paper in its comment said that Mr. Nash argued "with force, the unconstitutionality of section 5 (grandfather c'ausf ) of the pending suffrage amendment to our state constitution.'' The Post adds further: "Any thing from so respected a citiren as Mr. Nash merits, as it will receive, respectfull consideration." The Caucasian will present other arti cles, in future issues, from Mr. Nash on the constitutional historical and J moral aspect of the question. THE MESSENGER'S LIE." "BALD-FACE O On the front page of the last is sue of The Caucasian we publish ed an editorial taken from the Wil mington Messenger Of September 8th. 1898, which no doubt all of our readers have read. If not, look up the last, issue and read it. The Messenger in that editorial denounced as a liar every Republican and Populist who charged that the Democrats If they got in power would attempt to dis franchise anybody, white or black. The Messenger went further and declared that anyone who claimed that it was possible for any state to pass a constitutional amendment, to disfranchise blacks without at the sametime disfranchising al illiterate whites was either a foo or was guilty o! lying and decep tion. The Messenger is now in each Issue declaring that they can do just what it said in 1898 that they would . not do and could not do if they tried without disfranchise ing illerate white "voters at the same time. If the Messenger told the truth in 1898, then its purpose in supporting this amendment now is to try to disfranchise as many illiterate whites as illiterate blacks. Of course, after this is said, we must still .remember that the Messenger is guilty of a "bald faced lie" in promising the people that if the Democratic machine got in power they would not at tempt to disfranchise anybody. A MACEDONIAN CRT. The Democratic machine in this State has been much surprised and dumbfounded by the action of the Georgia Legislature,now in session, in voting down by a large majori ty, a constitutional amendment just like the one proposed in this State. The further fact that the members of the Legislature in dis cussing this amendment declared it unconstitutional has been a stun ning blow to them. So they ap pealed to the Atlanta Constitution to write an editorial trying to ex plain away the action of the Geor gia Legislature.The Atlanta Consti tution undertook that difficult job in a very weak and labored edito rial, rne next aav an tne neero calamity howlingj organs in the State published this editorial from the Constitution and commented upon the editorial with an appear ance of great relief. -To let our readers see how weak the explana nation of the Constitution is, we will publish its editorial in next issue, but the fact still stands that the members of the Legislature voted it down and did it for the reason as given in the debate, that it was unconstitutional and unwise and dangerous. The fact that Governor Russell was forcad to send troops to Lum berton to keep a mob from lynch ing a negro who was sentenced to be hung, when the mayor of the town who is a Democrat, and half of the jury that tried the case, and bar of the Democrats of the town had signed a petition asking the Gover nor to pardon the negro on the ground that he was not guilty, is a sad commentary on existing con ditions. It shows the spirit of an archy and mob violence aroused by the redshirt Democratic methods In the last campaign. Shall such men be permitted to rule and curst, the State. The chief thing of interest in Congress at present seems to be the contest of Quay for a seat in the Senate, and the bribery charges against Senator Clark of Montana. The Committee on Privileges and Elections have just report unfavor ably against Quay. No decision has yet been reached in the Clark case. There can be no stronger object lesson and argument for the election of Senators by the people than these contests of Quay and Clark. Chairman Thompson has called the People's Party State Commit tee to meet in Raleigh on January 18th to fix a time and place for the next People's Party State Conven tion. In as much as the National Convention of the People's Party will probably be held as early as May it will be necessary for the cqmmittee to call the People's Par ty State Convention as early as April if possible, so that the State Convention may elect delegates to the National Convention. Elsewhere in this issue will be found a communication from an ' eastern farmer?' commenting on an item that appeared in our last issue, with respect to the emigra tion movement among the negroes. We call attention to this commun ication because it relates to a mat ter of vital importance to our farm ing population, in that it affects very closely their material inter ests. It will no doubt be read with interests. GLORIOUS NEWS uoma from Dr. D. Cargile, of Wisnita, I. r. H writes: "Four bot ties or