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NEW SERIES.
GIIEENSBOROUGH, N. C, FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 8, 1838.
VOL. II NO 14.
t
t
MR. WEBSTER'S 8 PERCH,
IN ANSWER TO MR. CALHOUN, DELI
vcred in the Senate, March 22, 183a '
On Thursday, the 22d of March', Mr. Cah
hottn spoke at length iu answer to Mr.
Webster's speech of March 12. When
he had concluded, Mr. Webster immedi
ately rose, and addressed the Senate as
follows:
Mr. PiiEsiDKXT :
I came rather late to the
Senate this morning, and happening to
meet a friend on the avenue, I was admon
ished by him to hasten my steps, as 41 the
war was to be carried into Africa," and
I was expected to be annihilated. I lost
no time in following the advice, sir, since,
it would be awkward for one to be anni
hilated without knowing any thing about
it.
Well, sir, -Ihc "War has been brought into
Africa. The honorable member has made
an expedition into regions as distant from
'the subject of this debate as the orb of Ju
piter from that of our earth. Ho has spo
ken of the. tan It, f slavery, and of the late
war. Of all this I do not complain. On
the contrary, if it be his pleasure to aJlude
to all, or any of these topics, for any pur
pose whatever, I am ready at all times to
hear him.
Sir, this carrying the war into Africa,
which has become so common a phrase a
mong us, is, indeed imitating a great ex
ample ; but it is an example which is not
always followed by success. In the first
place, sir, every man, though he be a man
of talent and genius, is not a Scipio; and
in the next place, as I recollect this part
of Roman and Carthaginian history the
gentleman may be more accurate but as
I recollect, it, when Scipio resolved upon
carrying the war into Africa, Hannibal was
not at home. Now, sir, I am very little
like Hannibal, but I am at home ; and
rwhea Scipio Afi icaiius SouJCajoUfiacfisia
lirinTl ill., venr intn mv inrritnr'lna I aliflll
Dqt leave their defence to Asdrubal, nor
Syphax, nor any Inidy else. I meet him on
the shore, at his landing, and propose but
one contest, x "
v.i.icew .via. a i feu ... , lil. iwi aJ a hiiuii
..... . .. -. v iviii '-
" Aut cita mors, Hut victoria laita."
Mr. President, I had made up ray mind
that if the honorable gentleman should
confine himself to a reply, in the ordinary
way, I would not say another syllabic.
But fie lias gone into subjects quite remoti
from all connexion with revenue, com
mt r?, finance, or sub-treasuries, and in
vites to a discussion which, however unin
teresting to the public at the present mo
ment, is too personal to be declined by me.
He savs, sir, that.. I had undertaken tot
it P.iRihipr.riir - - -
compare mv political character and con
duct with his. Tar from it. I attempted
no such tiling. I compared the gentle
man's political opinions at different times,
witli one another, and expressed decided
Opposition to those which he now holds.
A ...I I ill ..J . . I
juki i uiii, eeiiaiiiiy, uuveri u me geut-mi
tone and drift of the gentleman's senti
ments and expressions, for some years past,
in their bearing on the Union, withsuch
remarks as I thought they deserved; but I
instituted no comparison between him and
myself. He may institute one, if he pleas
es, and when he pleases. Seeking noth
ing of this kind, 1 avoid nothing. Let it
be remembered, that the gentleman began
the debate, by attempting to exhibit a
contrast between the present opinions and
conduct of my friends and myself, and our
recent opinions and conduct. Here is the
first charge of inconsistency ; let the pub
lic judge, whether he has made it good.
He says, sir, that on several questions I
have taken different sides, at different
times :. let him show it. If he shows any
change of opinion, I shall be called on to
give a reason, and to account for it. 1
leave it to the country to say whether, as
yet, he has shown any such thing.
But, sir, before attempting that, he ha?
something else to say. He had prepared,
it seems, to draw comparisons himself
He had intended to say something, if time
had allowed, upon our respective opinions
and condu t in regard to the war. If time
had allowed i Sir, time docs allow lime
must allow. A general remark of that
kind ought not to be, cannot be, left to
produce its effect, when that effect is ob
viously intended to lie unfavorable. Why ,
did the gentleman allude to my votes, or
'my opinions, respecting' the war, at all,;
unless he had something to say? Does he
wish to leave an undWim'd impression that
.something'' wjis'oiev or something said,
by mo, ncttiapablc of defence or jus
tification"? something not reconcilcablc with
true patriotism ? lie means that, or noth
ing. Anii'now, sir, let him bring thd mat
ter forth : let htm take the responsibility
of . the aec.usprfl! let him state his facts.
I am here to aitswdr . I m here, this day,
, to answer. ISoW is the time, and now the
" hour. I thing wc read, sir, that one of the
good spirits would not bring against the
arch enemy of mankind a railing accusa-
ui:ii ; unu wuai is railing, uui general re
proach an imputation, without fact, time
or circumstance ? Sir, I call for particu
lars. The gentleman, knows mv whole
conduct well : indeed, the journals slioiv it
.'ill, from the moment I came into Congress
Jill the peace. If I have done, then, sir,
.-.any thing unpatriotic any thing which,
. as far as love to country goes, will not
bear comparison with his, or any man's
conduct let it now be stated. Give me
the fact, the time, the manner. He speaks
of the war: that which we cal the late
war, though it is now twenty years since
it terminated. He would leave an impres
sion that I opposed it. How ; 1 was. not
in Congress when war was declared, nor
in public life, anywhere. I was pursuing
ray profession, and keeping company with
judges, sheriffs, and jurors, and plaintiffs
ami di fendants. If 1 had been in Con
gross, and had enjoyed the benefit of hear
ing the honorable gentleman's speeches,
for all I can sav I might have concurred
with him. But I was not in public life.
I never had been, for a single hour; and
was in no situation, therefore, to oppose
or to support the declaration of war. 1
am speaking to the fact, sir; and if the
gentleman has any fact, let us know it.
Well, sir, I came into Congress during
the war. I found it waged, and raging.
And what did 1 do hero to oppose it .
Look to the journals. Let the honorable
gentleman tax his memory. Bring up any
thing, if there be any thing to bring up
not snowing error of opinion, but showing
want ot loyalty or hdcl ity to the country.
I did not agree to all that was proposed,
nor did the lionorable member. 1 did not
approve of every measure, nor did he.
The war had been preceded by the re
strictive system, and the embargo. As a
private individual, I certainly did not think
well of these measures. It appeared to
me the embargo annoyed us as much as
our enemies," while it destroyed the busi
ness and cramped the spirits of the peo
ple. In this opinion I may have been right or
wrong, but the gentleman was himself of
the same opinion. He told us, the other
day, as a proof of his independence of
party, on great questions, that he differed
with his friends on the subject of the cm
biifjo. He was decidedly and unalterably
opposed to it. 'It furnishes, m his judg
incur, therefore, no imputation cither ,on
my patriotism, or the soundness of my po
litical opinions, that I was opposed to it al
so. I mean opposed in opinion : for 1 was
not ia Congrcsr and dd nolhiiig t do
with the act creating the embargo. And
as to opposition to measures fox, carrying
on the war, after I came into Congress, I .
again say, let the gentleman specify let,
him lay his finger on any thing, calling for
an answer, and he shall liHve an answer.
Mr. President, you were yourself in the
House during a" considerable' purt of 'tlii
time. The honorable gentleman may m.i'r
.i witness ot you. Ho mav make a wit
ness of any body else. He may be his
own witness, Give us but some fact,
soma charjreT o,utlmiJ.cublo in itself
cither of being proved or disprovod. Prove
any thing, state any thing, not consistent
with honorable and patriotic conduct, and
I am ready to answer it. Sir, I am glad
this subject has been alluded to, in a man
ner which justifies me in taking public no
tice of it ; Secause I am well aware that,
for ten years past, infinite pains have been
taken to find something', in the range of
these topics, which might create prejudice
against me in tho country. The journals
have all been poured over, and the reports
ransacked, and scraps of paragraphs, and
half sentences have been , collected, put
together in the falsest manner, and then
made to flare out, as if there had been
some discovery. But all this failed. The
next resort was to supposed correspon
dence. My letters we're sought for, to
learn if in the. confidence of private friend
ship I had never said any thing which an
enemy could make use of. With this view',
the vicinity of my former residence has
been searched, as with a lighted candle
New Hampshire has been explored, from
the mouth of the Merrimack-to the White
Hills. In one instance a gentleman had
left the State, gone five hundred miles off",
and died. His papers were examined- a
letter was found, and I have understood it
was brought to Washington a conclave
was held to consider it, and the result was,
that if there was nothing else against Mr.