Electric Bitters has cured Mrs. Brewer of scrofula, which had caused her great suffering for years. Terrible sores would break out on her bead and face, and the best doctors oould give no help; but her cure is complete and ber health is excellent.1' This shows what thousands have proved, that Electric Bitters is the best blood puri fier known. It's the supreme remedy for ecxema, tetter, salt rheum, ulcers, boils and running sores. It stimulates liver, kidneys and bowels, expels poisons, helps digestion builds up the strength. Only 60 cents. Sold by all Druggist. Guaranteed. T.1E "LINEAL ANCESTOR" - CLAUSE DISCUSSED. From Raleigh Pot t, May 14, 1899. Frank Nash, Esq , of Eillsboro, furnishes the following . rag anient, fri jx his standpoint, of the "grand father" clause, or "linear ancestor" section, or the proposed Constitu tional Amendment in regard to the bearing which tbe 15th Amendment of -the Constitution of the United States, la his opinion, will bear there on. introaueum. lhis discussion is one of purely constitutional law. It is entitled to no more consideration than tbe strength of the argument gives it. I know that man of ability and character do not reach the Fame conclusion that I do. Of eourse these gentlemen are actuated by perfect integrity of purpose. I think they are mistaken; and, as I commit my reaeons for so thinking to writing, I cannot refrain from demanding that the tribute which I have raid to their integrity of purpose, shall ba paid likewise to mine. As, however, the conclusion that I reacnis unpopular, i thins, l owe what follows to myself; certainly that much, it not more. Ail my sym pathies are with the better diss : people in Nprth Carolina, who desire the punfioition of the ballot- by au educational, property, or tax-pajiog qual nsation, or by any, or ait of them. Bat the resn for my sym pathy is this: A Democracy is m-jved to radical action only by apnea s to its prejudices and passions. When thus aroused, it has no provision and little mem ry. It is regardls-s of the fasureand forgetful of the ?as. It has its own short sighted reasons for its present action, and tbs-, to it, are all sufficing. Iusupprbable barriers make it fret and fume and in impotent wrath, lash both the bar riers and himself The makers of our constitutions, Federal and State, understood me weasness as well as the strength of Dmocray, much better than our modern apostles of the people, so they mtde the break waters so strong that thy could withstand all the angry waves of popular excitement while providing inside the harbor a culm and serene haven. Now, it is a fact that one of the signs of the times, is popular restiveness against tbe restraints of a written constitution, not so much now, u is true, as iD 189G. not so much as it will be in 1900, simply be cause the politician was then and will be next year, moving upon the face of the waters. It is true that we have substantial reason to object to both the federal and orate con stitutions. Uandidly, 1 think tne greatest political crime committed in the history of our country was the enactment or the -loth amendment. believe it to have been a prod act both of hatred and revenge. Far ther, I believe, Leisy vs. Hardin (rhe original .Package e.ist) and thu m come tax case to have been two cf the greatest political misfortunes in its history. But can I listen with patience to the politician while he tells the people that the briber had entered the Supreme Court room td had paid Chief Justice Fuller and Judge Shiias for their opinions in these cases? Or shall I believe the politicans and j in with them, wlio disregarding the means provided by the constitution iiself for its amend ment, seek by main force to break down its barriers. Conscienti uslv, then, believing that section 5 of the proposed suff rage provision is obnoxious to thfo following argument, which to my mind is conclusive. Aualjz;d it may be sttted thus: 1. For the purpose of thearaument there are no restrictions in the Fed eral Constitution upon the right cf the State to regulate the suffrage except those contained in the 15 .b amendment. 2 Suffrage is a privilege and not a right. 