Webster, the natter had better be let a
lone. Sir, I hope' to make every hotly of
that opinion who brings ngahst me a
charge of want of patriotism. Errors of
opinion can, be found, doubtless, on many
subjects but as conduct flows from the
feelings which animate the heart, I know
that no act of my life has had it? origiii in
the want of ardent love of country.
Sir, when I came to Congress, I found
the honorable gentleman a leading mem
ber of the House of Representatives.
Wclisir, in what did we differ? One of
the first measures of magnitude, after I
came ncrc, was jvir. uuiiass proposition;
for a bank. It was a war measure. It
was urged as being absolutely necessary to
enable Government to carry on the war.
Government wanted revenutt such a bank
it was hoped would furnish it ; and on that
account it was most warmly pressed and
urged on Congress. You remember all
this, Mr. President. You remember how
mucli some per
of the war and the salvation of the coun
try depended on carrying that measure
Yet, the honorable member from South
Carolina opposed this bilL. He now lakes
to himself a good deal of merit --none too
much, but still a good deal of merit, for
having defeated it.-' Well, sir, I agreed
with him. It was a tnere; paper. ban k-?v-a
mere niachiuc for fabrreoiih jiricdecinalile
paper. It was a new form for paper mon
ey ; and instead of benefitting the country,
I thought it would plunge it deeper and
deeper in difficulty. I made a speech on
the subject : It has often been quoted.
There it i ; let whoever pleases, read and
examine iu t am not proud of it, for any
ability it exhibits; tn the other hand, I
am not ashame'd qf it, for the spirit which
it manifests. But, sir, I say again, that
the gentleman himself took the lead, a
gainst this measure this darling measure
of the administration. I followed him ; if
I was seduced into error, or into unjustifi
able opposition, there sits my seducer.
What, sir, wcroothci leading sentiments,
or leading measures of that day ? On
what other subjects did men differ? The
gentleman has adverted to one, and that a
most important one ; I mean the navy.
He says, and says truly, that at tho coni
menceuieiit of the war, the navy was un
popular. It was unpopular with his friends,
who then controlled the politics of the
country. But he says he di lie red with his
friends ; in this respect, he resisted party
influence, and party connexion, and was
the friend and advocate of the navy. Sir,
I commend him for it. He showed his
wisdom. That callant little navy soon
fought itself into favor, and showed that
no man, who had placed reliance on it, had
been disappointed.
Well, sir, in all this, I was exactly of
the same opinion as the honorable gentle
man. Sir, I do not know when my opinion o
the importance of a naval force to the Uni
ted States had itsongin. I can give nodatc
to my sentiments on this subject, because
I never entertained different sentiments.
I remember, sir, that immediately aftcreo
ming into my profession, at a period when
the navy was most unpopular, when it was
called by all sorts of hard nau:i.s, and desig
nated by many coarse epithets, on one of
those Qccaiot4, on which vo'iiii; men ad
Less their neighbors, 1 ventured- to put
forth a boy's hand tit defence bt the navy.
I insisted on its importance, its adaption to
ourcircumstanccs, and to our national char
acter ; and iu indispensable necessity, - if
wc intended to maintain and extend our
commerce. 1 hesc opinions and sentiments
1 brought into Congress ; and, so far as I re-
member, it was the first or aiooug the first,
times iu which 1 presumed to speak on the
topics of ,the. day, that 1 attempted to
urge on the House a greater attention
to the naval serviee. There wero di
vers modes of prosecuting the war. On
these modes, or on the degree of attention
and expense which should be bestowed on
each, different men held different opinions.
I confess I looked with most hope to- the
results of naval warfare, therefore 1 invok
ed Government to invigorate and strength
en that arm of the national defence. I in
voked it to seek its enemy upon thcr seas
to go where every auspicious indication
pointed, and where .the whole heart and
soul of the country would go with it.
Sir, we were at war with the greatest ma
ritime Power on earth. England had gain
ed an ascendency on the seas over the
whole combined Powers of Europe. She
had been at war twenty years. She , had
tried her fortunes on the continent, but ge
nerally with no success. At one time the
whole continent, had been closed against
her. A long line of armed exterior, an un
broken hostile array frowned upon her from
the gulf of Archangel, round the promonto
ry of Spain and Portugal, to the foot of (tic
boot of Italy. There was not a port Which
an English ship could enter. Every where
on the land thcgenius of her great enemy
h id triumphed. He had defeated armies,
crushed coalition, and overturned thrones :
but,- like the fabled giant, ho wa's" uncon
querable only while he touched the land.
On the ocean, he was powerless. That
field of fame was his adversary's, and her
meteor flag was streaming in ttiumph all
over it.
To her maritime ascendency, England
owed every thing, and we were now at war
with her. One of the charming of her po
ets had said of her, that
' Her inarch is o'er the mountain wave,
" Her home is on the deep,"
Now, sir, since we were at war with her, I
was for intercepting this march : I was for
calling upon her, and paying our respects
to Iter at home ; I was for giving her to
know that we too, had a right of way over
the seas, and that our marine officers and
our sailors were not entire strangers on the
bosom of the deep: I was for doing some
thing more with our navy, than to Keep it
on our shores, for the protection of our own
coasts and own harbors : I was for giving
play to its gallant and burning spirit; for
allowing it to go forth upon the seas, and
to encounter, n an open and an equal
field, whatever the, proudest or the bravest
of the enemy could bring against it. I
knew the character of its officers, and the
spirit of its seaman ; and I knew that, in
their hands though the flag of the country
might go down to the bottom, while they
wehf w i tIiTt7 yet that i t could never "be d is-"
honored or disgraced.
Since she was our enemy and a most
powerful enemy I was for touching her,
if wo oould in the very apple of her cye7
for reaching the highest leather in her cap;
for clutching at tho very brightest jewel
in her crown. There seemed to me to be
a peculiar-propriety. in all , this'asr the wart
was imdertaken for the redress of nariti'iie7'
injuries alone. It was a war declared for
free trado and sailors' rights. The ocean,
therefore, was the proper theatre for deci
ding this controversy with our enemy, and
on Jhat thcatro my ardent wish was, that
our own power should be concentrated to
the utmost.
So much, sir, for my conduct and opin
ions as connected with it. And, as I do
not mean to recur to this subject often, nor
cver,unle8s indispensably necessary, I re
peat the demand for any charge, any ac
cusation,, any allegation whatever, that
throws me behind the honorable gentleman
or behind any man, in honor, in fidelity, in
devoted love to that country in which I was
born, which has honored me, and which I
serve. I, who seldom deal in defiance,
now, here, in my place, boldly defy the
honorable member to put his insinuation
in the form -of a charge, and to support that
charge by any proof whatever.
The gentleman has adverted to the sub
ject of slavery. On this subject, he says I
have not proved myself a friend to the
South. Why, sir, the only proof is, that
I did not vote for his resolutions. '
Sir, this is a very grave matter, it is a
subject, very exciting and inflainable. 1
take, of course, all the responsibility be
longing to my opinions ; but I desire these
opinions to be understood, and fairly sta
ted. If l am to be regarded as an enemy
to thd South, because I could not support
the gentleman's resolutions, be it so. I
cannot purchase favor, from any quarter, by
the sacrifice of clear and conscientious con
victions. The principal resolution declar
ed that Congress had plighted its faith not
to interfere, either with slavery or the slave
trade, in the District of Columbia.
Now, sir, this is quite a new idea. I
never heard it advanced until this session.
I have heard gentleman contend, that no
such power was in the constitution ; but
the notion, that though the constitution con
tafned no prohibition, vet that Congress had
plighted its faith, not to exercise such a
power, is an entire novelty, so far as 1
know. I must say, sir, it appeared to me
little else than an attempt to put a pro
hibitioti into the constitution, because thvrc
was none there already. For this suppos
ed plighting of the public faith, or the faith
of Congress, I saw no ground, cither in the
history of -the Government, or in any out
fact, or in any argument. 1 therefore could
hot vote for the proksi tion.
Sir, it u now several year, since I took care
to make my opinion known, that this Govern
ment has, vjitstitutitrtially, nothing to do with
slavery, as it exists in the States. That opin
ion is entirely unchanged. 1 stand steady by
the resolution of the House of Representatives,
adopted, after much consideration, at the com
mencement of the Government -which was,
that Congress has no authority to interfere
in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treat
ment of them, within arty of the States ; it re
maining with the several Nr.-ites alone to pro
yule any regulations therein, which humanity
and true policv in ay require. This, in my opiii
ion, is the constitution, ami the law. I reel bound
hv it. I have quoted the resolution often. It
expresses the judgment1 of tin n ot' all parts of
the country, deliberately funned, in a cool time
and it expresses my judgment, and 1 shall ad
here to it. Bui this has nothing to do with the
ether constitutional question; that is to say,
the mere constitutional question, whether Con
gress has the power to regulate slavery and the
slave trade, in the District of Columbia.