3. The 15"h amendment, however, makes it a right, whenever any class is excluded by reaspn of race, color or previous condition of servitude, and it makes no difference whether it is excluded directly or indirectly. THE ARGUMENT. Constitutions are not themes pro posed for ingenious speculation, but fundamental laws oHained for prac tical purposes, said Judge Gaston. f v Before the adoption of the fif eenth amndment there was no limitation on the State's power over the suff rage in the Federal Constitution, ex cept that which is contained in arti cle 1, section 4, and article IV, sec tion 4 ft said constitution.. Amend ment 15 then, is a limitation upon the admitted power of the State and the question to be discussed is the extent of that limitation, andinci dently the present power of the State to qualify suffrage. As far as this discussion is concerned, article I, section 4 and article IV, section 4 may be put to one side, though thpy may suggest what ihe future shil bring forth.. Amendment 15 reads thns: "Tbe right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridg ed by the United States, or by any State on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude." It is incorporated in our 'supreme law,' and there are few intelligent white men in the State of North Carolina who have not taken an oath to sus tain it. 1. who are the citizens of the Uni ted States of the fifteenth am&ud menl? The fourteenth amendment answers: "All persons born or nat uralized in the United States and subject to the jarisdiction of the same are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." We need not go outside of North Carolina for a definition which is as accurate if not so broad. Says Judge Gaston: "The term citizen as understood in our country, is precise ly analygous to the term sn j ct in the common law, and the change of phrseoloery has entirely resulted from the change of government. Tne sovereignty has been transferred from one man to the collective body of the people and he who before was a subject of the king, is now a citi zen of the State.' To meet hypercrit icism, 1 remark just here, that I know both of the above definitions include women ard that the Supreme Court of the United S'ates has made one of them include corporations and, I think, very naffurally and very prop erly so, though there are verv strong arguments to the contrary- Further, that women may vote and do vote in some states, is itself evidence that the term 'eitizens' of the 15 h amend ment means the same thing as the term 'citizens" of the 14th amend ment, so far as political privileges are concerned. No one wouhl con- tend, I suppose that the ballot micht J suffrage amendment incorporates 1 white men as possible. . If It was b conferred upon the white women j this of the State without eonfwrriacr ill we. t - . eve. use wise on me negro women, itiia would make a discrimination by rea son of race. s would offend against the 15th amendment. Wbyf Because the negro women, tinder these cir cumstances would be tbe citizens protected by the 15th amendment. Tbe future discussion will make this point plain. 2. What citizens are protected by this amendment in the exercise of They are only thosa I who are, or are attempted to be, d is- educational qualification from a more, perhaps, than most politi franchised on acount of raee, color great number of whites, et it dove clans, tbe evils of unrestricted suf or previous condition of servitude, not from others, and though it does f rage and particularly of unre There is no limitation upon the gen- n t remove it from a great number strleted neirro suffrage. I know eral and admitted power of the Stat of except m these particulars. In other words, the State may confer suffrage uPoa . (a) Those educationally qualified. J (b) Those qualified by ownership of proDerty. c) Those qualified by having paii their taxas All these matters are to be deter mined by the State. And in addi 'ion thereto the State may say that wemen may vote. There is no dis crimination in any or tnese provis ions, on account of race color or orevious condition ofervitude. Tie 15 h amendment was intended to se cure f quality of privilege to all col ois and all laces and it prohibits di rectly any discrimination on account of privious condition of servitude. T g' es no turtner. it interferes no more with the S.tate's power than mis. n uoes noi-and was never in tended to conr the billot uoon any class upon whom the St-tta itself had not conferred it. It is, in other words a prohibition upon tne State t jexer cis its powr in the above, particu lars, and only in those while it leaves it free to act in other particulars, Consf q lently when a general law is pissed which acts fqaally upon all colors and all races it is constitu tional, though it may disfranchise more of one color, etc., than of an- other. The cases have decided this. The following considerations must convince any one independent of ca ses. The 15 h amendment protects all races. Suppose a negro State, which attempted to disfranchise directly or indirectly the whites residing taere in; certainly the whites would p Deal to this amendment and would be protected by it. But we are deal ing now with a general law which acts equally upon all colors and all races and we are taking an educa tional qualification as an illustration. mere are, say 1UU UuU neerro voters, out of a populatiou of 500,000 who are entitled to vote under this educa tional qualification. There are 250,- 000, whit voters out of a population of 1 250 000 under this educational qualincation, who