On such a question, sir, 'when I am asked
what the Constitution is, or whether any power
granted by it, has been compromised away ; or,
indeed, could he compromised away I inustcx
prci1 my honest opinion, and always shall ex
press ,t, if I say any thing, notwithstanding it
may not meet concurrence either in the South,
or the North, or the East, or the West. I can
not express, by my vote, what I do not believe.
He has chosen to bring that subject into this
dcltate, with which it has no concern, but he
may make the most of it, if he can produce un
favorable. impressions oil t he - South, from ' my
neca tivtr to- ht fifth rfaohtttott - As to the rest
of tiicun, they wero common-places, generally,
or abstractions ; in regard to winch, one may
well not feel hunselt eatled on to voto at all.
And now, sir, in rejn.nl to the tariff. That is
a long chapter, but i am quite ready to go over
it with the honorable member.
He charges me with inconsistency. That
may depend on deciding what inconsistency is,
in respect to such subjects, and how it is to be
proved. I will state the facts, fof J have them
in my mind somewhat more fully than the hon
orable member lias-'himself presented thcni.
Let us begin at the beginning. In lolo, I vot
ed against the tariff' law, which then passed.
In lwl, 1 again voted, against tlm tariti law,
which was then proosed, and which passed. A
majority ot lev hnglauu votes, m lfJ was
against the tantr system, the bill received
but one vote from Massachusetts ; but it passed.
TliQ policy was established ; New England ac
quiesced in it, conformed her business and pur
suits to it ; embarked her capital, and employed
her labor hi manufactures; arid 1 certainly ad
mit that, troni that time, 1 have ieit bound to
support interests thus called into being, and in
to importance, by the settled policjLof the gov
ernment 1 have stated this often here, ana of
ten elsewhere. The ground is-defensible, and
1 maintain it '
As to the resolutions adopted in Boston, in
1320, and which resolutions he has caused to be
read, and which he says he presumes I prepared,
I have no recollection of having drawn the res-
oiutions, ana uo not believe i uia. nun was
at the meeting,., a ndidreicd,lbQ..nAet!ngwJUll;
what I said on that occasion has been produced
here, and read ii tho Senate years ago.
The rtsoIut(ons,-sir, were opposed to the com
mpncinir of a hitrh tariff oolicv. I was ODrtosed
n " n i f , 1'
to it, and-spokcragatnst H the city ot Boston
was spposod, to it the Commonwealth pt Mas
sachusetts was opposed to it. Remember, sir,
that this was in l).1 This opposition contin
ued till 1924. The votes aH show this. But
i 12 1, the question was decided the Govern-
tpeot entered upon the policy : it lnviteu men
to embark their property and their means of liv
ing in it Individuals have done this to a great
extent; and, therefore, I say, so long as the
manufactures shall need reasonable and just
protection from Government, I shall be dispos
ed to give it to tnem. What is there, sir, m all
tnis, tor the gentleman to complain of 1 Would
he have us to always oppose the policy, adopted
by the country, on a great question ! Would
he have minorities never submit to the , will of
majorities 1
1 remember to have said, sir, at the meeting
in faneuil nail, tnat protection appeared to be
regarded as incidental to revenue, and that the
incident could not be carried tairly above the
principal : in other words, that duties ought not
to be laid for the mere object of protection. I
believe that was substantially correct. I be
lieve that if the power of protection be infer
red only from the revenue power, the protec
tion could only be incidental
But, I have said in this place before, and I
repeat now, that Mr. Madison's publications,
after that period, and his declaration that the
convention did intend to grant the power of
protection, under the commercial clause, pla
ced the subject in a new and clear light I
will add, sir, that a paper drawn up by Dr.
Franklin, and read by lum to a circle of friends
a Philadelphia, on the eve of the assembling of
me convention, respecung mo powers wnicn
the proposed new Government ought to possess,
shows, perfectly plainly, that, in regulating
commerce, it was expected Congress would a
dopt a course, which should, to some degree,
pietect the manufactures of the North. He
certainly went into the convention himself un
der that conviction.
Well, sir, and now what does the gentleman
make out against me in relation to the tariff!
What laurels docs ho gather in this part of Af
rica 1 I opposed the jtolicy of the tariftj untd
it had become the settled and established policy
of the country. 1 have never questioned the
constitutional power of Congres to grant pro
tection, except so tar as the remark goes, made
in Faneuil ball, which remark respects only the
length to which protection might properly be
carried, so fur as the power is derived Irom the
authority to lay duties ortimports. But the pol
icy being established, and a great part of the
country having placed vast interests at stake
in it, I have, net disturbed it ; on the contrary,
I. have insisted that iLought tjot jo be disturbed
It there be inconsistency in all this, the gentle
man .s at liberty to blazen it forth ; let him see
what he can make of it
Here, sir, 1 cease to speak of myself ; and
respectfully ask pardon of the Senate for
having so long detained it, upon any thing
sO unimportant aYoyhat relates merely to
to my own public conduct and opinions.
. Sir, the honorable member is pleased to
suppose that our spleen is excited, because
he has interfered to snatch from us a victo
ry over the Administration. If he means
by this any personal disappointment, I shall
not think it worth while to make a remark
upon it. If he means a disappointment at
his quitting us while wc were endeavoring
to arrest the present policy of the adminis
tration, why then, I admit, sir, that I, for
one, felt that disappointment deeply. It
is th? policy of the Administration, its prin
ciples, and its measures which I oppose. It
is not persons, but things ; not men, but
measures. 1 do wish most fervently to put
an end to this anti commercial policy, and
if the overthrow of the policy shall be fol
lowed by the political defeat of its authors,
why, sir, it is a result which I shall endea
vor to meet with equanimity.
Sir, as to the honorable member's rescu
ing the victory from us, or as to his ability
to sustain the Administration in this policy,
there may be a drachm of a scruple about
that; I trust the citadel will yet be storm
ed, and carried, by the force of public op
inion, and that no Hector will bo able to
defend its walls.
But now, sir, I must advert to a declara
tion of the honorable member, which, 1
confess did surprise inc. The honorable
member says, that, personally, he and my
self have been on friendly terms, but that
wc always differed on great constitutional
questions ! Sir', this is "astounding And
yet i " was -partly prepared for it-; for I sat
here the other day, and held my brcVdi
while the honorable gentleman declared
and repealed, that he always belonged to
the State-rights party ! And he means,
by what he has declared to-day, that he has
always given to the Constitution a construc
tion more limited, better guarded, less fa
vorable to the extension of the powers of
this Government, than that which I have
given to it. He has always interpreted it
according to the strict doctrine of the
school of State rights ! Sir, if the honor
ablo member ever belonged, until very
lately, to the State-rights party, the connex
ion was very much like a secret marriage.
And never was secret better kept. Not
only were the espousals not acknowledged,
bqt all suspicion was avoided. There was
no known familiarity, or even kindness be
tween them. On the contrary, they acted
like parties who were not at all fond of
each other's company.
Sir, is there a mar., in my hearing, among
all the gentlemen now surrounding us, ma
ny of whom of both Houses, have been
here many years, and know the gentleman
and myself, perfectly ; is there one, who
ever heard, supposed, or dreamed, that the
honorablo jnotobcr belonged to the state
rights party before the year 1825 ? Ckn
any such " conncitwbe proved upo hinv
can lie prove u upvu uuuscii, ucwib "
timet
Sir, I will show you, before I resume my
seat, thatit was not Tintil after the gentle
man took bts seat-in the chair which you ;
now occupy, that any public manifestation,
or mtimation, was ever given by him, ofj
his having embraced the peculiar doctrines i
of the State-rights partjr. -
The truth is, sir, the honorablo gentle
man had acted a very important and use
ful part during the war. But the war ter
minated. Toward the close of the ses
sion of 1814 '15, wc received the newa
of peace. This closed the 13th Congress.