are entitled to vote. That is an tqaal proportion ot those entitled to vote on election day, supposing the equal proportion to occur on that day. Tlie next day it would be different and the nexr day after, it would be still different. So this general law would disfran chise more men of one color one day taan it would another: This would be unconstitutional one diy accord- idg to tae accident or circumstance and constitutional the next and t-iis is a reduitio ad absurd am. C infcti- tutions and constitutional construct ion do not run along these foolish hues. So repeating, when a general law is enacted wnicn aces eqaaiiy upon all races and all colors, and regard less or their previous condition in re- i-Lncung iae suffrage, mat law is a crreater number of blacks than whites, or whites than blseks. This principle, however, does n-t extend so far as to permit the State to establish a mere ly aroirrary qaa'ineation, though it does not in tr-rms import a discrimi uanuu vy reasoa or race, eic, it in tact and in truth it is such discrimi nation. Court can not close their eyes to the history of this country. I-idetd, in construing constitutional q if stions, tuey are bound .to take ju dicial notice of it. The ppro as a class was a slave until 1865. As a class, neitner he nor h's forbears could vote before Januarv 1, i867. L there any other class in North Caro lina who could fill the bill that see tion 5 describes so well as the ne groeb? Is there any any other elas for whom section 5 was enacted? The previous sections of the proposed f-uff ragH provision are plainly consti tutional. All of the designated class are disfranchised, regardless of race, color or previous condition. That class include quite a large number of white men as well as nesrroes, whose education does not qualify thf m tn -5-otf. Then section 5 is added. Whjf Simply to remoye the educational qualification therefore imposed upon all wliito voters, leaving it istili ef fective against negro voters. That is what the section doe3 and that is what it was intended to do. There is no concealment of its purpose by its authors. Section 5 was intended co aisrrancnise as many negroes as possible, and not a single white man if possible. And the meaning of this section cannot be hidden to a court, that has common sense, by a para phrastical designation of a class which it is designed to favor at the expense of the 15th amendment and the expense of a class which the 15th amendment protects in direct terms. Section 5 is an exception m both Mr. Rountree's and Ma j. Guthrie's argu ments. So section 5 might as well nave been incorporated in section 4 as n ' Xpre3s exception to its provisions Pt tting it down in plain terms as an exception to see. 4 and omitting all paraphrases, would not sectioa 4 read thus : "Every person present ing himself, for registration, ex cept him wbo was on Jauuary 1st, 1807, or at any time prior thereto entitled to vote under the laws, etc., and any lineal descendant of any person who was entitled as aforesaid to vot on January 1st, 1867, etc?" Does not this form a class and segregate it by reason of its race, color and former condition of servitude? If it does not, then the Legislature has failed in carry ing out the intention, which it has frequently both before and since tbe passage of the constitutional act, announced If it does, then It is obnoxious to the fifteenth amend ment. That amendment was never Intended to secure more than equality of privilege in voting. It Cjnfers upon neither white nor black special exemption from dis qualification. It says, simply to the State that in making your classes, you are free, provided your classification makes no distinction, in reality, on account of race, color or previous c -ndition of servitude. Everybody knows that the Federal Constitution is the supreme law of the land. Evrybody knows that eah official oath' is a recognition of this fact. Indeed, the proposed j oath ia its provisions. Shall arbitrary and its result was to di- like Virgin I us. let out the life franchise the neffme whlla not dl. blood of tbe Fderal Constitution franchising white men of the same with one hand, while, with the class It would be directly obnoxious other, we support It? Let u. how- to the fifteenth amendment. And ever, examine some of tbe argu- a monti on the othr side, ; First It Is said that If the pro-' pjsed suffrage provision dovs not on its fac discriminate aralnst a raofl the courts hive nothing to do with the discrimination whL-h re- suit from its nr;i-ti.-l nnemtion that thouch s-?ct ion 5 remove the blacks. It does from others. If there is any unnciuleof con- stitutional law which may be con sidered as established, so far as to! make it an axiom it is this, that he constitutionality of any law is ! to be determined, not by its form, ! but by the effects of its operation. 44 indeed, to saich an extent is this ! true, mai we nave tne maxim, ".Nothing can be done indirectly, which cann.it be done directly." i And there is not a case which limits tne fetate's control over pri- vate right or limits the police , power of the htat by the inter- state com mere provision of tne Federal Constitution, in the deter mination of which the courts iave not gone back of the face of the act, to tbe results which ensue from its practical operation. This is so true, that it requires no cita tion of authority. There is not a case in our reports that do?s not become an authority. There is none in the United States Supreme Court Reports I need only cite Judge Harlan's discussion in Mug ler vs Kansas: "The courts are not bound by mere forms, nor are they to be misled by mere pretence They are at liberty, indeed, are un der a solemn duty to look at tbe substance ot things whenever they enter upon an inquiry whether the legislature lias transcended the limits of its authority." So it may be considered certain that the court in construing this section will dis regard a form and look at the sub stance of things. It is said futher that under this section some whites, not education ally qualified will still be disfran chised. But how inflnitessimallv small Is thier number compared with those whites from whom the disqualification is fomowd? This is a mere minor incident in the great controlling purpose and effect of this section, to allow the white man disqualifiedly educationally to vote, while the negro so disqualiied shall not. Ah ! but, say they, the white man is segreggated into a class by himself from his race, and his former freedom from servitude Hemayexercise the franchise there , iore, Decause better prepared for it, i than nis negro confrere of the same! clas, educationally. . True, every word of it. I have myself seen men, white men, who could neither read nor write, who were infinitely better prepared from integrity of purpose and honesty, to casf a vote than the man who was addressing them. Why? On account of their race, on account of their heredity. And that is exactly what the fifteenth amendment forbids any !tate to make any discrimination about. If it does not forbid that, it forbids nothing at all. Again how ever, the lineal descendants or neg roes who were free before 1835 have not the education qualification ap plied to them. True again, but why? Simply because their ances tors were free before lSoo. Does not the fifteenth amendment read in its last alternative, "or on ac count of previous condition of ser vitude?" Would the gentlemen who have announced their fixed cqnviction that section 5 is constitutional, in sist that the last alternatve applies only to those who.have been them selves slaves? Would they limit this constitutional amendment to this narrow plane. Ah, I suppose not. That would have been too easy a solution to the suffrage prob lem for them to have disregarded it, in formulating the provision to be submitted to the people. But whatever these gentlemen may think about it, it is perfectly plain that the fifteenfh amendment would carry about It Its own death wound if it could be construed as protecting only those who had themselves been slaves. The argu ment here, however, Is exactly the same as in the principle point, with only this additional matter. Is it possible to construe a constitution al provision as strictly as the law requires a criminal statute to bei construed? All history aud all ex-1 perlenee show that it is not. I Finally the advocates of the con-! stitutionality of section 5 have this dilemma thrust upon them, either the fixing of the time therein, January 1, 1S67, was arbitrary, or it was .fixed with the deliberate purpose, to disfranchising as few AN UNFAILING SIGN THAT her Boilslnd Pimples' n iliitie laming. ance is needed. She doea not ak for IIATHQC I? ADDCHIHC help until it ia impoasible to get along without IIHIUIIU IO HI 1 LHLIUU it. Boila LlltJ I! LI U musi oe gotten na oi ; tuey are an urgent appeal lor Un llLLl i a warning that can not safely be ignored. lo ne. lect to purity tbe blood at Una time means more than the annoyance of painful boils and unsightly pimples. If these impurities are allowed to remain, the system succumbs to any ordinary illness, and is unable to withstand the many ailments which are ao prevalent during ppring and summer. , Mrs. L. Gentile, a 004 Second Avenue. Seattle. Wash , ' ays : " I was afflicted for a long time with pimples, which were very annoying, as, they disfizured my face fearfully. After using many other remedies in vain. S S. 8. promptly and thoroughly cleansed my blood, and now I rejoioe in a good oomolexion, which I never had before. Uapt. W H Dunlap. of the A Q. S. R. R-. Chattanooira. Term., writes: " Several boils and A a riotous condition, fjj any Rood. Six bottle of 8. 8. 8. cured me eompiataly . 