In the fall of 1815, the 14th Congress as
sembled. It was full of ability, and tho
honorable gentleman stood high among its
distinguished members. He remained in
the House, sir, through the whole of that
Congress ; and now, sir, it is easy to bo
shown, that during those two years, the
honorable gentleman took ft decided lead,
in all those great measures, which he has
since so often denounced, as unconstitu
tional and oppressive the bank, the tariff,
and internal improvements. " The war be
ing terminated, the gentleman mind turn
ed itself toward internal administration
and improvement. He surveyed the whole
country, contemplated all Us resources, saw
what it was capiible of becoming, and bcld
a political faith, not so narrow and con
tracted as to restrain lum from useful and
efficient action. He was, therefore, at
once, a full length ahead of all others, in
measures, which were national, and which
required a broad arid liberal construction of
the constitution. This is historic truth.
Of his agency in the bank, and other meas-.
urcs connected with- the currency, i tiavo
already spoken, and ' I do not understand
hi in to deny any thing which I have said,
n that particular. Indeed, I have said
nothing capable of denial.
iSow allow me a few- words upon the
tariff. The tariff of 1816 was distinctly a
South Carolina measure. Look at the
votes, and you will see it. It was a tariff,
for the bene 111 of South Carolina interests, ,
and carried through Congress by South
Carolina votes, and South Carolina influ
ence. Even the minimum, sir, the so-much-
reproached, the abominable minimum, that
subject of so much angry indignation and -
wrathful .rhetoric, is .jm. houuuirxL origin,
and has a South Carolina parentage.
Sir, tho contest on that occasion was,
chiefly, between the cotton-growers at
home, and the importers of cotton fabrics
from lndta.s : These India fabrics- were
made from the cotton of that country.
Tho people of this country were using cot
ton fabrics, not made of American cstton,
and, so far, they were diminishing the de
mand 10. such cotton. The importation of
India cottons was tht.ii very large, and this
bill was designed to put au end to it, and,
with the help of the miwwuu, it did put
an end to it. The cotton manufactures of
the North Were then in their infancy.
They had some friends in Congress, but if
I recollect, the majority of .Massachusetts
members, and of iew England members
were against this cotton tariff of 1810. I
remember well that the main debate was,
between the importers of India cottons, in
the North, and the Cotton growers of tho
South. The gentleman" cannot deny tho
truth of this or any part of it. Boston op
posed this tariff, and Salein opposed it,
warmly and vigorously. But the honora
ble member supported it, and tho law past
ed. And now be it always remembered,
sir, that that act passed on the professed
ground of protection; hut it had in it tho
minimum principle, and that the honorabla
member and other leading gentlemen from
his own State, supported it, voted for it,
and curried it through Congress.
And now, sir, we come to the doctrino
of internal improvement that oilier usur
pation, that other oppression, which has
come so near to justitying violent abrup
tion of ihc Government, and scattering tho
fragments of the Union to the four winds.
Have the gentleman's State-rights opinions
always kept hun aloof from such -unhallowed
infringements of the CQiistitutiori ? Ho
says he always diflere d with'me on consti
tutional questions. How was it in this,
most important, particular I Has be here
stood on the ramparts, brandishing his glit
tering sword against assailants, and hold
ing out a banner of defiance ! Sir sir
sir it is an indisputable truth, that he is
himself the man the ipse that first brought
forward, in Congress, a scheme of general
iuternal improvement, at the expense, and
under the authority of this Government.
He, sir, is the very loan, the ipsi minus
ipse, who, considerately, and on a settled
system, began these unconstitutional meas
ures, if they be unconstitutional. And
now for the proof.
The act incorporating the Bank of tho
United States was passed in April, 1810. '
For the. privileges of the charter, the pro
prietors of the bank were to pay to Gov
ernment a bonus, as it wascalicd, of one
million five hundred thousand dollars, iq
certain instalments. Uovcrinncut also
took seven millions in the stock of tho
bank. Earlyjn the next sesssion of Con-
gress that is, in LKjcerober, 1816 tho
honorable member moved, in the House of
Representatives, that a committee be ap-
itoiutcd to consider the propriety of setting
apart this bonus, and also the dividends on
the stock belonging to tbe United States,as
a permanent fund .for internal improvement-
Ilie committee was appointed, and tho
honorable in ember was made its chairman.
He thus originated the plan, and took the
lead in its execution.- ShbrtlyTifterwards,
he reported a bill carrying out the objects
for which the committee had been appoint
ed. This bill provided that the dividends
on the seven millions of bank stock bc
longing to Government, and also the whole
'I
k
N.-8