8. 8. 8. u tne best blood and is tne only one tnat is absolutely free from potash and OMreory. It Somptly purines tbe blood and thoroughly cleanses the ryxteoa, builds up e general health and strength. It cures Scrofula, Eczema, Canaer. Rheuma tism, i etter. nam, chores, etc., by going tore mg out au impure diooo. Books free to any address by the Swift portion of it would be in the second instance. I have written the above in a very condensed form (too coo deneed indeed, to do full lustir to the m.hWn hmnu I n n,i u-il)lnr let th diMi4inn m hv w.nit aint hn.nuifkUr .nti. nan nor rvrtin I amtrwiat that it is a coustaat ource of evil to the white men of the South. I need mention only one particular. His nreseneo rs a voter her h almost entirely destroyed the in- dependence of the whit? voter and the white public man in tho South. You belong to thenlgger party." oryou arealdlng the"niggerparty." stops Ms moutn many a time where he should speak out, and hampers blm. If it does not enslave him when bo desires to vote his honest convictions or atd his fellow Titi zens in arriving at an honest conclu sion. No, the negro is not a slave any longar. .He is leading bv the nose to tho ballot box toj many white men for him to feel that he has no power in this country. His presence I making JefTersonian Democracy in the South across be tween federalism and Radicalism, and 1 fear It Is making us foiget our ancient respect for law, while it revives our still more ancient re gard for force Yet neither the ne gro nor ourselves are to blame for this condition. Let us bear our burden bravely and as far as we can be just to him. A DEMOCRATIC PAPER ON THE AMENDMENT. The Gastoola Jw Repllea to th Char lotte Observer It Pays That Truth Compel It to Side With ThoM who aay That the Amendment will IUtraachle Illeteraie Wnlies. Gatonia New (Dero.) hen the infalliable and imma culate Charlotte dally takes Issue with our Ashevllle contemporary on the proposition that the amend ment was intended to disfranchise illiterate whites as well as illiter ate blacks, we feel that truth compels us to side with the Gazette, rlf the proposed amendment were not intended to disfranchise illit eracy wherever It exists, why then it is worse than folly to propose me amendment at an. Ji tne es- teemed and all-wise Charlotte journalistic luminary is correct In Its opposition, why not come to the point directly and without "beating , the devil around the bush," and say that no man with negro blood in his viens beyond the degree of quadroon shall be allowed to exercise the glorious privilege of voting. The Observer I... Al a. . . m . . b.!iuw ueiier man we mat li lis proposition were the correct one the amendment must necessarily fall to the ground of its own weight a great writer once saia mat re- ligioa had suffered a great deal more from its friends than from Its enemies and he was right. The same might be said with equal trutu or the observer and the mea sure which it professes to befriend. Its zeal often surpasses its wisdom and discretion and the case in hand is no exception to the rule. It is doing now and has often be fore done the cause of the demo cratic party which It honestly means to espouse more harm than good. 4 4 Strike For Your Altars and Your Fires. 99 Patriotism is always com- tflendable, but in every breast there should be not only the desire to be a good citizen, but to be strong, able bodied and well fitted for the battle of life. To do this, pure blood is absolutely neces sary, and Hood's Sarsapa- rilla is the one specific which cleanses the blood thorough ly. It acts equally well for both sexes and all ages. Humor " V,rhenlneed jl blood puri fier I take Hood's SrsAprilU. h cured my humor jLnd is excellent as a nerve tonic." Josie.Ej.ton. Si Afford Springs. Ct. Hood'i eilli cure Htct ill tfi. noiMriintli.g an "only cathartic to Uk with Hood' NtrMmartlla. When Nature is overtaxea, ah own way of giving notice that m aud pimples are an indication that the system is accumulating impurities whick carbuncles broke out upon bm. canainc ir i.i j - . and nothinr I took mmmmmA . a , , FOR THE BLOOD remedy, because it ia nurarr mhiM direct to the cause of toe trouble r4 BpecinoCov, . The Eminent Kidney and Bladder Specialists J"' 'kw mm TW Mwiiu ef Iwaas-CMC at War la Us tatarstary. There Is a disciae prevaiTtrp ia Xh: country mod danrerous because as cece? TJve. Many sudiea deaths are causri t) it bean diwK. poeumc&U. heart tailare or apoplexy are cften the rcsua of kidney disease. If kidney trouble is avowed te ai vance the kidney-poisoned blood will attack the vital orpins, or the kidneys themselrea break dJn and waste away cell by ce!L Then the richness cf the blood the aibumca leaks out and the -dteier has Bright' uisease. tne worst form of kidney trouble. Dr. Kilmer's Swamp-Root the Dew dis covery is the true specii-.c for kidney, bladder ana urinary troubles. It has cured thousands of apparently hopeless cases, after all other efforts have failed. At druf put in lifty-cent ana ootiar sues. A sample bo.v.e sent free by mail, also a book telling about Swamp Root and its wonderful cures, Addrar Dr. Kilmer 8c Co.. Binr,hamioa, N. Y. a&a mention this paper. POU'S CAMPAIGN AFFIDAVIT. ONE OF HIS METHODS OF" FOOLING VOTKILS IX THE LAST CAMPAIGN. HE MAKES AFFIDAVIT THAT A PROI- OSITIOX TO rI!KKASCHIE E UKOKS AND ILLITERATE WHITE WOCI.D NOT RECEIVE A ISLr. DEMOCRATIC VOTER Ilf THK LEGIS LATURE AND DEXOL'XCl THOIMt WHO MAKE THE CHARGE AS hTEAE I NO FALSELY AND TRYING Vo VOOl TUB PEOPLE. From Caucasian Oct. ltf. The following affidavit made by Jameg II. I'ou, ex-Chairman of tbe ' State Democratic F.xcutlv Com mit Uh, during the last campaign, will be Interesting reading. Unr readers will remember that when ever and wherever It was charged in the last campaign that if th Pemocratlc machine under Sim mons got control of tbe Stata, that they would offer a scheme to dis franchise illltterate votes, that th charge was Indignantly denied and denounced by every Democratic speaker as being infamously false. Kven Mr. hlmmous. the Democrat ic State Chairman, issued an offici al statement to tho voters of the State, branding every such charge as false in toto; saying that that campaign He had been charge! against tne Democratic party be fore, and that the charge wan sow so old and so raise tnat no onm would believe It. Mr. James II. Pou, the ex-Chalr- man of the 8tate Democratic Com mit ee, in his g'teeches made) the- same declaration. IJut It eeem that in one of hlsspeeches in M or county, some members of his audi dlence expressed doubt cf the truth of his indignant denial, and called upon blm while upon the stand to know If he would make an affida vit to that effe t. He publicly agreed to do so, we are informed. The result is the affidavit below.. made at llaleigh, dated Oct. 14th.. 18'Jo. It will be noticed that Mr. Pou. shrewd, slick and cunning as he is, attempted to word b s afflda vit so as not to say explicitly what he had said publicly on tbe stump,. and yet at the same time, to say enough to make It appear that his affidavit had made good bis cam paign declaration, and fool the vo ters Into accepting his statement and voting for the machine. The following is a true copy of the affidavit: State of North Carolina, ( Uountv of Wake. James H. Pou. being duly sworn deposes and says: 44 1 have nver said that, If the Democrats regained control of the State, they intended to disfranchise the negroes and Illiterate white vo ters. I never have said anything like this, and I know that such is not the intention of the Democrat ic party. I have never beard a sin gle Democrat give utterance to such a sentiment, and I do not be lieve,1f euofc a proposition comes before the General Assembly, that It would receive a tingle Democrat ic vote. I believe that a majority of tbe uneducated white voters of North Carolina are Democrats. The Democratic party is appealing to them for aid In preserving white supremacy in the center wst and In restoring it In tbe Kastern part of this State. They are responding to our appeal, and to repay them for their aid with a disfranchisement of their votes would b folly and ingrattiude indeed. Tbe man wbo makes tbte charges know they speak falsely, but their cam paign this year is run upon tbe Idea that the people of North Car olina would rather bejieve a false hood than the truth, and they woold rather bear libels upon tbe honored dead than to itr rrgu- menu based upon truth." H gned James II. Pou. Sworn to and subscribed before me this October 1st 1808. Signed Geo. W. Thompson, Notary Public Notanal 8eal, V ' O-n. W. T"mpoD, ) . Notary Public. BJetgh, N. C. V Two n cent drumntary, rev eoue stamps attached. A LIKB AXD DEATH FKII1T. Mr. W. A. IfinM nf VitrhMlM la Writinv f.f tit. 1 rruk L tn i r-m f ti lr.ti I cape f r.nn death, caj : -xpoure after Iwliieb t-ndrd id Cuniuaitiiiuii. I hA frH)aet.t reioorrbage and eoogbel night and day. All ay d. ctora aaid I mut iooa cie. Tben I b-gtntoote Dr. King' New Die-overy for Con-amp-iou. wbieb completely cured me. I Wul Id nor h mm i I tirwit li .i.n r r coal 5 00 a bottir. Hun'reda bavc ud it . my reeoaimecdtiiuD and all say it o ver fail to -Ure Tnroat, Cbet and I. -M r troubles Keulr ai eao and 1 (K. Trial bot ilea free at all uruf stores. pewca aawk.aaay asm earM .a koaM arllav ftm too ml w tMaian aval Fill aaaaj weeiiaTl 1 v t ' - 1 r f t , I : i CI d .l - tv b . t.) 8 la Ji e a i i ei .! o tL rt b I 'm a a tei ka Bd et ba f In ll ai li 'j A ai geo to, c t! i 1 r I i mi ot I t i r t r J Kl r b ! r n 17 ' J- 3?
The Caucasian (Clinton, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 11, 1900, edition 1
2
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